Commemorating the centenary anniversary of the 1916 Easter Rising

The Centenary anniversary of the 1916 Easter Rising is now less than two years away.

This hugely significant date in the history of the Irish nation should be marked in an appropriate, sensitive and inclusive manner.

Any commemoration should be a fitting popular acknowledgement of the past but also, and just as importantly, an opportunity for all of us - political representatives and citizens alike - North and South, to engage in a serious discussion about what kind of an Ireland we want to build for the future.

But as yet, no plan, no proposal and no programme of events, outlining how, where or what the Government intends to organise to mark this event has been published. This should be a cause for concern.

Indeed, the only idea mooted by senior members of the Cabinet so far has been to invite members of the English royal family to whatever ceremony eventually takes place.

Compounding the Government's bungling approach has been the shabby treatment of the relatives of those who fought on Easter Week 1916.

The Government was forced to retract earlier media briefings that relatives would not be accommodated at the official ceremonies.


Meanwhile the prospect of the buildings, streets and laneways of history around Moore Street and the last headquarters of the leaders of the a Rising, being demolished to facilitate the building of a shopping centre, has understandably shocked and deeply angered many citizens

This Government's extremely tardy attitude to marking the most important single event in modern Irish history, stands in stark and shameful contrast to the way other states acclaim those who fought for their freedom and independence.

Any state-organised commemoration should be inclusive and involve much more than a mere military parade in Dublin.

There is huge scope for associated cultural events in all 32 Counties of Ireland which would bring home the ideals and history of 1916 to the whole population of the island, young and old.

There is an unprecedented opportunity also to involve the Irish diaspora in the public life of the nation by ensuring the involvement of the Irish in the United States, Canada, Britain, Australia and elsewhere.

The 1916 Rising and its aftermath had ramifications far beyond the shores of Ireland. It had major international significance and the subsequent guerrilla war against British rule in Ireland became a template for those struggling against imperialism and colonial rule elsewhere.




It is important therefore that any commemorative events have an international dimension and flavour.

No one party or group has a monopoly on the memory of 1916 or indeed of republicanism. It must also be remembered that the Rising was the result of a coming together of many groups in Irish society, including the nationalist, the socialist, the women’s movement, the trade unions, cultural and Irish language activists. All these strands must be represented in any future commemorations.

The significance of this anniversary and the fact that no plan has emerged is an indictment of the Fine Gael/Labour Government's approach.

The Government's amnesia about this country's revolutionary period betrays a lack of confidence in the Government's own political position regarding these events and how the ideals of 1916 remain unfulfilled.

At the core of this, I believe, is the manner in which the policies they have pursued fail to measure up to the promise of the 1916 Proclamation.

In my view, the democratic and republican principles of freedom and equality contained in the 1916 Proclamation are as relevant to the Ireland of 2014 as they were in 1916.

The Southern state is not the republic envisaged by those who wrote the Proclamation. They had a vision for a real republic – a republic of justice, equality and fairness – a republic for all the people of this island. That is in direct contradiction to the policies being pursued by Fine Gael, Labour and Fianna Fáil.

The Government's and the Taoiseach's attitude to 1916 is very far removed from that of most Irish citizens who are very proud of the men and women of Easter Week, who proclaimed an independent Irish Republic and asserted in arms Ireland's right to unity and independence.

One thing is sure however. The 100th anniversary of the Easter Rising will be marked, and in a big way, by ordinary people across this island with the support and leadership of Irish republicans, whether or not the Irish Government is involved.

Ceád Míle Fáilte??

There was a time when the Holiday Camp at Mosney was host to Joe Dolan and Dickie Rock. Thousands danced the night away to 'Oh Me Oh My' and 'The Church with the White Washed Gable'. Sadly Joe is no longer with us. Dickie is still going strong. So too is Mosney. I was there only once. Years ago. Maggie McArdle, God rest her, my favourite Mother in Law, was on a Senior Citizens Weekend Away and we called to visit her. Back in the day. The place was buzzing. Maggie really enjoyed her vacation. So did many others over the decades. When he heard I was to visit there last week Dessie Ellis TD regaled me with tales of his amorous adventures and countless more innocent Dublin family breaks at Mosney.

These days Mosney is an Asylum Accommodation Centre. Me and Seanadoir Trevor Ó Clochartaigh and Councillor Eimear Ferguson visited it on Friday last.

A letter to Trevor from The Reception and Integration Agency (RIA) set out the conditions for our visit. They included a prohibition on media accompanying the delegation, any advance announcement of the visit and a prohibition on 'live tweeting' during the visit.

I don't know the legal basis for these conditions but, with what is probably a former prisoners instinct, I tweeted anyway. Just out of contrariness.

Interestingly I notice that a visit by President Michael D Higgins to an accommodation centre for asylum seekers was cancelled recently after the Department of Justice allegedly refused permission for the event on the grounds of "logistics and safety".

The camp at Mosney is massive. It is well maintained. Clean. Lots of trees and green spaces. The management team who accompanied us were hospitable, friendly and courteous. Some of the residents said Mosney is one of the better centres not least because they have privacy. Some hostels are cramped. They have communal toilets.

There are 602 people in Mosney. Those we met are focussed on getting out off there. Some of them are waiting ten years. It is an indictment of the Government and its predecessor that this is the case. Direct Provision is an inhumane system. No matter how 'attractive' the accommodation may be the system institutionalises people, damages their mental health and forces idleness on them.

Direct Provision is meant to provide for the welfare needs of asylum seekers and their families. It does not. It provides a measly €9.60 a week for each child. What child can be cared for on €9.60 a week? At the end of last year there were 4300 people including 1,666 children were living in this system. Many of the children were born here. Many are denied citizenship. Most have spent their entire childhoods in the system.

The Minister of State for Equality Aodhán Ó Riordáin says a new inspection regime for conditions in Direct Provision Centres is urgently needed. Fair enough. All our systems need regulated. But the direct provision system needs abolished. It has no legislative basis whatsoever. It was a rushed job by Fianna Fáil back in 1999 without proper accountability and poor institutional oversight. Since 2000 private contractors who run the centres have been paid €900 million of taxpayers money.

There is no need to wait for Immigration, Residence and Protection legislation to be passed in order to put a stop to Direct Provision. Other states deal with Immigrants in a much more humane, efficient and less costly way. There is no reason why this cannot happen here. The people in direct provision have rights. Our delegation met a group, mostly of women, during our visit. All of them want to contribute to Irish society. Instead they are denied the right to work. They are segregated, unable to participate in any meaningful way. We also met local people who work on a voluntary basis to ease the and to assist these 'new Irish' especially the children.

There is no excuse for the wasted creative human potential that is currently unused in direct provision centres. There is no excuse for treating human beings like this. Some of us campaign on behalf of Irish Immigrants in the USA and other countries. If our citizens were being treated the way we treat our immigrants Irish politicians would, rightly be raising a row about it.

All thinking people were horrified at the horrors inflicted on children and women in Industrial Schools, Mother and Baby Homes and Magdalene Laundries. Politicians from all parties and none expressed outrage. These scandals happened because that's the way the system worked. So too today with direct provision

All of the residents we met at Mosney were dark skinned. Most were from Africa. Could this be why our system treats them in a way which denies their humanity, their rights and the great contribution they and their children could make to our island community?

Annual Meeting 2014 of the Clinton Global Initiative

Two weeks ago I was pleased to visit New York and the 10^th Annual meeting of the Clinton Global Initiative held in the Sheraton hotel, in mid-town Manhattan.

The event, organised by the Bill, Hilary and Chelsea Clinton Foundation is a gathering of international leaders dedicated to developing innovative solutions to some of the world’s pressing challenges. And it brings together current and former Heads of State, Government representatives, Nobel Peace Prize winners, hundreds of leaders in the business and non profit sectors, and civic society.

Each year that I have attended, I have felt enriched, energised and uplifted by the collegial sense of addressing global problems, and this year was no different.

The thinking behind the CGI is that members make a ‘Commitment to Action’ which amounts to a new, specific and measurable plan that addresses a shared concern. The focus is on actions rather than words.

And at this Annual meeting 100 new ‘Commitments to Action’ were made.

When fully funded and implemented the Clinton Global Initiative estimate that these commitments will create or fill more than 40,000 jobs, provide nearly $3.6 million in new capital for green initiatives; and mobilise more than $215 million of new capital to be invested or loaned to small or medium sized businesses.

 

 

 

I was especially struck by contributions from many of the participants. Not least the Prime Minister of Denmark Helle Thorning-Schmidt. She spoke of her country’s commitments towards developing green economies and how a small country like Denmark has been transformed into a world leader in this field. Her motto is ‘Confronting climate change is good economics’.

Graca Machel, a Mozambican politician, humanitarian and widow of Nelson Mandela and Samora Machel, former Mozambican President was awarded a special Citizen award and spoke very eloquently on the importance of equality for girls and women worldwide. She spoke on crucial issues facing Africa and its future and specifically on the implications of taking action against child marriage, and of valuing girls in the same way as we value boys.

 

 

 

Also worth mentioning was the live video call the conference made with the International Space Station and the NASA astronauts based there. President Bill Clinton and Astronaut Cady Coleman, from the conference spoke to the NASA astronauts – an American, a German and a Russian, based in outer space. The imagery and banter was exciting and fascinating. They spoke about how astronauts from different countries work together to undertake the pioneering research and went on to predict that earthlings would leave the solar system at some point! RG would like to be on that trip. Hard to fathom alright, but I suppose never say never!

Some of the other stories from this planet were harrowing but the commitment of activists, particularly from the developing world was inspirational and moving. Women organising women against poverty. Humanitarians providing clean water. A child under 5 years of age dies every twenty one seconds from contaminated water. Mohammad Yunus on building social businesses. Great work.

It also puts some of our own difficulties in context.

 

On this visit I also took the opportunity to meet with many friends of Ireland and others to discuss the political process here. Some of these included President Clinton, Congressman Richie Neale and Tony Blair, as well as some friends from Irish America.

I stressed the need for the two governments to fulfil their obligations and for the Irish Government especially, as a co-equal guarantor of the Good Friday and other agreements, to assert itself to promote progress and for the White House to encourage this.

One thing is for sure our friends in Irish America are very focussed on this. So is Sinn Féin.

BRAVE HEARTS?

I don't know a lot about Scotland. I like the accent and the music and Robin Hall and Jimmy McGregor, Kenneth McKeller and an occasional wee dram. I was only there twice. The first time I had to be escorted to the plane by a Police unit after the Orange Order laid siege to a  public meeting I attended in Glasgow.

The other time was in Saint Andrews where we succeeded in getting the DUP  to cross the line and where the two Governments made promises they have yet to keep. The scenery is stupendous. Not unlike our own place. I know lots of people who have big Scottish connections. Pat Doherty, the West Tyrone MP, originated in the Gorbals of Glascow, though he is Irish through and through.  Pearse Doherty TD,  no relation of Pats, has a similar family history. They are not on their own.

Donegal,  their county, is like that. Especially the west of the county. Families have deep roots in both places. In times gone by young Donegal folk, and also many from the West of Ireland, some little more than boys or girls left their poor small holdings to hoke potatoes in Scotland. Tatie hoking was seasonal work. The tatie hokers lived in terrible conditions. Many of them in rough huts or Bothies.  The Donegal writer and poet Patrick McGill has written very memorable novels about the plight of these fine people. Their  conditions became a matter of public scandal in 1937 when  a fire in their accommodation killed 10 young men and boys between the ages of 13 and 23 from Achill Island. This happened in the town of Kirkintilloch just outside of Glasgow. Peadar O Donnell wrote a riveting pamphlet which helped rouse public consciousness about this injustice.


Like lots of exiles some of the Donegal exiles never returned to Ireland. Many of them stayed or moved on to England or North America. Those who stayed drifted into the cities. Here they suffered discrimination on account of their Catholicism. Glasgow Celtic was famously founded  by a Catholic priest to cater for the Donegal Irish who lived in great poverty in the slums of Glasgow. James Connolly one of our foremost political thinkers and activists was born into similar conditions in Edinburgh.

Billy Connolly, the Scottish comedian's stories of growing up in Glasgow are hilarious. They will also find an echo of life on the Falls Road or the Shankill, for that matter, for people of my generation or older. Billy's family hail from Galway.

 The west coast, especially the fishing communities in the North West have historic connections into the coastal regions of the north of Scotland. The island communities in particular.  Our Rathlin Island, a magical place in its own right, has dreamlike views of its neighbours in Islay. It was to here that Robert the Bruce fled from Scotland and where famously his sojourn with a spider who never gave up spinning his web, motivated Robert  to keep going.


The native song tradition in North Antrim is heavily influenced by Scots Gallic. So too is our folk tradition.  Ewen McColl in particular, was a huge influence on Luke Kelly, Christy Moore, the Fureys. The Black Family.



The plantation of Ulster had a much less positive effect on our own history. Dispossessed native people naturally resisted and resented those, many from Scotland, who were settled by force of arms on their land. But over the centuries they too were absorbed and are now part of the sum total of who and what we are as an island people. Unfortunately partition locked many of them and some of us into a sectarian and mean little sectarian statelet. The out workings of this  reality effect in a malign way our politics and our social divisions to this day. Some remain willing or compliant prisoners of these  old divisive ways. They hold themselves apart from the rest of us. Our challenge is not only to liberate ourselves. Our liberation will be found only when they too are free.


All of these disjointed thoughts and other musings of Dalriada (and even the banishment of Gráinne and Diarmuid) nipped at the outer  reaches of my mind and its thought processes as the Scottish Referandum campaign reached its conclusion.  Pat Doherty told me weeks ago that it would be lost because the older Scots Irish would  vote No.


'They remember the discrimination. They don't trust the future. They are afraid of being locked into an Orange state.'


I haven't studied the figures or the demographic of the vote beyond the assertion that the majority of young people voted Yes. The older folks voted No. Or so I understand. So I cannot say if Pat was right or not. But when I woke last Friday morning to listen to the early news I must confess to a feeling of disappointment even though I was anticipating a No vote.

Maybe it was Brave Heart!


Maybe my own political faith, rewarded by the positivity of the million and a half Scots who voted for citizenship over subjection. For their own system over an archaic, elite and monarchy centred London based power structure.


There are lots of lessons for us to learn from the Scottish Referendum campaign. Like our work here in Ireland it has  changed the nature of the Union. But the Union remains. And the elites in London want it to.  Including, most famously Gordon Brown.



So do the majority of Scots. For the time being. 


Maybe the disappointment of many Irish people at this is bedded  in the knowledge that Ireland would have voted Yes if we had been give such a choice before partition. But maybe before we get too comfortable on that particular moral high ground maybe we should consider Pat Doc's suggestion about how the Scots Irish voted.


Our challenge is to get a Yes vote when we have our own Referendum. The Scottish campaign will help us to learn how we can do that. Including the necessary work of understanding and assuaging  fears of the future. If Scots Irish Catholics feared the future and voted accordingly why should Ulster Protestants be any different?


The answer to that question is one only we can answer. 

Up For The Match

 

 

 











The  first barrier beyond which ticketless mortals cannot venture is at the mouth of Clonliffe Avenue opposite Quinns on Dorset street. Traffic  slows down as easy going Gardai marshall the throngs of hurling fans who congest the usually busy Dublin thoroughfare. There is a babble of noise. Shouts and guffaws. Laughter.  The cries of street hawkers and ticket touts. The excited chatter of rival fans. Tipp gansaí's mingle with the black and amber of Kilkenny and the emerald green of Limerick minors. 

Its the same down at Gills corner and other entry points to Croke Park. It is the All Ireland Hurling Final. Me and my older brother Paddy slip through the barrier at Gills. The huge shoulder of the Canal end of Croke Park looms into sight. A duo of street musicians rent the air with traditional ballads. The street is filled with an epidemic of hurling fans. There is a sense of expectation. Of hope. A palpable expectation of being witness to  a feast of sporting and cultural magic.

 Then through the turnstiles and into the Hogan Stand. We take our seats. The minor game is already underway. Kilkenny is edging ahead of a brave Limerick side. The stadium is rapidly filling up. Our Paddy turns to me as he does at this point every year during our annual pilgrimage to the best stadium in the world to watch the best players in the world playing the best game in the world.

' Aren't we lucky to be here? in  Croke Park?  isn't it great to be a Gael?' 

We study the Match Programme. Pore over the clár. Soak up the atmosphere. Discuss the pros and cons, deplore the absence of ground hurling. Debate tactics. check how the winds is blowing the national and provincial flags. Chat with other fans in neighbouring seats. Shake hands with old friends. Applaud the Minors as they conclude the game with a victory for the Cats. Commiserate with each other at the sight of the dejected Limerick lads lying despondently in the background while the jubilant Kilkenny victors celebrate at the plinth  in the Hogan Stand. 

Then the atmosphere builds. The Tipperary All Ireland Champions of 25 years ago line up  and are introduced. Heroes. They beat Antrim that day. I am disappointed that the Antrim  team don't get to parade.  I was looking forward to applauding them as well. Heroes also. 

Huge banners representing the All Ireland Senior teams are carried aloft on to the field  by throngs of young people. The Artane Boys Band assemble below us. Then the Cats take to the field as Croke Park explodes with a roar of rapturous  approval from their supporters. Tipperary follow soon afterwards. 

             

The red carpet is rolled out. We rise to greet the President as he and The Uachtaran of  Cumann Lúthchleas Gael meet the players. The teams parade. Then Amhran na bhFiann.  82 thousand proud Irish voices raised in rousing chorus and conclude in a united roar of support for their county.  The Artane Boys Band exits off the pitch. 

The hurlers shake hands with each other and with the ref and the linesmen.  The ref throws the sliothar in. The midfielders draw on it. The Hurling Final begin. The fastest field game on the planet is underway. 

It's over to the hurlers now. This is their arena. Our arena. Their game. Our game. They are warriors. Gladiators.  Magicans.  Wizards with camans. They will not disappoint us. 

 

They didn't. It all went by in a flash. Point for point. Goal for goal. To and fro. Up and down. 

 

 

Acrobatic high  fielding. Precision passing. Long diagonal pucking of the sliothar. Long distance point scoring. Quick as a flash hand  passing. Side line cuts. Great clearances.  Tight marking. Great goal keeping. Great goals scored. Inspirational solo runs. The ash clashing in close combat dunting. Courageous blocking. Not a malicious stroke the whole game. 

 

 

' It's a pity it will soon be over' our Paddy says at half time. 

'Liam O Neill predicts a draw' I tell him. 

'Now wudn't  that be something' he says in wonderment as the second half starts at break neck speed, 'A draw?'

And it was.  The best game of hurling I ever saw since our school beat Saint Galls in 1958 and I got the best player award. 

Hurling? 

The sport of heroes.

 Kilkenny and Tipperary? 

Legends. 

Irish government needs to act on Palestine (from 2nd September)

The Israeli government has decided to seize 400 hectares of Palestinian land in the Occupied West Bank. This is said to be the largest land grab in 30 years.  Coming in the wake of the recent widely welcomed ceasefire in Gaza this is a profoundly negative and retrograde development. It raises serious questions again about the Israeli government’s commitment to peace and a negotiated 2 state settlement. Of course this latest provocation is in line with the ongoing building of settlements and the Separation Wall, home demolitions, movement restrictions and detentions. The recent Israeli Government aggression against the Occupied Gaza Governorates ran in parallel with the oppression in the rest of the Occupied State of Palestine.

 

I have been raising the need for the Irish government to take the lead within the European Union on the issue of peace in the Middle East, and the need for the international community to uphold international law for a very long time now. Since my election to the Dáil I have raised this directly with the Taoiseach in writing, in the Dáil chamber, on the eve of EU summit meetings, and in the wake of particular developments in the Middle East.

 

So far Mr Kenny has ignored what I have to say. When I say ignored I don’t mean that he hasn’t responded. I mean he hasn’t acted.

So this week I wrote to him again. I also wrote to a number of EU premiers. This is a copy of my letter:

 

“A Thaoisigh, a chara, 

Like me, I am sure you will welcome the latest ceasefire announcement in Gaza. Hopefully this can lead to a resolution and an end to recurring onslaughts against the Palestinian people.

The international community must now ensure that the ceasefire is respected and sustained but what is also clear is the need for a long-term solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It cannot be acceptable for this conflict to erupt with depressing frequency every few years leading to thousands of needless deaths.

With this in mind I have written to a number of EU premiers asking them to work to obtain a resolution at the United Nations Security Council requesting the resumption of serious peace negotiations within a defined period of time.

These should be aimed at securing a two-State solution and the establishment of an independent Palestinian State on the borders of 4th of June 1967, with East Jerusalem as its Capital. All European states should now formally recognize the State of Palestine.

I believe also that European states should support the deployment of a UN protection force in Gaza on the lines of that deployed in Kosovo.

I am asking that you support this approach and that you head up an initiative on behalf of the Irish State to achieve these objectives.

It is clear that the people of Gaza need urgent and massive humanitarian aid. There is now a pressing need to rebuild Gaza. There are now 450,000 people there without homes. There is no electricity, no running water and no sewage system as hundreds of thousands of boys and girls are due to start a new school year. The international community must begin immediately to restore the food, medical, fuel, and electricity needs of 1.7 million people.

The people of Gaza and of the Palestinian territories need hope. They need to believe that there is a real possibility of positive change in their conditions. They need their rights as human beings and their national rights as Palestinians respected and upheld by the international community. They also need to know that international law will be respected.

The Irish Government must do all that it can to ensure that international law is upheld and I ask that you use your influence within the European Union to advance this.

I have travelled to the region on several occasions and have met many of the representatives of the Palestinian people, including Hamas and the Palestinian Authority. I also met Israeli citizens and NGOs. In my conversations I have stressed that inclusive dialogue, involving substantive and inclusive negotiations, and involving all of the participants is the only way forward. They need the help of the international community to achieve this. I would appeal to you to use your influence positively in this regard.”

Albert Reynolds RIP

 

 

On Monday, Martin McGuinness, myself, Rita O'Hare, Pat Doherty and Lucilita Breatnach represented Sinn Féin at the funeral of former Taoiseach Albert Reynolds in Dublin. All of us, along with others who couldn't attend, had worked with Albert on the peace process. The State ceremony was a fitting send off for a man who was crucial to the development of the peace process.

 

There was poignancy in the fact that his funeral took place just days before the 20^th Anniversary of the historic and groundbreaking IRA cessation of 1994.

 

That decision by the IRA leadership resulted in enormous changes and had profound effects on politics in Ireland and on the relationship between Ireland and Britain.

 

Much of the work to bring about that opportunity was carried out away from the public eye and is often now forgotten.

 

 

People rightly remember the great political highs of the past two decades, be it the achievement of the Good Friday Agreement, the St. Andrews and Hillsborough Agreement, the decision of Ian Paisley to share power or the decision by the IRA to leave the stage.

 

But none of these or the other fundamental, political, social and constitutional changes during the peace process would have been possible without the difficult and risk-laden work which was undertaken by Albert Reynolds, Fathers Alec Reid and Des Wilson, John Hume, the Sinn Féin leadership and others in the years before the 1994 cessation including brave citizens from civic unionism, Protestant churches and the community sector.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Ireland of the early 1990s was very different from now. Armed conflict was part of everyday life. Political censorship and exclusion was the norm. Successive Irish governments worked with British governments in pursuing an entirely negative agenda which merely fed the cycle of discrimination, resistance and conflict.

 

When Albert became Taoiseach he was briefed by the former Taoiseach Charlie Haughey on discussions that had opened up between Sinn Féin and Fianna Fáil. Martin Mansergh, senior political adviser was to be an important bridge and Fr Alex Reid was to be the main conduit to Mr Reynolds. Fr Reid persuaded the new Taoiseach of the possibilities which were being created at that time.

 

So, Albert Reynolds brought a different approach. He was persuaded of the potential which existed in my own dialogue with John Hume and he was moved to offer support to this at a time when others deliberately sought to undermine it.

 

 

Alongside this he struck up a dialogue of his own with the then British Prime Minister John Major and despite significant political opposition both inside and outside the British Parliament, the Downing Street Declaration was secured. This declaration, of course was not sufficient and work had to continue beyond that. But at least Sinn Féin was now dealing directly with the Taoiseach and he came to realise that more was needed.

 

 

 

I regard my relationship with Albert Reynolds to be a very good one. He was very open. He and his wife Kathleen welcomed me and others into their home. They were welcoming, down to earth and straight forward. Albert was also very direct. He was a doer. He wasn’t satisfied with dialogue without aim, objective or concrete outcomes. Of course there were profound differences between us but I always felt that in Albert Reynolds we were dealing with someone who was serious about the task of building the peace process and who represented a new departure from the Irish Government failures which had marked previous decades. This in itself was important.

 

He was also prepared to listen. He came to the table with a determination to succeed and also with an ability to take risks.

 

He also knew the North much better than he was given credit for. Some of this goes back to the showband days and he had a very human contact with people in the business community and right across the Six Counties.

 

It is a testament to Albert's ability to get things done that although he was one of the shortest serving Taoisigh, he achieved so much in so short a space of time. In my opinion a lot of this was possible because he was an outsider. He wasn't part of the Fianna Fáil establishment or the Irish establishment at that time. In fact many of them looked down their noses at him. The establishment at that time was very partitionist. Some of the policy makers remain so to this day. But it took someone from outside that culture to turn the system around in the early days of his term as Taoiseach.

 

 

I suppose it is part of the nature of politics that Albert Reynolds was removed from office well before the election of Tony Blair in 1997 and the creation of the sort of inclusive, all-party negotiations which he recognised were necessary but which the Major government failed to deliver in the period after the 1994 cessation.

 

Given the time he had invested in helping to develop the peace process there is little doubt that Albert would have brought his own dynamic to those talks and helped put his own stamp on what would ultimately emerge as the Good Friday Agreement.

 

After his retirement from public life Albert Reynolds remained a firm supporter of the peace process. If there was a role that he was asked to play it was done without fuss or without question. I was in contact with him many times and he was a particular assistance in advising in how we deal with the Irish Government of the day. He also developed a very warm personal relationship with Martin McGuinness.

 

Under Fr Reid's guidance Albert also opened up dialogue with loyalist paramilitaries and their representatives.

 

On occasions over the past 20 years I have heard numerous people described as being architects of the Irish Peace Process. I have to say on many of these occasions I raise my eyes in surprise. Such a description however sits well with the contribution made by Albert Reynolds.

 

 

Albert stepped forward to make peace when it was a risky thing to do. When it was not popular with either the political or the media establishments. He did the right thing. He acted on the North when positive action was needed. As the political process faces into more difficulties, An Taoiseach Enda Kenny would do well if he emulated the actions of Albert Reynolds.

 

At this sad time I wish to extend my condolences to his wife Kathleen, to their children and to the wider Reynolds family.

 

 

Kathleen was hugely supportive of Albert. At times Fr Alec must have driven her to distraction but she was and remains a very sound and solid woman.