Monday, June 2, 2014



Miles away from Dunkirk, I’ve just watched a special programme on BBC News 24, on the legacy of Dunkirk. The programme featured film of the ceremony of remembrance on the Dunkirk beachs, interviews with veterans of the evacuation, and some rather moving film from 1940, set against the recording of Sir Winston’s ‘We shall never surrender’ speech—amongst the finest ever delivered in this English language. For all the BBC have got wrong in recent years, I’ve said many times that the service is still one of the finest in the world, and on this day, with this programme in particular, they’ve proved yet again that the licence fee is money well spent.

I applaud deeply, the efforts the Corporation have made in producing such a necessary programme, something that ought to be seem by all generations, as a small means of paying tribute to a generation to whom the world owes a debt of gratitude which can never fully be re-paid. But amongst the solemnity of the day’s events, burnt a continuing source of consternation. Conspicuous in their absence were not only the Prime Minister, Deputy Prime Minister let alone leader of the Opposition—but also any Cabinet minister. This was rather disappointing. By now, the last Government’s hated of history, and public shame expressed at the very mention of military history is old news. But this new Government, with everything to prove, and with public approbation pushing them along, it was really rather sad that they could not be bothered to send anyone to the ceremony—let alone the PM, who by all means should have been there.

It’s honestly too early to say whether this Government are as ahistorical and perhaps even as anti-historical as the last, but I certainly hope this is not the case. What remains certain is that every time one hears Sir Winston’s voice, it’s quite clear that there will never be another like him. But gazing upon the young faces enraptured by the hallowed words of the heroes of Dunkirk, perhaps there is a shaft of light beaming up from those beaches across the Channel, upon the hearts of a new generation, a generation on whom perhaps, the Dunkirk spirit shan’t be lost.

A High Risk Wager, Life...



The David Laws resignation, has yet again opened a Pandora’s Box on issues of liberality in our society, a phenomenon that exposes not so much widespread homophobia as it does wide spread authoritarianism. I am, and always have been, on the social libertarian end of things. This is an absolutist position, and it must be in order to remain a position free of hypocrisy. A person or party who would advocate for the liberty of themselves or constituents, or on behalf of their favoured activity, but not extend this advocacy to other constituents or other activities, are in many ways, people more dangerous than absolute authoritarians. Whilst an absolute authoritarian shows his or her fangs from the outset, one who cloaks themselves in the shroud of liberty when it suits their constituents but don the mask of authoritarianism in all other areas, do a great disservice to the cause of libertarianism, as they misuse and abuse the word liberty for their own self interests—whilst not caring about social liberty on a more fundamental level lest a sincere level.

There are many people who impassionedly argue for gay rights because they themselves are gay or their close friends or family consist of gay people. None of this applies to me, yet I’m still a fierce advocate for full gay rights, not because I’m gay but because I’m a social libertarian. I’m also not a regularly hunter, as I’ve been forced to live in cities or towns(mostly against my will) for much of my life, yet I’m still an utterly vociferous advocate for the repeal of the anti-countryside, anti-British, fox hunting ban—because I’m a social libertarian. I happen to smoke and am opposed to the Nazi inspired smoking bans—yet even if I were to quit, my position for liberty would remain. I’m opposed to the DNA data base, not because I’m a criminal, or somehow pro-crime, but because it’s an issue not of crime, but an issue of personal liberty, not to have the stigma of a guilty man, when one is not only not guilty of anything, but hasn’t even been formally accused of anything.

But social libertarianism goes beyond merely advocating for causes the one may be indifferent too, it means advocating for even causes one might find distasteful. This is why for example a gay rights activist attempting to stop a fox hunt is a stark hypocrite, just as a fox hunter attempting to criminalise homosexuality would be a hypocrite. It’s why as someone who accepts the Holocaust not only happened, but was a devastating happening, I would be on the front lines of any protest in favour of David Irving’s right to speak about his scepticism about the Holocaust, at any time, and in any place, just as I would hope a non-smoking supporter of David Irving’s positions, would advocate for my rights as a smoker.

I for one am of the belief that most anti-fox hunt people are highly misinformed at best, and utterly deranged far more often than not—yet I’d still support their right to protest in Parliament Square against a cause in which I believe in, with supreme passion. Christopher Hitchens is a man of the interventionist left, whilst I am a man of the non-interventionist right. Politically we could scarcely be more different. But on the issues of religion and liberty were are in full agreement. Whilst Hitchens is perhaps one of the world’s most vocal critics of religion, he does not want to censor religion—he wants religious extremism out in the open so it can be more easily exposed for what it is—lunacy. He like me, realises that censoring an opinion does not exterminate the opinion, but simply pushes it underground where it grows in both mystique, intrigue and paradoxically in influence, making such a position far more powerful than it would have been, if left to its own public devices. This is why, in spite of our political differences, I greatly admire Hitchens. He is a true social libertarian, because he is an absolute libertarian. His advocacy for liberty is not reserved merely for his friends, but for his enemies—and without uncomfortable liberties, liberty is a silly and fleeting thing. Social libertarians ought to then, not only transcend lifestyles and hobbies, but also politics. There are social libertarians on both the left and right—but none of these people are truly social libertarians, lest they advocate for the freedoms of their opponents.

Kate Middleton's Lean And Hungry Look: A Cautionary Remark

Oh How They Both Are Missed. 

To some monarchists, the royal family are infallible.  Because Sovereignty in the United Kingdom and Commonwealth Realms is not derived from social contractual obligations nor unwritten consensus, but rather from the direct spiritual and feudal power of the Sovereign; there is some attraction in viewing the royal family in this light, just as Roman Catholics view their spiritual Sovereign on earth in this light.  The most famous monarchist to hold such views in recent decades was Sir Winston Churchill.  He demonstrated his willingness to support the Sovereign even in the most dubious of circumstances during the Abdication Crisis of 1936, but also in the year 1952, when a comparatively young Enoch Powell mounted a rather Disraelian challenge to the actions of Prince Phillip.

During the Corn Law debates which pitted Peel against Disraeli, Prince Albert brought it upon himself to watch the proceedings in the Commons   from the Peers Gallery.  Disraeli found this Constitutionally abominable as did his fellow protectionist Lord George Bentinck.  This confirmed a precedent that like the Monarch her or himself, the Monarch’s consort is not to be present in the House of Commons.  This precedent however was threatened in 1952 when the Prince Phillip took it upon himself to sit in the Peers Gallery of the Commons as Prince Albert had done over a century before.  Enoch Powell was outraged at such a trespass, just as Disraeli was in 1846; both men were arch-monarchists, but at the same time both men, perhaps especially Powell, were arch-constitutionalists.  Whereas Churchill saw his role as a defender of monarchy in sickness or in health; Powell understood the role of Parliament and perhaps especially of the Privy Council; to quite literally  council—something rather different that passively supporting all that is done.  Yet Powell’s taxing Constitutionalism was rebuffed by Churchill when he replied to Powell, “It seems to me a good thing that His Royal Highness should understand how our parliamentary affairs work”.  Yet in spite of Churchill’s dismissal of Powell, Prince Phillip has never dare enter the Commons since. 

Over a decade later, Powell said, “A politician crystallises what most people mean, even if they don’t know it.  Politicians are word givers.  When they have spoken, individuals recognise their own thoughts.  Politicians don’t mould societies or determine destines.  They are prophets in the Greek sense of the word—one who speaks for another and gives words to what is instinctive and formless”. There is a particularly ominous reverberation of truth to these words at this time for me.  Just two days ago, I was speaking of the moral dilution of both the upper and working classes when these honourable, gracious classes find themselves seemingly magnetically driven to the cosmopolitan vulgarity of the too often dis-loyal bourgeoisie.  Yesterday, the news was read that Prince William of Wales is to wed a middle class person, from a background as common as one could imagine.  It is true that such things have happened before; indeed Prince Charles, a man I deeply respect and personally admire, has wed a woman without title, but nevertheless a woman with some rather respectable aristocratic lineage.  Furthermore, her family are derived from the upper-classes.  She is from a military family whose service to the United Kingdom and Commonwealth is to be laureled without reservation.  Furthermore, because her erstwhile husband is living, she will almost certainly reign only as a Princess Consort and not as a Princess lest Queen.

Kate Middelton on the other hand, presents a great many problems, problems which strike at the heart of Constitution.  Because she has never been previously married, she may well be given the title of Queen at some future date, however distant.  The concept of a middle-class Queen ought to send shivers of revulsion through the hearts of Constitutionalists everywhere. Yes, middle class people have married into the Royal Family before, but never at such a high level and never with a realistic prospect of becoming a future Queen.  What does it say about a nation, to have the future wife of the future head of the Church of England, married to a daughter whose father became rich in the vulgar way that many middle class people do; something that is a source of grave distaste to many upper class and working class people. 

Of all the great services the Royal Family give to the culture of the nation, their spiritual status is perhaps the most important.  Even thoughs belonging to dis-established churches, non-conformist churches or people outside the Protestant sphere; including Jews, Catholics, Moslems, Hindus, atheists, Sheiks, Buddhists, Hellenists and other European pagans; each are part of a society shaped by the beneficence of a religious state that has sheltered its people from the dangerous nihilistic phenomenon of plutocracy.  There is no more dangerous governmental and social culture in the world than plutocracy; it is a society that rewards acts of greed and inhumanity; it is a society that punishes loyalty, service, honour and restraint.  Because the Royal Family rule both state and Church as a function of birth rather than as a function of wealth accumulation; they represent a beacon of hope for those of all faiths and none against the common enemy of greed, vulgarity and cosmopolitanism. One sees examples of plutocracy destroying many states from the Weimer Republic and post-monarchical Spain and modern Argentina to the current crisis in the Irish Republic(had they remained poor and humble they would have never lost their sovereignty to Europe) to the fall of American hegemony; each of these states died or is dying because of plutocratic government.   

Now though this is a danger for the first time since the reprehensible Wallis Simpson very nearly married into the Palace; of course she married the King but he was no longer the King at that point.  Yet what of Kate Middleton?  She has a lean and hungry look—such men and women are equally dangerous.  It is the lean and hungry look which has sculpted the body politick of the middle classes for several centuries now.  Since the Second World War though, one witnesses the spectre of the bourgeois ethos virally infecting both members of the upper and working classes.  It is what has reduced the quality of speech in Prince William vis-à-vis Prince Charles, it is what makes him speak of cooking and other such non-aristocratic activities.  Amongst the working classes, the post-Thatcherite bourgeoisie virus has led many to distance themselves from the struggle of their comrades.  Many working class people no longer show solidarity with the gallant miners or steel workers or ship builders, simply because they want to holiday to Spain and Italy with the same frequency of greedy low grade bank clerks.  Yes, these erstwhile working class Mercedes-Benz driving, cheese eating, wine drinking types are the Oswald Mosleys of their class; I blame this petite bourgeoisie for working class unemployment as much as the traditional bourgeoisie.    Yet it is the social order and the Established Church which is a constant reminder that whilst middle classes exist in this society, it is a society which ultimately derives its power from the heredity and spiritual.  The Anglican Church’s values of charity, humility, compassion to the poor are all values at loggerheads with the bourgeois cosmopolitan ethos; one which worships at the altar of Mammon and resides in Sodom and Gomorrah. 

The duty of Kings and Queens is very great.  One automatically forfeits many of the decadent habits of ordinary people.  Yet by reducing himself to bowing before this new middle-class woman, it seems as though The Prince is wantonly participating in some sort of beastly ritual.  Churchill once said the following of a peoples I greatly respect and admire; but when it comes to the bourgeoisie, all I can say is that with some but not many exceptions; they are a beastly people with a beastly religion.  Perhaps it is best to take Churchill’s ultra-stance on royal affairs but at this juncture it seems too much to bear.  I weep for the Prince and hope that he might come to re-consider his mistake.  

10 Pointless Haikus

Hitler and Stalin,

Signed a non-aggression pact,

Still he did attack.

Pol Pot killed many,

Though he never paid a price,

Workers paradise!

Bonaparte was small,

Though De Gualle was very tall,

Which one was more French?

Dave is getting fat,

But is he getting more bold,

Osborn shall behold.

Men and women drink,

But will what shall glass be filled,

Vino helps them think.

What an ugly car,

Cheaper than an Oyster Card,

Hand made in Lahore.

Do you not eat meat,

I would recommend the duck,

From a blue sky plucked.

Does Ed have big Balls,

Which Miliband is better,

Tebbit doesn't care.

John wanted curry,

Arabella wanted pie,

So they got divorced.

Michael  had a bike,

Alison had a large house,

Now they do not speak.

Days of Future Passed and Love

1967 was something of a watershed year for modern music.  In many ways it was the most important year for music, particularly in the UK, since the end of the War.  The year witnessed monumental debut albums by Pink Floyd, The Nice and Procol Harum in addition to The Beatles, Stones and Kinks branching out from blues roots into the neo-classical territory of the  younger generations. In many ways though the most lucid and thorough album of this year was Days of Future Passed by The Moody Blues. 

The first album of the new Moddies line-up had rather intriguing origins.  The label DERAM initially propositioned the band to make an electronic version of Dvorak’s 9th(5th in the old style) Symphony.  The band placidly agreed, but in an era when record companies were still willing to give musicians the benefit of any doubt,  the band secretly composed their own half orchestral/half neo-classical rock album that stands to-day as it did then, as one of the finest ever committed to tape. 

This was a thorough concept album—it traced the observations of ‘everyman’ through a day that in many ways represented  a life condensed into a twenty-four hour allegorical reference period.  From dawn into night the album begins with a kind of pastoral joy, descends into urban chaos and into the bucolic reminiscences of afternoon.  Then we’re into a an impassioned evening and finally we reach night when unrequited love pours her sorrows, dreams and lusts unto the world in the form of a song that is one of the most beautiful if not the most beautiful expressions of anguished love that’s ever been written.    

I speak of course of Nights in White Satin,  a song that forsook the simplistic themes of the period and reached for inspiration into the souls of Byron, Wordsworth, Coleridge, Keats, Shelley and Blake.  The song is an epic in its own right—one of my very favourites and one that holds a very deep emotional connection to my own art.  It was hearing that song as a lad on an ‘old rock’ radio station on a simple car radio, that inspired me to write poetry.  This along with In The Court of The Crimson King made me realise just how powerful and potent poetry is to the human soul, irrespective of epoch; a message seemingly lost on me at school, up till this point.

The entire album is half anguished realism and half fantastical euphoria—all combined to make something irresistibly beautiful.  The album is book ended by two poems written by the Graham Edge and read by Ray Thomas—what lies between are the vocal harmonies of the superlative Justin Hayward and John Lodge and the haunting, ground-breaking mellotron playing of Mike Pinder.

The Moody Blues continued to write beautiful albums and individual songs—but this album; an album which ushered in the most special period of 20th century music will always stand as something very special to the music world. The albums orchestral flourishes, timeless themes of love and loss and careful construction give it a certainly timeless quality.  In a word the album is beauty; a kind of beauty which dare not speak its name in to-day’s music charts.  Whilst the days of 1967 are long passed Days of Future Passed shall stand for ever as one of the finest pieces of music of all time. 

Nights in white satin, never reaching the end,
Letters I've written, never meaning to send.
Beauty I'd always missed with these eyes before.
Just what the truth is, I can't say anymore.

'Cos I love you, yes I love you, oh how I love you.

Gazing at people, some hand in hand,
Just what I'm going through they can't understand.
Some try to tell me, thoughts they cannot defend,
Just what you want to be, you will be in the end.

And I love you, yes I love you,
Oh how I love you, oh how I love you.

Nights in white satin, never reaching the end,
Letters I've written, never meaning to send.
Beauty I've always missed, with these eyes before.
Just what the truth is, I can't say anymore.

'Cos I love you, yes I love you,
Oh how I love you, oh how I love you.
'Cos I love you, yes I love you,
Oh how I love you, oh how I love you.

Breath deep 
The gathering gloom
Watch lights fade 
From every room
Bedsitter people 
Look back and lament
Another day's useless 
Energy spent

Impassioned lovers
Wrestle as one 
Lonely man cries for love
And has none
New mother picks up 
And suckles her son
Senior citizens 
Wish they were young

Cold hearted orb
That rules the night
Removes the colours
From our sight
Red is gray and 
Yellow white
But we decide
Which is right 
And 
Which is an Illusion

The Dangers of Popular Sovereignty

In the history of states, there is little more dangerous a tractate; little more dangerous a political philosophy than the notion of popular sovereignty.  Here historically reliable conceptions of a state being a permanent institution changeable only by mutual consent, legally recognised  treaty, or the enforced  consequences of a war is thrown into a frenzied scrap-heap in favour of a vastly more dangerous tenant—one of permanent flux.  Popular sovereignty deprives great states of maintaining an existence  that is based on anything more than the mathematical calculation of whim, in haphazardly selected geographical units.  To the advocate of popular sovereignty, a demos is not a matter of political anthropology but one of geographical selection, of race or worst of all of a anarchistic formula that defies the bounds of even pseudo-science.   Summarily and most crucially; to the advocate of popular sovereignty the state exists not as a matter of fact but as a matter of choice; not as a matter of law but as a matter of metaphysical will.  The dangers of this ought to be self-evident; but shall be enumerated in several paragraphs hence.

First of all, one must dispel the myth that democracy within nation-states bears any correlation with popular sovereignty.  A democracy within a nation-state maintains her value on the same basis a currency maintains its value.  Both are valuable because its scope is known and its longevity is easily prognosticated.  A democratic vote is far more worthwhile to someone living in a state without an history of revolutions than one with an history of many revolutions, for the simple reason that one knows one’s vote shall shape the state for as long as was promised at the time of an election or referendum.  A state that experiences many a revolution will necessarily devalue its democracy as a vote becomes  only as valuable as the sword is sharp or gun is filled with ammunition.  People trade in currencies they assume will last into a foreseeable future; people value democracies they assume will last into a foreseeable future.   

And here is where the very danger of popular sovereignty lies.  Popular sovereignty allows popular processes such as democracy or demonstrations(however un-representative they might be) to vote  the state out of existence, lest chant the state into redundancy.  What is the value of a democracy in a nation state if the process can be abused in such a way so as to render the entire state, the majority of the state or great portions of the state  utterly redundant? 

But at this point we are speaking less of the past but of the future.  Many radical historians and political observers have justified many a revolution and yes, many a civil war on the notion of popular sovereignty.  To these radicals, open or paramilitary rebellion against the state is justified not as a matter of pragmatic force but as a matter of truth, justice or any other combination of nouns so often misused by those of  the same radical kidney that assassinated the legitimate rulers of the Russian state in favour of an all knowing, ‘supremely just’ vanguard. 

Departing the theoretical for the practical even more so; one encounters the most profound logistical shortcoming in popular sovereignty.  What is a legitimate demos and an illegitimate demos for the purposes of determining a geographical unit in which one might calculate popular will?  One can indeed make democratic measurements in however big or small an area one wishes, within the boundaries of an established state, or even beyond the legal boundaries  the state, as the Pan-Germanic agitators did in respect of the Austro-Hungarian state in her twilight years.  Broadly speaking the south of France might want to break apart from the north of France. If such a sentiment could be accurately measured should this be justification for rendering redundant this great state? 

Many talk openly about England’s popular sovereignty being contrary to continued membership and indeed leadership of the United Kingdom which is in turn the home seat of the most important grouping of nations in the world to-day; The Commonwealth.  It is important to say first off that the majority of people in England are Unionists, though these conservative voices are, as they so often are in history, seemingly drowned by a sea of radicalism mostly from the radical left and in recent years, even more so on extreme right; I refer to parties such as the English Democrats whose hostility to the existence of the legal British sate makes this group endlessly more dangerous than either the British National Party or what remains of British Revolutionary Communism. 

But even if England were to abuse democracy to attack the legal settlements of the United Kingdom what about other geographical units within England?  What about the north/south divide in England.  At a colloquial level there is little love lost between north and south.  Then there are economic disparities between north and south as well as statistical educational deficits between the two.  Should the North of England and the South of England become two separate states?  But even if this happens the mathematical geographers of popular sovereignty could still find either an historical demos or manifest demos with which to formulate a new area that would have the power to erode  or abolish the existing state. 

Should the South of England be atomised into borders representative of the pre-1066 Anglo-Saxon kingdoms?  Leaving historical borders to one side, should the majority Moslem areas of England separate from the majority of Christian areas?  Should London separate from England.  Should then East London separate from West London?  It might be possible to one day find a majority of people who acting on the misinformed whim which most revolutionaries languish under to say yes to each of these questions; but this whim should not and must not dictate legal realities of sovereignty.  But this is the danger of popular sovereignty; it turns statehood into a matter of choice and not law; a choice so flexible that no state can be long established before a new constituent demos forms that wants out of one state, into the other, or independence from all. 

This notion of statehood as a matter of perpetually open choice to an infinitely calculable and re-calculable demos means that statehood’s virtue is not in her stability but in some other area, an area in which I can only grasp sinews of vice.  The 3rd Marquis of Salisbury once said, “One of the nuisances of the ballot is that when the oracle has spoken you never know what it means”.  If only in this age of radical nationalism currently proliferating throughout Britain, he lived to see just how correct he was.  Lord Salisbury, contrary to popular notions, was by the end of his life a fully-fledged democrat.  In the year 1900 he led a party who won the most convincing general election in the post-67 age, up till that point.

But Lord Salisbury new that democracy must be an expression of popular will within and only within  the context of good, stable and law abiding government; not a justification for rash illegality.  And this is what popular sovereignty is, it is a justification for illegality.  Territories are recognised as the legal holdings of states, much the same way houses in a town are.  There is no more legal justification for a part of a state to deprive the legal owner of her ownership of the entire state as legally comprised,  any more than the occupiers of part of a house can seize it from the landlord; nor could a spoilt child and his siblings claim his room is now his sovereign property and not that of his parents.  Members of the English demos yearning for popular sovereignty to make England a state are acting in a manner just as juvenile as a child who would ask for police protection because a parent telling a child time to come and have you supper is alleged to have committed an act of trespass. 

One of my favourite contemporary writers is Anastasia Fitzgerald-Beaumont .  She once claimed that it was right to fight for the Falklands in the year 1982, not because it was legal British territory—full stop,  but because the population of the island wanted to remain under a British sovereign and not the fascist Argentine junta of Galtieri as a matter of popular will.  Whilst in the Falklands this is rather a safe argument, it is an extremely dangerous one when it comes to other places.  I maintain that territory of a state is territory of a state as a matter of law which constitutes a matter of fact.  In cannot be reduced to a matter of choice.  If the people of Calais wanted to join the United Kingdom would France then not be justified in militarily defending Calais as Britain defended the Falklands?  Calais of course has historically disputed ownership, making this example all the more murky;.  though most legal experts to-day are perfectly willing to acknowledge the place as part of French legal territory and a state always maintains a right to defender who territory from forces of aggression from without and within.

But let me go further.  What if the many Spanish costal resorts populated by more UK subjects than Spanish ones held a vote and decided to join the United Kingdom, would Spain not have a legal right and indeed a duty to militarily defend her legal territory?  I say absolutely yes, just as Britain has the right to defend from Spanish aggression,  British sovereignty in Gibraltar, irrespective of popular will.

 If in Britain itself one is to judge territorial legality on the basis of whim and populism, perhaps legal systems ought to be selected in this way.  Were this the case vast swaths of London and Birmingham and Nottingham—just to name a few places, would be under the whip hand of Sharia Law.  The Archbishop of Canterbury thinks this is fine, but I, along with the leaders of the Conservative,  Liberal Democratic and Labour parties think this would be a travesty.

One who believes in popular sovereignty has the right to call him or herself honest, decent and loyal to their own selective and selected demos.  But those who believe in the submission of the state to external forces and those who wish to mutilate or abolish the state via internal forces have no right to call themselves patriots.  The patria is in our world and in our time, the nation-state, not a segment of this but the entirety of it.  Patria is a definable phenomenon.  One can acknowledge the legal legitimacy of  patria or one can place populism in a threshold over and above this traditional definition of state.  Statehood is not a question of choice, it’s a question of loyalty.  The peoples of a free state are always free to go elsewhere; they can leave the state, but they haven’t the legal right to depart the state from them.  The mantra of the revolutionary is popular sovereignty; it is the justification for their otherwise unjustifiable crime; that of treason. 

Epilogue:  The European Union is not a state but a super-state.  It is an extra-territorial body which seeks to rule all states but without directly conquering these states.  Such a body is not so much a colonial master as a puppet master(though the result of these two things is rather the same).  If the governments of the legally recognised nation-states of Europe elected to dissolve their nation states and amalgamate into The State of Europe this, I’m sorry to say, would be legitimate.  But to seize the powers of state without openly acknowledging that without the full powers of state; a state cannot be a state, one us guilty of the lowest kind of serpiginous eradication of the state.  Either Europe must acknowledge she wants to be a state or she must dissolve herself as anything more than a small body to facilitate trade and friendship—something that Monnet never intended of the EEC/EU, though something Macmillan successfully created with his EFTA; a group which facilitates trade and friendship—not an organisation that supinely usurps the powers of states.  

The Bias of Attrition

Even in a day of instant media, for many when it comes to news,  it remains 1956 and Richard Dimbelby is still watering his spaghetti tree .  Yes, the hallowed BBC is where the television and radio news begins and ends for many too many, though not without cause.  The BBC presents the most polished, professional looking and sounding reports of any news organisation in the world.  The stories appear thorough and indeed many though certainly not all of  the reports are just that.  I watch the BBC and will continue to do so, but this certainly does not mean that BBC News is a hallowed organisation whose word ought to be not only the first but the last in news.  Once one gets past readers who intrinsically know the correct pronunciations of opposition Bangladeshi MPs who died in 1984 and a seemingly infinite knowledge of remote Congolese villages enraptured in three man civil wars; The BBC’s ‘polite agenda’ often hampers the organisation from delivering stories that might upset the careful balance of left and right in the minds of many pseudo-intellectual segments of the public.  The BBC has always been something of a gentleman’s club, the organisation has its own rules, its own etiquette , its own official dictates regarding what to call disputed place names and how to say foreign words that would un-pronounceable to even the most donnish librarian.   But this attitude also attempts to fit news into carefully centred lest rigid paradigms of right and left.  There’s no place for extremism in BBC News, even though extremism exists in the world to-day far more than it did during the Cold War.  There’s no room for interviewing and exploring the political and military positions of seemingly vile leaders; people engaged in the kinds of behaviour that most would condemn, but still all have the right if not duty to enquire about. 

More ominously, the BBC exercises from its world coverage, anything that challenges a broadly pro-western, pro-democracy, pro-NATO, pro-Council of Europe, pro-human rights point of view.  Let me be clear; some of these things are good.  The Council of Europe(quite apart from the EU Council) is an overall decent however impotent organisation, one whose aims for the world are on the whole admirable.  Human rights and democracy are also preferable to suppression and autocracy—on this premise, most are agreed.   But this does not mean the news should simply ignore or demonise through innuendo, people and regimes in the world that are deemed to be outside the Council of Europe human rights esprit de corps. 

In recent years, the trend of taking a pointed negative tone with anti-European regimes has dangerously metamorphosed into a kind of patronising paranoia in the reporting of both home and foreign political affairs.  Reports on political movements apart from the three traditional parties is virtually non-existent with the somewhat queer exception offering inflated publicity of the BNP—this especially in the last general election.  The BBC have a pornographic fascination with this irrelevant party and exploit its existence to portray all parties outside of the Con-Lib-Lab consensus as comically absurd as the BNP are.  The truth is, the majority of moderate people are fed up with the political status quo.  They are turning to UKIP on the right and the Greens on the left or away from politics all together.  Even nationalist parties ought to get their due, even though I find these parties even more reprehensible than the BNP. 

Worst of all though are BBC reports on the EU.  The EU is a cryptic, somewhat mysterious and endlessly convoluted organisation; but this does not mean reports on EU affairs, affairs which affect 75pct of all UK law, ought to be dull and confused.  When the BBC devote time to the EU it’s usually at three in the morning on a Tuesday when an obscure EPP MEP from Denmark debates an aubergine and a tabby cat on reform of pensions for window cleaners in Antwerp.  Yet whilst the BBC are attempting(either wantonly or due to  lack of sound judgement ) to kill interest in the EU via intellectual attrition, some very crucial things are transpiring.  The EU is attempting to take away from both the private sector and nation-sates, the right to regulate financial markets, The European Arrest Warrant has seen people seized from their homes held in conditions of unmitigated squalor, conditions that would but considered un-fit for human habitation by the Geneva Conventions—all without what would pass for proper evidence.  Beginning this year,  police from any EU member state can be ordered by police from any other member state to spy on their own citizens; making no allowance for national privacy laws.  The EU is forcing countries into austerity measures when the EU itself refuses to allow her own books to be audited whilst continuing to pay pensions that are more generous than those of any national civil service or indeed any nation-state’s parliament in Europe.  Suddenly the EU isn’t as boring as it is unquestionably significant.  But BBC viewers and listeners would be forgiven for thinking otherwise. 

Thorough reports on both sides of opinion on Europe, the non-Western world and military struggles in far off places are easily found on the web and indeed in many newspapers.  Yet the BBC maintain  an iron grip on sophisticated digital as well as broadcast reporting, leaving many in the dark when it comes to crucial matters affecting the world.

What then is a viable alternative?  Sky News is simply the BBC hosted by reporters with poor A-levels.  ITV News as perversely atrocious and boorish as Saudi hard pornography.  But then there’s RT, a source for television news that I find myself turning to with ever more frequency.  RT is everything the BBC is not—for better and for worse.  The reporters aren’t as well dressed, the studios not as sleek, the music less dramatic, some readers are speaking English as a 3rd language—but when one sets style to one side, RT’s true value is lain bear.  RT’s value is substance. 

RT was set up in order to offer a European audience, perspectives on world events from beyond the cocoon of  consensus land.  RT forsakes the BBC’s polite agenda and interviews  some of the world’s most intelligent, rogue, controversial, dangerous  but also most respected figures—RT take no prisoners in this respect.   I take no pride in saying this but 24 hour BBC News reports have become rather provincial in recent years—very recent years in fact.  Reports about a small time murderer, imprisoned paedophile, moronic pop star or worse yet reports that ‘David Miliband is going to make an announcement’ when the world would be perfectly happy to hear other stories until he has made his announcement;  are just some of the problems with an increasingly provincial if not parochial BBC. 

RT by contrast devote segments often of up to fifteen minutes in length to debate crucial matters of world affairs with historians, economists, authors and eloquent politicians including from opposition movements little known anywhere in Europe or the UK.  RT’s reports on Europe are un-afraid to show the cracks in the EU’s armour, something the BBC simply don’t like to do.  The European Question has two sides.  There’s the ‘everything is fine, we know what we’re doing, Europe as she stands is the only way forward’, point of view.  But then there are voices of Euroscepticism, voices coming from sources as diverse as concerned liberals, from traditional conservatives, from trade unionists, from nationalistic parties, from Communists, from Governments such as the Czech and Polish Government and now even the German opposition—and RT gives all of these people, people as diverse as Lord Dartmouth of UKIP to the Czech President.  The depth and breadth of RT’s reporting is something that is simply no longer seen on the carefully packaged BBC, even on News Night , I sometimes watch and wonder if it’s little more than tabloid journalism read by people who can pronounce obscure names in Tagalog whilst eating an unripe mango. 

Reports from the Russian sphere are often seen as RT’s strongest area.  In this area,  coverage of utterly intriguing as well as highly relevant regional conflicts are presented in a 24 hour format, conflicts whose existence often doesn’t even make it to many English language websites, let alone the BBC.  RT is not by any means pro-Kremlin.  Yes, it tends towards scepticism of radical nationalist movements in the Russian sphere just as inversely the BBC harbours instinctually anti-Kremlin and anti-Putin/anti-Medvedev slants.  But whilst the BBC is content to derived Russia in the misleading and inaccurate lexicon of the Cold War, RT delve far deeper.  For the BBC, Russia is a kind of anti-democratic backwater, RT expose the real Russia; a state reclaiming her traditional greatness, but also a state going through a long  transitional period—just as Western Europe did after the World Wars.  RT interview leaders and opposition politicians and intellects from all of the regions and republics of the Russian sphere.  They report on internal Russian affairs in a manner that is deeply more thorough and considered than anything in the West—exposing European observers to names of Russian opposition leaders whose side they’ve taken without even knowing their names.  Seeing the real face of the Russian opposition ought to be rather telling to many in Europe.  Those who oppose Putin and Medvedev are not all liberal minded cosmopolitans  with an eye to Europe.  Many are on the fringes of such dangerous extremes to the extent that their presence in political life would be anathema in any European nation-state. 

But RT’s extra-European coverage extends far beyond the Russian realms.  In a move that ought to shame the BBC, who have been reporting in India since the BEEB’s inception; RT offer a far more comprehensive view of Indian politics and social affairs  and one can same the same of BBC reports into East Asian politics and social affairs.  RT wisely forsake sound bite reporting and elaborate filmed reports for in depth interviews with people who have considerable expertise in regional politics, as well as interviews with first hand witnesses of prominent events round the world.  In an age where the world is more interconnected than ever before, it’s rather necessary to have a news outlet who look beyond London, Brussels, Paris and Berlin to other regions from South America to Central Asia. 

I’d like also to dispel another rumour about RT.  RT is not an arm of the Kremlin.  It is a private organisation whom the Russian Government along with many international charities and grants, fund.  The BBC gets vastly more money from the British Government than RT do from the Russian Government.  I’ll not pretend the BBC will soon break out of their polite, far too polite reporting habits, but RT does signal one thing.  The BBC has for decades been the most widely spread media outlet for news across the globe.  No other service, not Sky, not Al-Jazera not CNN come close to having the reach of the BBC.  But with RT, Russia have told the world that their information culture has not only entered this new information age, but has done so in a manner that is more in depth than the BBC or Sky, vastly more transparent than Al-Jazera and far more wide ranging than CNN. 

The next time Jeremy Paxman starts complaining about the weather, I hope many a viewer will stich to where the real news has in great part gone—to Russia With Love.