The 2009 Perak constitutional crisis was a political dispute in Malaysia regarding the legitimacy of the Perak state government formed in February 2009. It began when three Pakatan Rakyat state legislators defected, causing a collapse of the state government. The Sultan of Perak then refused Menteri Besar Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin's request to dissolve the state assembly and call for new elections. Instead, Barisan Nasional (BN), with support from the three defecting assemblymen, formed the new state government.

The BN state government's legitimacy and the Sultan's decision not to dissolve the state assembly was disputed vehemently by Pakatan Rakyat politicians. A series of battles in the courts ensued between Nizar and the new Menteri Besar, Zambry Abdul Kadir. Ultimately, the Federal Court confirmed in February 2010 that Zambry was the lawful menteri besar.

Overview[link]

The crisis in Perak began with the announcement by Barisan Nasional's Nasaruddin Hashim of his desire to cross the floor to Pakatan Rakyat. This was then followed by the re-defection of Nasaruddin to Barisan Nasional, and the declaration by three Pakatan Rakyat representatives, Deputy Speaker Hee Yit Foong, senior state Executive Council member Jamaluddin Mohd. Radzi and Osman Jailu, of their intentions to sit as independents while supporting the Barisan Nasional in confidence matters. The Sultan granted an audience to the Prime Minister (who is the head of Perak Barisan Nasional); at this meeting the PM claimed that the Barisan Nasional had the support of the majority of peoples elected representatives in the State Assembly. The Sultan ordered the PM to prove he had a majority. The PM left and returned later ( the same day ) with 31 elected members of the State Assembly all of whom told the sultan that they had no confinence in the Pakatan Rakyat and that they would support a Barisan Nasional government. Prior to the defections, Pakatan Rakyat had 32 representatives while Barisan Nasional had 27 representatives. The defections meant that the state now has 28 Pakatan Rakyat representatives, 28 Barisan Nasional representatives, and 3 independent representatives who pledged confidence to Barisan Nasional.

The morality of crossing the floor, the Sultan's power to dismiss the Menteri Besar (First Minister), the validity of pre-signed undated resignation letters, the powers of the Speaker of the House and power of the Election Commission were major issues of this constitutional crisis. In 11 May 2009, the Kuala Lumpur High Court ruled that the Sultan was not constitutionally permitted to dismiss the Menteri Besar, and that Nizar had always been the rightful head of the state government. On 22 May 2009, the Court of Appeal overturned the High Court decision, and confirmed that the Barisan Nasional which has sworn in a new chief minister and parliamentary speaker for Perak should remained in power.[74] Furthermore the Court of Appeal have found the trial judge to have erred in confusing the issue of whether the government lost the confidence of the majority of the house with the issue of whether the Sultan have the power to dismiss the government. However Zambry's position as Menteri Besar will not go unchallenged despite the ruling as Pakatan Rakyat leaders have indicated they intend to file an appeal.[75]

Defections[link]

The crisis^[1] began on 25 January 2009 when a member of the Barisan Nasional coalition's main component party - UMNO, Nasarudin Hashim announced his decision to leave the party and join the PKR.^[2] Pakatan Rakyat leader, Anwar Ibrahim made continued claims of the possibility of more Perak and also Federal lawmakers from Barisan Nasional to cross the floor to Pakatan Rakyat. Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin, the state's First Minister, also hinted at the possibility of another three state lawmakers from Barisan Nasional to defect over to Pakatan Rakyat.^[3] Nasarudin Hashim's defection angered the then Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who chided Nasarudin for being weak and claimed that Nasarudin's defection was because Nasarudin was disappointed in not being offered any senior party posts.^[4] Nasarudin rebutted the Prime Minister's statement and claimed his decision was due to the mood of his constituents.^[5] On 29 January 2009 then Finance Minister Najib Razak took over from Mohammad Tajol Rosli Ghazali as the Perak UMNO chief, as Tajol Rosli resigned over Nasaruddin's party shift.^[6]

On 30 January 2009 two state assemblymen from PKR, senior state exco member and one time candidate for First Minister^[7] Jamaluddin Mat Radzi and Mohd Osman Jailu, who were both previously accused of corruption^[8] went missing from their homes.^[9] The State Assembly speaker V. Sivakumar of the DAP then declared the seats held by Jamaluddin and Osman vacant and informed the Election Commission to initiate a by-election in the two ridings. On 2 February 2009 both assemblymen reappeared and declared themselves independent of assemblymen while pledging support for Barisan Nasional in confidence matters.^[10] The Election Commission then decided to not heed the speaker's requests and states that no by-elections would be held for the seats held by Jamaluddin and Osman.^[11]

The deputy speaker of the state assembly from the DAP Hee Yit Foong declared herself independent on 3 February 2009 with the same terms as Jamaluddin and Osman - supporting Barisan Nasional in matters of confidence. Nizar had an audience with the Sultan of Perak Sultan Azlan Shah and requested a dissolution of the state assembly to pave way for a snap election on 4 January 2009.^[12] Najib in his capacity as Perak UMNO chief had an audience with Sultan Azlan Shah together with Hee, Jamaluddin and Osman. The latest Pakatan Rakyat lawmaker Nasaruddin announced his return to UMNO citing that "[He] want[s] stability in Perak."^[13] Najib, then sought royal consent for Barisan Nasional to form the new government.^[14]

An almost similar scenario occurred in the state of Sabah following the 1994 state election whereby Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS) won 25 seats against 23 won by Barisan Nasional. Defections by representatives of PBS into Barisan Nasional gave the latter the requisite majority to form government in Sabah.^[15]

New state government[link]

The Sultan Azlan Shah announced his decision to refuse Nizar's request for a dissolution of the state assembly and asked Nizar and his cabinet to resign, citing his discretion under Article XVIII (2)(b) of the Perak State Constitution^[16][17] after being satisfied that Nizar no longer commanded the support of the majority in the house of assembly.^[2][18] DAP advisor, Lim Kit Siang, charged that the sultan was obliged to act on the advice of the Menteri Besar and call fresh elections, citing Article 16(6) of the Perak State Constitution.^[19]

Nizar refused to resign and asked the sultan to reconsider and dissolve the assembly, citing reasons of democracy, with backing from leaders of Pakatan Rakyat.^[20] The police cordoned off the state secretariat building and demanded Nizar's cabinet to vacate the building.^[21] Later in the evening, the sultan asked Zambry Abdul Kadir to form the next government, removed Nizar from the office of Menteri Besar and swore in Zambry as the new First Minister on 6 February 2009.^[22]

In the morning of 6 February 2009, Nizar and his exco members returned to the Menteri Besar's office to find that their offices were cleared. Nizar held a press conference in the office premises along with his exco, but were promptly ordered to leave by the state secretary^[23] on grounds that they had breached an earlier agreement to only take his personal belongings. Nizar was escorted out of the office by the police 45 minutes later.^[24] Some members of the Bar Council defended the sultan's decision saying that His Majesty had acted within the state constitutional provisions^[25][26] while Information Minister Ahmad Shabery Cheek claimed that Nizar's refusal to resign was act of treason.^[27]

Zambry was sworn in as the new Menteri Besar of Perak at 4.08pm that day. The ceremony was attended by members of the Barisan Nasional, including Najib, who arrived in the royal palace, Istana Iskandariah, Kuala Kangsar under heavy security. Supporters of the Pakatan Rakyat amassed in large number outside the palace to protest the swearing in of Zambry.^[28][29] Anwar Ibrahim challenged the legitimacy of Zambry's appointment by stating that Nizar still remains the Menteri Besar, as guaranteed by the state constitutional provisions, while Nizar continued his call for a motion of no confidence to be held in the assembly sitting before he steps down.^[30] Nizar called for the resignation of Zambry and stated his desire to file an application at the High Court and declare his appointment as unconstitutional.^[31] Nizar and other members of the Pakatan administration returned to the Menteri Besar official residence on 7 February and went ahead of to approve three new policies in Perak.^[32]

Litigation[link]

DAP chairman and Bukit Gelugor MP Karpal Singh issued a notice that he will file a lawsuit against the sultan and the new Barisan Nasional state government for acting beyond the state Constitution. Since the Election Commission had ruled that there was doubt over the vacancy of the state seats of Changkat Jering and Behrang (held by Osman Jailu and Jamaluddin Mohd Radzi respectively) after the pre-signed letters submitted by Assembly Speaker V. Sivakumar in relation to their resignation were contradicted by denials from both assemblymen, it triggered the provision of Article 33 (1). The provision stated that "if any question arises whether a member of the state Legislative Assembly has become disqualified for membership, the decision of the assembly shall be taken and shall be final".^[33] Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin also filed an application at the High Court to declare the swearing in of Zambry Abdul Kadir as unconstitutional and illegal.^[34]

Assembly below a tree[link]

Before the sitting[link]

According to Nizar's senior exco member Ngeh Koo Ham, the Perak state legal advisor, Ahmad Kamal Mohd Shahid was trying to block state representatives from being notified of an emergency sitting of the state assembly on 3 March. He mentioned that this obstruction was in “contempt of the house” and liable for punishment under house rules.^[35]

The sitting[link]

Because the assemblypersons were barred from entering the building, Sivakumar declared the parking lot of the State Secretariat building as the meeting place. The assembly met under a tree in the parking lot, which would later be known as the Democracy tree. All the three motions were debated and passed unanimously, 27-0.^[36]

1BlackMalaysia protest and arrests[link]

The Coalition for Free and Fair Elections (Bersih) urged Malaysians to wear black on 7 May, to protest the "ongoing Perak coup" by the Barisan Nasional government. "It will be a peaceful but powerful message of civil disobedience: that we, the people, are the politicians' bosses and no politician defiant of public opinion can escape punishment at the next poll," said Bersih representative Wong Chin Huat at the launch of the 1BLACKMalaysia campaign on 5 May.^[37] That evening, Wong was arrested for sedition for writing several articles, including on the 1BLACKMalaysia campaign.^[38] Security was tight around the state secretariat building where the state assembly is housed. The police cordoned off the roads in the areas from the night before the sitting on 7 May. The police warned political party supporters not to create tension by dressing in black and gathering illegally in protest of the Perak state assembly sitting.^[39] That didn't stop the supporters from showing up, dressed in black. Even before the sitting began, the police had arrested at dozens of people.^[40][41]

High Court rules takeover illegal[link]

On 11 May 2009, the High Court of Kuala Lumpur ruled that, since there had been no vote of no confidence in the state assembly, the Barisan Nasional takeover was "illegal" and the Pakatan Rakyat's Mohd Nizar Jamaluddin still held office.^[42] The opposition is expected to call for fresh elections, while the ruling party has vowed to appeal.^[42] The Regent of Perak Raja Nazrin Shah has agreed to see Datuk Seri Nizar Jamaluddin on his request for dissolution of the Perak state legislature and the call for a fresh election.^[43]

The night of 11 May, the Pakatan Rakyat Perak executive council met and dismissed the state secretary and state legal adviser. Nizar announced his executive council would report for work the next day, and asserted that the 7 May sitting of the state assembly was invalid because it had been called by Zambry. By implication, this would prevent the Barisan-appointed Speaker from convening a new sitting of the state assembly.^[44]

On 12 May, Zambry filed his appeal at the Court of Appeal, which granted him a stay of execution on the court ruling, allowing him to retain the post of Menteri Besar until his appeal is heard.^[45][46]

Overturning of the High Court verdict[link]

The Court of Appeal overturned the High Court decision and held that Zambry the lawful Menteri Besar. The Court of Appeal's verdict was upheld by the Federal Court with a 5-0 verdict in February 2010.^[47]

The constitutional crisis came to an indefinite end with Pakatan leaders having no choice but to obey the ruling. As a result, no fresh election was called and Zambry continues as Menteri Besar while Nizar became the opposition leader.

Comments and interpretations of the constitutional crisis[link]

On 2 March 2009, the president of the Malaysian Bar Council, Ambiga Sreenevasan remarked that the Institution of the Perak and its constitution are breaking down.^[48] She also mentioned that the secretary of state does not have the power to interfere in the affair of the assembly nor does the police, while the speaker has the very rights within the constitution to exercise his power to call for an emergency sitting of the state assembly.^[48] She was also quoted saying “Our institutions, that is the courts, the police, et cetera, are being tested and we can judge for ourselves whether they are acting independently or not.”^[48]

Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, an UMNO politician veteran agreed with Pakatan MB to dissolve the state legislative and call for fresh state elections to resolve the political stalemate in Perak.^[49]

The Human Rights Commission (Suhakam) has joined the ever increasing chorus calling for fresh state elections to resolve the political stalemate in Perak.^[50]

Hardial Singh Khaira, a legal researcher, has done a full research on the The Dismissal and Appointment of Menteri Besars in Perak before any judgment was delivered on the Perak constitutional crisis by any Malaysian court and the full article can be viewed online.^[51]

References[link]

v t e Protests and rallies in Malaysia Kuala Lumpur Bersih Rally, 2007 HINDRAF rally, 2007 2009 Anti ISA Rally Air Untuk Rakyat rally, 2010 Bersih Rally, 2011 2012 Free Anwar Rally Bersih Rally, 2012 2012 Green Assembly 3.0 Other states Perak 1BlackMalaysia protests, 2009 Pahang 2012 Green Assembly 2.0 Selangor 2012 Woman Transformation Rally 2012 Save Chinese Education Assembly

Perak
—  State  —
Perak Darul Ridzuan ڨيرق دار الرّضوان
Flag Coat of arms of Perak Coat of arms
Anthem: Allah Lanjutkan Usia Sultan
Perak in    Malaysia
Coordinates: 4°45′N 101°0′E / 4.75°N 101°E / 4.75; 101Coordinates: 4°45′N 101°0′E / 4.75°N 101°E / 4.75; 101
Capital	Ipoh
Royal capital	Kuala Kangsar
Government
• Sultan	Sultan Azlan Shah
• Menteri Besar	Zambry Abdul Kadir (BN)
Area[1]
• Total	21,035 km2 (8,122 sq mi)
Population (2010)[2]
• Total	2,258,428
• Density	110/km2 (280/sq mi)
Human Development Index
• HDI (2010)	0.719 (high) (8th)
Postal code	30xxx to 36xxx 39xxx
Calling code	05
Vehicle registration	A
Pangkor treaty	1874
Federated into FMS	1895
Japanese occupation	1942
Accession into Federation of Malaya	1948
Website	http://www.perak.gov.my

Perak (Jawi: ڨيرق, Simplified Chinese:霹雳）), one of the 13 states of Malaysia, is the second largest state in Peninsular Malaysia bordering Kedah and Yala Province of Thailand to the north, Penang to the northwest, Kelantan and Pahang to the east, Selangor to the south and the Straits of Malacca to the west.

Perak means silver in Malay. The name comes probably from the silvery colour of tin. In the 1890s, Perak, with the richest alluvial deposits of tin in the world was one of the jewels in the crown of the British Empire. However, some say the name comes from the "glimmer of fish in the water" that sparkled like silver. The Arabic honorific of the State is Darul Ridzuan, the Land of Grace.

Ipoh, the state capital of Perak, was known historically for its tin-mining activities until the price of tin dropped, which severely affected the state economy. The royal capital, however, is set in Kuala Kangsar, where the palace of the Sultan of Perak is located.

History[link]

Legend tells of a Hindu-Malay Kingdom called Gangga Negara in the northwest of Perak. Archaeological discoveries indicate that Perak was inhabited since prehistoric times.

The modern history of Perak began with the fall of the Malacca Sultanate. The eldest son of the last Sultan of Melaka (Sultan Mahmud Shah), Raja Muzaffar Shah, fleeing the Portuguese conquest of 1511, established his own dynasty on the banks of the Sungai Perak (Perak River) in 1528. Being rich in tin ore deposits, it was under almost continuous threat from outsiders.

Dutch colonialism[link]

The ruins of the Dutch Fort on Pangkor Island

The Dutch attempted to control the tin trade in the 17th century, and built defensive forts at the mouth of the Perak River and on Pulau Pangkor.

Early history recorded the arrival in Perak of the Dutch in 1641, when they captured the Straits of Malacca and controlled tin-ore and spice trading. However, the Dutch attempt to monopolise the tin-ore trading in Perak by influencing Sultan Muzaffar Syah failed. They then turned to Sultanah Tajul Alam Safiatuddin, the Sultan of Aceh, to seek permission to trade in Perak, which forced the Sultan of Perak to sign a treaty, allowing the Dutch to build their plant in Kuala Perak on August 15, 1650. This did not go down well with the aristocracy of Perak.

In 1651, Temenggung and the people of Perak attacked and destroyed the Dutch plant. The Dutch were forced to leave their base in Perak.

In 1655, the Dutch sent a representative to Perak to renew the agreement made earlier and to seek compensation for the loss of their plant. Perak however did not honour the treaty and was thus surrounded by the Dutch. In retaliation, the people of Perak with Aceh, Ujung Salang, launched a surprise attack on the Dutch.

In 1670, the Dutch returned to Perak to build Kota Kayu, now known as Kota Belanda ("Dutch Fortress"), on Pangkor Island.

Perak agreed to the construction because of news that the Kingdom of Siam would be attacking the state. Nevertheless, in 1685, once again Perak attacked the Dutch on Pangkor Island and forced them to retreat and shut down their headquarters. The Dutch attempted to negotiate for a new treaty but failed.

British colonialism[link]

Sultan Abdullah of Perak

In the 19th century, the Bugis, Acehnese, and the Thai all attempted to invade Perak. Only British intervention in 1820 prevented Siam from annexing Perak. Although the British were initially reluctant to establish a colonial presence in Malaya, increasing investment in the tin mines brought a great influx of Chinese immigrants, including Foo Ming, who formed rival clan groups allied with Malay chiefs and local gangsters, all of whom battled to control the mines. The Perak sultanate, involved in a protracted succession struggle, was unable to maintain order.

In her book The Golden Chersonese and The Way Thither (published 1892 G.P. Putnam's Sons), Victorian traveller and adventuress Isabella Lucy Bird (1831–1904) describes how Raja Muda Abdullah (as he then was) turned to his friend in Singapore, Tan Kim Ching. Tan, together with an English merchant in Singapore drafted a letter to Governor Sir Andrew Clarke which Abdullah signed. The letter expressed Abdullah's desire to place Perak under British protection, and "to have a man of sufficient abilities to show (him) a good system of government." In 1874, the Straits Settlements governor Sir Andrew Clarke convened a meeting on Pulau Pangkor, at which Sultan Abdullah was installed on the throne of Perak in preference to his rival, Sultan Ismail. This Pangkor Treaty also required that the Sultan of Perak accept a British Resident, a post granted wide administrative powers. In 1875, various Perak chiefs assassinated the British Resident James W.W. Birch, resulting in the short-lived Perak War of 1876. Sultan Abdullah was exiled to the Seychelles, and the British installed a new ruler. The new resident, Sir Hugh Low, was well-versed in the Malay language and local customs, and proved to be a more capable administrator. He also introduced the first rubber trees in Malaya.

In 1896, Perak joined Selangor, Negeri Sembilan and Pahang to form the Federated Malay States. However, the British Resident system persisted until the Malayan Union was established in 1948. Perak as a component of the Federation of Malaya gained independence on August 31, 1957.

Administration[link]

Constitutional monarchy[link]

Royal throne of Perak

Under the laws of the Constitution of Perak, Perak is a constitutional monarchy, with a constitutional hereditary ruler. The current Sultan of Perak is Sultan Azlan Muhibbuddin Shah, who was the ninth Yang di-Pertuan Agong of Malaysia and formerly the Lord President of the Supreme Court of Malaysia.

State Government[link]

Following the opposition coalition winning Perak in the 2008 general election, Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin of Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) was appointed as the new Menteri Besar (Chief Minister) of the state eventually,^[3] although the Democratic Action Party (DAP) won the most seats compared to other opposition parties. The Menteri Besar did not come from the Chinese-based party as the state constitution states that the Chief Minister must be a Muslim, unless the Sultan specially appoints a non-Muslim Chief Minister. As DAP does not have any Muslim assemblymen, if the Sultan insists that the Chief Minister must be a Muslim, then the assemblymen would have to come from either Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) or PAS, which formed the coalition state government with DAP. On February 3, 2009, Barisan Nasional, the national ruling party, gained control over the state government, after the defections of three Pakatan Rakyat assemblymen.^[4] However, several cases have been filed in the Kuala Lumpur High Court challenging the validity of the new Barisan Nasional government, causing a constitutional crisis. Adding to this crisis is the fact that the Pakatan Rakyat Menteri Besar has refused to resign and states that he is still the legal Menteri Besar until he is removed through vote of no confidence or snap election.

Administrative divisions[link]

Perak is divided into 10 administrative districts which are further divided into local administrative Municipal councils. The following is a list of the 10 administrative districts in terms of population.^[5]

Map[link]

Please note that the districts of Kerian and Larut, Matang dan Selama have been wrongly labelled in the map on the right. Both districts are in the northwest corner of the state. Kerian district is in the west and Larut, Matang dan Selama is in the east.

Perak constitutional crisis[link]

In February 2009, Barisan Nasional retook Perak State Assembly from the Pakatan Rakyat government, after the defections of Hee Yit Foong (Jelapang), Jamaluddin Mohd. Radzi (Behrang) and Mohd. Osman Jailu (Changkat Jering) to Barisan Nasional as independent assemblymen. The Sultan of Perak dismissed the Pakatan Rakyat government but refused to dissolve the state assembly and thus trigger new elections. Amid multiple protests, lawsuits and arrests, a new Barisan Nasional-led State Assembly was sworn in on May 7, but the takeover was ruled illegal by the High Court in Kuala Lumpur on May 11, 2009, restoring power to the Pakatan Rakyat.^[6] However immediately on the next day, the court of appeal suspended the judgement of the High Court in Kuala Lumpur pending a new judgement from the court of appeal, and followed by May 22, 2009, the Court of Appeal overturned the High Court's decision and returned power back to the Barisan Nasional.

Demographics[link]

Once Malaysia's most populous state, Perak has yet to recover from an economic slowdown caused by the decline in the tin mining industry. The weak economy has led to a massive drain in manpower to higher-growth states such as Penang, Selangor and the Federal Territory of Kuala Lumpur. Perak's population is at an annual rate of 0.4% growth.

• 2001 - 2,051,236
• 2006 - 2,283,000
• 2010 - 2,258,428^[2] (official 2010 census)

The ethnic composition of the population was estimated in 2001 to be:

• Bumiputera (1,101,105 or 53.68%)
• Chinese (643,129 or 31.35%)
• Indian (262,121 or 12.78%)
• Other (6,536 or 0.32%, including 2,080 Thai)
• Non-Citizen (38,345 or 1.87%)^[7]

The population breakdown estimation for 2010 is:

• Bumiputera - 1,360,506 or 55.74%
• Chinese - 702,170 or 28.77%
• Indian - 296,600 or 12.15%
• Others - 8,842 or 0.36%
• Non-Citizen - 72,751 or 2.98%

Geography[link]

Perak covers an area of 21,035 km² (8,122 sq mi),^[1] making up 6.4 percent of total land banks in Malaysia.^[8] It is the second largest Malaysian state in the Malay Peninsula, and the fourth in the whole of Malaysia.

Perak's days are warm and sunny, while its nights are cool the whole year through, with occasional rains in the evenings. Temperature is fairly constant, that is, from 23 °C to 33 °C, with humidity often more than 82.3 percent. Annual rainfall measures at 3,218 mm.^[8]

Economy[link]

Perak was one of Malaysia's wealthiest states during Malaya's colonial period, as much of Malaya's mineral deposits were situated here. The tin industry here subsequently flourished under the auspices of the British fueled by the ongoing Industrial Revolution then. The global tin industry collapsed in the 1980s, subsequently forcing the closure of many local tin mines concurrently crippling Perak’s economy.

This turn of events led the local state government to diversify the economy's base towards commodity-based manufacturing. The mid-1980s witnessed a large influx of electronics SMEs from Taiwan to Silibin and Jelapang industrial estates, but these have relocated to China in the 1990s as a result of outsourcing. A local car manufacturing hub called Proton City at Tanjung Malim has been developed with the establishment of state-of-the-art car manufacturing facilities, it is the largest manufacturer of Proton cars. However, the economy has never fully recovered from the decline of the tin industry.

Agriculture is also one of Perak's main industries, especially those concerning rubber, coconut and palm oil. Tourism is a growing industry given the state's abundant natural attractions.^[8]

Perak is set to become the second state (after Kelantan) to introduce the gold dinar and silver dirham as official currency.^[9]

Transportation[link]

Railway[link]

The railway service is undergoing major upgrading with the advent of electrified trains running on double tracks from Kuala Lumpur to Ipoh. Ipoh Railway Station is an imposing structure in the city centre. Built in the Moorish style, this white structure, nicknamed the Taj Mahal of Ipoh, was completed in 1935 to replace the original railway platform shed built in 1917. The Ipoh Railway Station is said to be the second most beautiful railway station in Malaysia after the Kuala Lumpur Railway Station. It is located on Jalan Panglima Bukit Gantang Wahab.

Tourism[link]

Masjid Ubudiah

There are several places of interests in Perak, such as its state capital, Ipoh, legendary for their silky noodles in soup called 'Sar Hor Fun' and Hainanese chicken rice. Tambun pomelos are another attraction to locals from other states.

Kuala Kangsar, just 48 km north of Ipoh on the Perak River, is the royal town of Perak. It is dominated by three buildings: Istana Iskandariah, Istana Kenangan and the Ubudiah Mosque. The Istana Iskandariah, located on a hill overlooking the river, is the palace of the Sultan of Perak. Istana Kenangan, which was constructed as a temporary residence during the Iskandariah's construction is known for its beautiful architecture. The Ubudiah Mosque is an impressive structure topped with a constellation of bright golden domes.^[10]

Kellie's Castle is located in Batu Gajah. It was built in 1915 and was never completed as the owner William Kellie Smith returned to England and died there. Many believe the castle is haunted, having many secret rooms and even a hidden tunnel. Today, it is opened as a tourist attraction.

Accessible from Lumut, the Pangkor Island holds a mix of quaint fishing settlements and white beaches decked with rich vegetation. The warm waters are perfect for swimming and diving while the atmosphere is simply relaxing. Many resorts are available for accommodation on this popular island.

A beautiful white water rafting location in Perak is at My Gopeng Resort (Gopeng). Many are here to do white water rafting (Grade 3), waterfall abseiling, rafflesia's flower trekking, jungle trekking and many others adventurous packages in Perak.

Ipoh panorama

Cuisine[link]

Lemang, a Malay delicacy made from glutinous rice cooked in a bamboo tube over slow fire is a must-have during the festivities such as Hari Raya Aidilfitri and Hari Raya Haji, especially along with some rendang. Some say lemang originated from the indigenous people who cook their rice using bamboo.

Tempoyak is another popular Malay delicacy. It is durian extract which is preserved and kept in an urn. Commonly eaten with chillies and other dishes, it is well known due to the popularity of its key ingredient, durian, among the locals.

• 

  Mangrove logs in Matang Charcoal Factory

• 

  A lion cub in Taiping Zoo, Perak

• 

  Zigzag bridge in Taiping Lake Garden

• 

  A bowl of Mee Udang (Prawn noodles)

• 

  Sam Poh Tong Cave Temple in Ipoh.

• 

  Street view of Ipoh City

• 

  Cave painting in Perak Tong Limestone Cave Temple

• 

  Ipoh railway Station in Perak

• 

  The man with his wonderful smile, runs a bicycle repair shop in Kampar Old Town

• 

  The busy morning market in Kampar old town is always a beautiful sight for photography. Merchants aggressively marketing their products shouting to get attention and negotiating prices.

See also[link]

• List of sub-national animals

Literature[link]

• Isabella Lucy Bird. The Golden Chersonese and The Way Thither. (1892). G.P. Putnam's Sons.
• Barbara Watson Andaya. Perak, the Abode of Grace. (1979). East Asian Historical Monographs. ISBN 978-0-19-580385-3
• John Frederick Adolphus McNair. Perak and the Malays. (1878). Cornell University Library. ISBN 978-1-4297-4312-9
• Raja Bilah and the Mandailings in Perak: 1875-1911. MBRAS Monograph Series, No. 35. (2003). ISBN 967-9948-31-5

References[link]

External links[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Perak

• Perak State Government's Official Website
• Department of His Royal Highness, the Sultan of Perak in handling and managing all the activities of Perak's State Ruler
• Perak page on the official portal of the Ministry of Tourism Malaysia

	Kedah  Penang	Yala Province,  Thailand	Narathiwat Province,  Thailand  Kelantan
	Strait of Malacca
		Perak    East
		Selangor	Pahang

v t e Perak Darul Ridzuan Districts Kinta Larut, Matang dan Selama Hilir Perak Manjung Batang Padang Kerian Kuala Kangsar Hulu Perak Perak Tengah Kampar Cities Ipoh (capital) Towns Alor Pongsu Ayer Tawar Bagan Datoh Bagan Serai Bagan Sungai Burong Banir Batak Rabit Batu Gajah Behrang Bercham Beruas Bidor Bikam Bota Bukit Gantang Bukit Merah Changkat Jering Changkat Keruing Chemor Chenderiang Chenderong Balai Chikus Damar Laut Gerik Gopeng Gua Tempurung Hutan Melintang Jelapang Jenderata Jerlun Kamunting Kampar Kampung Gajah Karai Kota Baharu Kota Setia Kuala Kangsar Kuala Kurau Kuala Sepetang Langkap Lekir Lenggong Lumut Manjoi Malim Nawar Mambang Di Awan Manong Menglembu Padang Rengas Pantai Remis Parit Parit Buntar Pasir Salak Pekan Gurney Pengkalan Hulu (Kroh) Proton City Selama Semanggol Seri Iskandar Seri Manjung Simpang Tiga Sitiawan Slim Slim River Sungai Siput Sungkai Taiping Tambun Tanjung Belanja Tanjung Malim Tanjung Piandang Tanjung Rambutan Tanjung Tualang Tapah Tapah Road Teluk Batik Teluk Intan Teluk Rubiah Temoh Temoh Station Trolak Terong Teronoh Ulu Bernam Villages FELDA Besout Padang Gajah Sayong Kampung Kuala Slim Kampung Pintu Gerbang Islands Pulau Pangkor Pulau Pangkor Laut Pulau Banding Townships Bandar Meru Raya Sunway City Ipoh Special Zones Northern Corridor Economic Region (Northern Perak)

v t e States and federal territories of Malaysia States Johor Kedah Kelantan Malacca Negeri Sembilan Pahang Perak Perlis Penang Sabah Sarawak Selangor Terengganu Federal Territories Kuala Lumpur Labuan Putrajaya

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A constitutional crisis is a situation that the legal system's constitution or other basic principles of operation appear unable to resolve; it often results in a breakdown in the orderly operation of government. Often, generally speaking, a constitutional crisis is a situation in which separate factions within a government disagree about the extent to which each of these factions hold sovereignty. Most commonly, constitutional crises involve some degree of conflict between different branches of government (e.g., executive, legislature, and/or judiciary), or between different levels of government in a federal system (e.g., state and federal governments).

A constitutional crisis may occur because one or more parties to the dispute willfully chooses to violate a provision of a constitution or an unwritten constitutional convention, or it may occur when the disputants disagree over the interpretation of such a provision or convention. If the dispute arises because some aspect of the constitution is ambiguous or unclear, the ultimate resolution of the crisis often establishes a precedent for the future. For instance, the United States constitution is silent on the question of whether states are allowed to secede from the Union; however, after the secession of several states was forcibly prevented in the American Civil War, it has become generally accepted that states cannot leave the Union.

A constitutional crisis is distinct from a rebellion, which is defined as when factions outside of a government challenge that government's sovereignty, as in a coup or revolution led by the military or civilian protesters.

A constitutional crisis can lead to government paralysis, collapse, or civil war.

African Constitutional crises[link]

Democratic Republic of the Congo[link]

Patrice Lumumba

• President Joseph Kasavubu and Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba attempted to dismiss each other in September 1960. General Mobutu Sese Seko deposed both in a coup later that month, then restored Kasavubu as president.

Asian Constitutional crises[link]

Iran[link]

• Mohammed Reza Pahlavi's 1953 dismissal of Prime Minister Mohammed Mossadegh and Mossadegh's subsequent refusal to quit the office

Nepal[link]

• The Loktantra Andolan movement of 2006, which rejected King Gyanendra's year-long direct rule and stripped him of political authority

Pakistan[link]

• Supreme Court Chief Justice Sajjad Ali Shah clashed repeatedly with Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif in late 1997, accusing him of undermining the court's independence. After Ali Shah suspended a constitutional amendment that prevented dismissal of the prime minister, Sharif ordered President Farooq Leghari to appoint a new chief justice. When Leghari refused, Sharif considered impeaching him, but backed down after a warning from the armed forces. Faced with a choice of accepting Sharif's demands or dismissing him, Leghari resigned. Ali Shah resigned shortly afterward, establishing Sharif's dominance.

Thailand[link]

• In March 2006, 60 seats of the National Assembly of Thailand could not be elected, and Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra refused to resign. The judicial system did not lead up to Supreme Court as the top arbitrator so there were inconsistent rulings from the civil, criminal, administrative, and constitutional Courts.

European Constitutional crises[link]

Belgium[link]

• The World War II conduct of Leopold III included violation of constitutional principles, including surrender to Germany against ministerial advice. When he returned to Belgium in 1950, a general strike against him pushed him into abdication.
• In 1990, King Baudouin refused routine Royal Assent to the law on abortion in Belgium. The issue was resolved by (constitutionally but controversially) having Badouin temporarily declared incapable of reigning, the Council of Ministers giving assent as provided for in the Belgian Constitution, and Badouin declared capable again.

Denmark[link]

• The Easter Crisis of 1920, when King Christian X of Denmark dismissed the country's cabinet

England[link]

For events after 1707, see below.

John of England signs Magna Carta. Illustration from Cassell's History of England (1902)

• The 1215 Barons' revolt against the rule of King John, which led to the Magna Carta. Immediately, John repudiated Magna Carta, leading to the First Barons' War
• The Break with Rome, in which King Henry VIII repudiated papal authority and created himself Supreme Head of the Church of England, leading to the English Reformation
• King Charles I's insistence on the Divine Right of Kings, manifest in his Personal Rule from 1629 to 1640, and leading directly to the Wars of the Three Kingdoms
• The Glorious Revolution of 1688-89: The flight of King James II/VII from the country left no king in his place to rule England or Scotland or to summon a Parliament. When King William and Queen Mary jointly replaced him there was therefore no legally recognised Parliament to legitimise their irregular succession to the throne. This led to the Crown and Parliament Recognition Act 1689.

France[link]

• The constitutional crisis of the 16 May 1877: President Patrice de Mac-Mahon dissmisses Prime Minister Jules Simon and names Albert de Broglie to replace him. The National Assembly refuses to recognize the new government and a crisis, which ends with the dissolution of the Assembly and new elections, ensues.

Germany[link]

• In 2010, a Berlin court upheld the City of Berlin's decision to not recognize the marriage of two homosexual persons, which is in opposition to the 2009 decision of the Federal Constitutional Court's decision that demanded full marriage equality for gay persons.

Malta[link]

• The 1981 election, when, due to a quirk in that country's Single Transferrable Vote system, the party winning more than half the votes won fewer than half the seats

Norway[link]

• Dissolution of the union between Norway and Sweden in 1905

Rome[link]

• The crossing of the Rubicon by Julius Caesar in 49 BC with his legions. This action, which had no precedent, precipitated a crisis only fully resolved in 31 BC, when Octavian defeated all his enemies to become the sole master of the Roman world.

Russia[link]

• The constitutional crisis of 1993: a conflict between Russian President Boris Yeltsin and the Russian parliament led by Ruslan Khasbulatov, which resulted in a military siege of the parliament building and street fighting, claiming 187 lives. Aleksandr Rutskoy assumed the powers of the Acting President of Russia for a few days.

Scotland[link]

This covers the Kingdom of Scotland, which became part of the Kingdom of Great Britain after 1707. For constitutional crises since then, see United Kingdom below.

• The succession crisis resulting from the death of Queen Margaret in 1290. Edward I of England, whose son Edward was to marry Margaret, was asked to arbitrate, and chose John Balliol, who swore an oath of fealty to Edward, turning Scotland into an English vassal in 1292. Soon, Balliol and the Scottish nobility revolted, leading to the Wars of Scottish Independence.

United Kingdom[link]

• The rejection of the 1909 People's Budget by the House of Lords. This caused a two-year impasse, leading to the Parliament Act 1911.
• The 1936 Edward VIII abdication crisis, when King Edward VIII proposed to marry divorcee Wallis Simpson against the advice of his ministers.

North American Constitutional crises[link]

Canada[link]

• In the King-Byng Affair of 1926, Governor General Viscount Byng of Vimy refused the request of Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King to dissolve Parliament and call new elections after King had, months before, refused to resign. Instead, Byng dismissed King and appointed Arthur Meighen as Prime Minister, after which Meighen found himself unable to retain confidence, triggering his own resignation and an election. Reaction to the affair was reflected in the Balfour Declaration of 1926, the resulting separation of Dominion Governors-General from the British government, and the Statute of Westminster 1931 that made each realm of the Crown independent.
• The 1982 patriation of the British North America Act was contentious, as there were conflicting opinions from the federal government, provincial governments, and Supreme Court over what exactly the procedure was whereby Canada could request a constitutional amendment from the United Kingdom. The Quebec Veto Reference found that Québec did not have a veto on the patriation, leading to the current situation where the National Assembly of Québec refuses to ratify the Constitution Act in its current form, even though it is still bound by it.
• The 2008–2009 Canadian parliamentary dispute has been described by some writers^[1] as a constitutional crisis.

Honduras[link]

• The 2009 Honduran constitutional crisis saw President Manuel Zelaya attempting to hold a non-binding referendum which Congress and the Supreme Court deemed unconstitutional. The military, following orders from the Supreme Court, arrested President Zelaya.

United States[link]

• The Nullification Crisis of 1832, in which South Carolina declared that it would not permit collection of a federal tariff.
• The death of William Henry Harrison, the ninth president of the United States, in 1841: no President had ever before died in office, and the Constitution did not specify whether the incumbent Vice President John Tyler became President or Acting President.
• The secession of seven Southern states, which the federal government did not recognize, leading to the American Civil War.

• 1876 presidential election: Republicans and Democrats disputed voting results in three states. The Electoral Commission, created by Congress, voted along party lines in favor of Republican candidate Rutherford B. Hayes, who damped Southern fury by withdrawing federal troops from the South.
• 2000 presidential election: The Republican candidate George W. Bush and the Democratic candidate Albert Gore, Jr., disputed the voting results in Florida which would have determined the victor in the presidential election in the year 2000. The United States Supreme Court intervened in the recount and then later in Bush v. Gore to declare Florida's recount method a violation of the Equal Protection Clause and allow the previous certification of victory to stand - giving George W. Bush Florida's 25 electoral college votes and 271 electoral college votes overall.

Oceanian Constitutional crises[link]

Australia[link]

• The 1975 Australian constitutional crisis saw the Prime Minister Gough Whitlam dismissed by the nation's Governor-General Sir John Kerr, in response to a prolonged budget deadlock in Parliament. This occurred even though Whitlam's government had the confidence of the lower house, the House of Representatives. In the Australian Constitution the Australian Senate has equal powers with the House of Representatives, except it may not initiate or amend a supply bill. It can, however, reject or defer consideration of a money bill, and that is what it did on this occasion.

Fiji[link]

• In the Fiji constitutional crisis of 1977, the winning party in a general election failed to name a government due to internal conflicts. The Governor-General intervened, appointing a prime minister from the opposition party.

Malaysia[link]

• The 1983 Malaysian constitutional crisis saw Prime Minister Mahathir pushing forward an amendment of Article 66 of the Federal Constitution, which set the time limit of the Agong to veto a law within 30 days.^{[clarification needed]} The proposals generated a great deal of controversy between the government and the monarchy, of which the former had to launch a public campaign to pressure the monarchy to assent to the amendments.
• The 1988 Malaysian constitutional crisis was a series of events that began with the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) general election in 1987 and ended with the suspension and the eventual removal of Lord President of the Supreme Court of Malaysia Tun Salleh Abas from his seat.
• The 1993 amendments to the Constitution of Malaysia (by some interpretations a constitutional crisis) involved the limitation of monarchs' power in Malaysia. Prime Minister Mahathir bin Mohamad successfully amended the constitution to make the monarchies more accountable to their actions.
• The 2009 Perak constitutional crisis occurred in the Malaysian state of Perak when party defections caused the state ruling coalition, Pakatan Rakyat, to lose its majority in the state assembly. The Sultan of Perak refused to dissolve the state assembly when requested and dismissed the Menteri Besar (Chief Minister) while the Menteri Besar technically still had the confidence of the assembly.

New Zealand[link]

• The New Zealand constitutional crisis of 1984 was caused by Prime Minister Sir Robert Muldoon's refusal to devalue the dollar as per the instructions of the Prime Minister-elect, David Lange. The cabinet rebelled against Muldoon, who relented. The upshot was the passage of the Constitution Act, which patriated the constitution from the United Kingdom.

South American Constitutional crises[link]

Peru[link]

• Peruvian Constitutional Crisis of 1992: President Alberto Fujimori, with the support of the armed forces, dissolved the Congress after it rejected his proposal for stronger action against Shining Path and MRTA. Then, he called for elections for a Democratic Constitutional Congress to write the 1993 Peruvian Constitution. Until the new constitution was written, he ruled by decree.

Footnotes[link]

Yang Berhormat Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim MP
Leader of the Opposition of Malaysia Leader of Pakatan Rakyat
Incumbent
Assumed office 28 August 2008
Monarch	Mizan Zainal Abidin Abdul Halim
Prime Minister	Abdullah Ahmad Badawi Najib Tun Razak
Preceded by	Wan Azizah Wan Ismail
Member of the Malaysian Parliament for Permatang Pauh
Incumbent
Assumed office 28 August 2008
Preceded by	Wan Azizah Wan Ismail
Majority	15,671
In office 29 March 1982 – 14 April 1999
Preceded by	Zabidi Ali
Succeeded by	Wan Azizah Wan Ismail
7th Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia
In office 1 December 1993 – 2 September 1998
Monarch	Azlan Shah Tuanku Ja'afar
Prime Minister	Mahathir bin Mohamad
Preceded by	Ghafar Baba
Succeeded by	Abdullah Ahmad Badawi
Personal details
Born	(1947-08-10) 10 August 1947 (age 64) Cherok Tok Kun, Penang, Malayan Union
Political party	Parti Keadilan Rakyat – PR (2006–present) United Malays National Organisation – BN (1982–1998)
Spouse(s)	Wan Azizah Wan Ismail
Children	Nurul Izzah Anwar Ehsan Anwar Nurul Nuha Anwar 3 others
Alma mater	University of Malaya
Profession	Politician
Religion	Sunni Islam

Dato' Seri Anwar bin Ibrahim (born 10 August 1947) is a Malaysian politician who served as Malaysian Deputy Prime Minister from 1993 to 1998.

Early in his career, Anwar was a close ally of Prime Minister Mahathir bin Mohamad but subsequently emerged as the most prominent critic of Mahathir's government.

In 1999, he was sentenced to six years in prison for corruption, and in 2000, to another nine years for sodomy. In 2004, the Federal Court reversed the second conviction and he was released. In July 2008, he was arrested over allegations he sodomised one of his male aides, but was acquitted of the charge in January 2012.^[1]

On 26 August 2008, Anwar won re-election in the Permatang Pauh by-election and returned to Parliament as leader of the Malaysian opposition. He has stated the need for liberalisation, including an independent judiciary and free media, to combat the endemic corruption that he considers pushes Malaysia close to failed state status.^[2]

Early career[link]

From 1968 to 1971, as a student, Anwar was the president of a Muslim students organisation, Persatuan Kebangsaan Pelajar Islam Malaysia (PKPIM). Around the same time, he was also the president of Persatuan Bahasa Melayu Universiti Malaya (PBMUM). He was one of the protem committee of Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM) or Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia which was founded in 1971. He was also elected President of the Malaysian Youth Council or Majlis Belia Malaysia (MBM). In 1974, Anwar was arrested during student protests against rural poverty and hunger. This came as a report surfaced stating that a family died from starvation in a village in Baling, in the state of Kedah, despite the fact that it never happened. He was imprisoned under the Internal Security Act, which allows for detention without trial, and spent 20 months in the Kamunting Detention Centre.

In 1968–1971, he was first groomed in the National Union of Malaysian Muslim Students (Persatuan Kebangsaan Pelajar Islam Malaysia, PKPIM) as the president of the Union. In 1982, Anwar, who was the founding leader and second president of a youth Islamic organisation called Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM), shocked his liberal supporters by joining the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), led by Mahathir bin Mohamad, who had become prime minister in 1981. He moved up the political ranks quickly: his first ministerial office was that of Minister of Culture, Youth and Sports in 1983; after that, he headed the agriculture ministry in 1984 before becoming Minister of Education in 1986. By then, speculation was rife about Anwar's ascent to the Deputy Prime Minister's position as it was a commonly-occurring phenomenon in Malaysia for the Education Minister to assume the position of Deputy PM in the near future.

During his tenure as Education Minister, Anwar introduced numerous pro-Malay policies in the national school curriculum. One of his major changes was to rename the national language from Bahasa Malaysia to Bahasa Melayu. Non-Malays criticised this move as it would cause the younger generation to be detached from the national language, since they would attribute it to being something that belongs to the Malays and not to Malaysians.

U.S. Secretary of Defense William Cohen (right) meets with Anwar Ibrahim (left) in his Pentagon office.

In 1991 Anwar was appointed Minister of Finance. In 1993, he became Mahathir's Deputy Prime Minister after winning the Deputy Presidency of UMNO against Ghafar Baba. There is report on Anwar using large cash payments to win support. Anwar is alleged to have resorted to money politics to secure his position as deputy president of UMNO. Anwar's followers were witnessed by even foreign journalists handing out packets of money to acquire support of UMNO division leaders. These followers are said to be working under Anwar's instructions.^[3] Anwar was being groomed to succeed Mahathir as prime minister, and frequently alluded in public to his "son-father" relationship with Mahathir; in early 1997, Mahathir appointed Anwar to be acting Prime Minister while he took a two-month holiday.

Towards the end of the 1990s, however, the relationship with Mahathir had begun to deteriorate, triggered by their conflicting views on governance. In Mahathir's absence, Anwar had independently taken radical steps to improve the country's governing mechanisms which were in direct conflict with Mahathir's capitalist policies. Issues such as how Malaysia would respond to a financial crisis were often at the forefront of this conflict.

Anwar's frontal attack against what he described as the widespread culture of nepotism and cronyism within UMNO (and the ruling coalition as a whole) angered Mahathir, as did his attempts to dismantle the protectionist policies that Mahathir had set up. "Cronyism" was identified by Anwar as a major cause of corruption and misappropriation of funds in the country.

Teaching and non-profit work[link]

Since his release from prison, Anwar has held teaching positions at St Antony's College, Oxford, where he was a visiting fellow and senior associate member, at Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies in Washington DC as a Distinguished Senior Visiting Fellow, and in 2005–2006 as a visiting professor at the Prince Alwaleed Center for Muslim–Christian Understanding in the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University, where he continues as a Senior Fellow.^[4] In March 2006 he was appointed as Honorary President of the London-based organisation AccountAbility (Institute of Social and Ethical AccountAbility).^[5]

In July 2006, Anwar was elected Chair of the Washington-based Foundation For the Future.^[6] In this capacity, he signed the 1 October 2006 letter to Robin Cleveland of the World Bank, requesting the transfer of the secondment of Shaha Riza from the US Department of State to the Foundation for the Future. This transaction led to Paul Wolfowitz's resignation as president of the organisation.^[7] He was one of the signatories of A Common Word Between Us and You in 2007, an open letter by Islamic scholars to Christian leaders, calling for peace and understanding.

Financial crisis and fall from power[link]

During the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis Anwar, as finance minister, supported the International Monetary Fund (IMF) plan for recovery. He also instituted an austerity package that cut government spending by 18%, cut ministerial salaries and deferred major projects. "Mega projects", despite being a cornerstone of Mahathir's development strategy, were greatly curtailed.

Although many Malaysian companies faced bankruptcy, Anwar declared: "There is no question of any bailout. The banks will be allowed to protect themselves and the government will not interfere." Anwar advocated a free-market approach to the crisis, including foreign investment and trade liberalisation. Mahathir blamed currency speculators like George Soros and supported currency controls and tighter regulation of foreign investment.^[8]

In 1998 Newsweek magazine named Anwar the "Asian of the Year". However, in that year, matters between Anwar and Mahathir came to a head around the time of the quadrennial UMNO General Assembly. The Youth wing of UMNO, headed by Anwar's associate Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, gave notice that it would initiate a debate on "cronyism and nepotism". At the General Assembly, a book, 50 Dalil Kenapa Anwar Tidak Boleh Jadi PM ("50 Reasons Why Anwar Cannot Become Prime Minister") was circulated containing graphic allegations as well as accusations of corruption against Anwar. The book was written by Khalid Jafri, an ex-editor of the government-controlled newspaper Utusan Malaysia and former editor-in-chief of a failed magazine, Harian National. Anwar obtained a court injunction to prevent further distribution of the book and filed a lawsuit against the author for defamation. Police charged the author of the book with malicious publishing of false news.^[9] Among the allegations in the book was that Anwar is homosexual. The police were instructed to investigate the veracity of the claims. In what the Sydney Morning Herald termed a "blatantly political fix-up",^[10] Anwar was charged with sodomy and corruption and was convicted of both and given a 15-year prison sentence.

While he was in police custody in 1998, Anwar was beaten by the then Inspector General of Police, Rahim Noor. Rahim was subsequently found guilty of assault and jailed for two months in 2000. He made a public apology to Anwar and paid undisclosed damages.^[11]

In 1999, Anwar brought suit against Prime Minister Mahathir for defamation for allegedly uttering accusations of immoral acts and calling Anwar a homosexual at a news conference in Malaysia.^[12]

Release from prison[link]

The sodomy verdict was partially overturned in 2004, resulting in Anwar's release from prison as he had already served his sentence for the corruption offence.^[13] The original author of the book died in 2005 of complications from diabetes but not before the High Court found that he had committed libel and awarded Anwar millions of ringgit in compensation.^[14] The Federal Court on 8 March 2010 ruled that the 1998 dismissal of Anwar from his Cabinet posts by Mahathir was constitutional and valid, meaning Anwar had failed in his bid to challenge his sacking.^[15][16][17]

Although the point was by now moot, an appeal on the corruption charges was heard on 6 September 2004. Under Malaysian law a person is banned from political activities for five years after the end of his sentence. Success in this appeal would have allowed him to return to politics immediately. On 7 September, the court agreed to hear Anwar's appeal. However, on 15 September, the of Court of Appeal ruled unanimously that its previous decision to uphold a High Court ruling that found Anwar guilty was in order, relegating Anwar to the sidelines of Malaysian politics until 14 April 2008. The only way for Anwar to be freed from this stricture would have been for him to receive a pardon from the Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

Return to politics[link]

In November 2006, Anwar announced he planned to run for Parliament in 2008, after his disqualification expired. Anwar has been critical of government policies since his release from prison, most notably of the controversial New Economic Policy (NEP), which provides affirmative action for the Bumiputras. The policy sets a number of quotas, such as for units of housing and initial public offerings, that must be met.^[18]

Before he became re-entitled to run for Parliament in 2008, he acted as an "advisor" of Parti Keadilan Rakyat, the party of which his wife Dr. Wan Azizah is president. He was in the forefront in organising a November 2007 mass rally, called the 2007 Bersih Rally, which took place in the Dataran Merdeka Kuala Lumpur to demand clean and fair elections. The gathering was organised by BERSIH, a coalition comprising political parties and civil society groups, and drew supporters from all over the country.

The 2008 election date, however, was set for 8 March 2008, sparking criticisms that Barisan Nasional called for early elections in a bid to deny Anwar's plans for a return to Parliament. In response, Anwar's wife, Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, declared that she would step down should she retain her Permatang Pauh parliamentary seat to force a by-election in which Anwar himself would contest.^[19]

The 'Big Three Of Pakatan Rakyat'. (From left: Lim, Anwar, Abdul Hadi)

When asked about the possibility of Anwar becoming the next Prime Minister, former leader Tun Dr. Mahathir reacted by saying, "He would make a good Prime Minister of Israel".^[20]

On 14 April 2008, Anwar celebrated his official return to the political stage, as his ban from public office expired a decade after he was fired as Deputy Prime Minister. One of the main reasons the opposition seized a third of parliamentary seats and five states in the worst ever showing for the Barisan Nasional coalition that has ruled for half a century, was due to him leading at the helm.^[21] A gathering of more than 1,000 supporters greeted Anwar in a rally welcoming his return to politics. Police interrupted Anwar after he had addressed the rally for nearly two hours and called for him to stop the gathering since there was no legal permission for the rally.^[22]

On 29 April 2008, after 10 years of absence, he returned to the Parliament, albeit upon invitation as a spouse guest of Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, People's Justice Party and the first female opposition leader in Malaysian Parliament's history.^[23]

Permatang Pauh by-election[link]

Anwar Ibrahim was victorious in the Permatang Pauh by-election held on 26 August 2008. Muhammad Muhammad Taib, information chief of the UMNO, stated: "Yes of course we have lost . . . we were the underdogs going into this race."^[24] Anwar won by a large majority against Arif Shah Omar Shah of the Barisan Nasional coalition, according to Election Commission officials.^[25] Reuters reported "Anwar Ibrahim has won with a majority of 16,210 votes"; according to news website Malaysiakini, Anwar won 26,646 votes, while the government's Arif Omar won 10,436 votes.^[26] People's Justice Party spokeswoman Ginie Lim told the BBC: "We won already. We are far ahead."^[27]

Final results announced by the Election Commission revealed that Anwar Ibrahim won 31,195 of the estimated 47,000 votes cast in the district, while Arif Shah Omar Shah received 15,524 votes and a third candidate had 92 votes.^[28][29]

On 28 August 2008, Anwar, dressed in a dark blue traditional Malay outfit and black "songkok" hat, took the oath at the main chamber of Parliament house in Kuala Lumpur, as MP for Permatang Pauh at 10.03 am before Speaker Tan Sri Pandikar Amin Mulia. He formally declared Anwar the leader of the 3-party opposition alliance. With his daughter Nurul Izzah Anwar, also a parliamentarian, Anwar announced: "I'm glad to be back after a decade. The prime minister has lost the mandate of the country and the nation."^[30][31] At that time Anwar needed 30 government lawmakers to defect to the Opposition in order to form the next government.^[32][33][34]

Member of Parliament[link]

Anwar Ibrahim speaks at an election campaign

Petition against Najib Razak[link]

Anwar continued to attack Najib first day as prime minister, stating he found inconsistencies in the latter's decision to release 13 Internal Security Act detainees. He said as long as the ISA existed, Barisan Nasional could still detain citizens at will.^[35]

Struggle to assemble a majority coalition[link]

Anwar has already missed several deadlines he himself set for the transfer of power, each of which came and went: the most recent was Tuesday 16 September 2008.^[36] Anwar said he would need more time, and the recalibration of his message has not gone unnoticed: Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak chose that day to initiate a broadband internet program Anwar opposes, saying that he had not doubted that the government would still be in office on 16 September.^[37] Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi too pointed out that Anwar had missed his own deadline, and dismissed his claim to have secured the defection of 30 MPs.^[38]

By 25 September Anwar had still not amassed enough votes, creating doubts for Malaysians about whether he was really ready to take power,^[39] particularly in light of his failure to meet his own 16 September deadline for the transition of power. In the interim, UMNO had its own party meeting^[40][41] to broker Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's step down from power in June 2009, a year earlier than previously promised^[42]

On 24 October 2008, Anwar admitted problems with his stalled bid to topple the UMNO's majority, saying that Pakatan Rakyat is running out of options to create a majority.^[43] His "credibility among ordinary Malaysians has been somewhat dented after Sept 16 and the new promise of forming the Government has not generated the sort of anticipation or excitement as before."^[44] Media within the country have taken an increasingly hostile view towards Anwar's protestations and failed threats to assemble a majority government.^[45]

On 30 March 2010, Anwar Ibrahim alleged in the Dewan Rakyat the 1Malaysia was mirrored after “One Israel” concept and designed by Mindteams Sdn Bhd, a branch in Malaysia of Apco Worldwide, an international public relations company engaged by the Malaysian government that also created the One Israel concept in 1999 for then Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak.^[46] Barisan Nasional government has claimed it was false and its lawmakers have tabled a motion to censure Anwar for misleading the Parliament over his 1Malaysia-One Israel allegations which was passed by the Parliament on 22 April 2010.^[47]

2008 allegations of sodomy[link]

­­

On 29 June 2008, online news portal Malaysiakini reported that an aide of Anwar Ibrahim had lodged a police report claiming that he had been sodomised by Anwar.^[48] Anwar said that the possibility of a prison sentence as a result of the allegations could be seen as an attempt to remove him from the leadership of the opposition following his growing support and by-election victories. He also reaffirmed his innocence and cited evidence in the form of medical reports.^[2] Anwar was found not guilty on 9 January 2012, almost two years after the trial started. The presiding judge Justice Mohamad Zabidin Mohd Diah found that the DNA evidence submitted by the prosecution was unreliable, and acquitted Anwar.^[49] Eleven days later, the prosecution filed an appeal against the acquittal.^[50]

Hidden sex tape allegation[link]

On 21 March 2011 a sex video appeared which claimed to feature Anwar Ibrahim. A day after that, Anwar Ibrahim denied his involvement in the incident and filed a police complaint.^[51] The police are currently conducting investigations against a trio of men dubbed the Datuk T trio, who screened the sex video in the first place. They are former Malacca chief minister Tan Sri Abdul Rahim Thamby Chik, businessman Datuk Shazryl Eskay Abdullah and former Perkasa treasurer Datuk Shuaib Lazim.^[52][53]

Salahuddin Ayub vice president of the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party ruled out suspending ties with Pakatan Rakyat stating that,"Everything is wrong about the whole scandal. The way the video was revealed was wrong and watching it is wrong. Islam does not accept this,".^[54] However the chief of PAS's Ulama council has stated that if the video is authentic they would consider reviewing ties with PKR.^[54] Lim Kit Siang, head of the Democratic Action Party stated that the Barisan Nasional reached "new depths in character assassination" and that the scandal was manufactured just in time for the Sarawak Elections.^[54] Chairman of UMNO's youth wing, Khairy Jamaluddin stated that the Barisan National never said that it was Anwar in the video, and that it was odd that the opposition automatically took a defensive attitude.^[55] Barisan Nasional MP, Abdul Rahman Dahlan stated that the matter should remain personal, and not be used for political purposes.^[55] On 4 April, part of the sex clip with a running time of nearly two minutes, was leaked online on anti-PKR blogsites and YouTube. A second part of the sex video was released on YouTube and a pro-UMNO blog website.^[56][57] The police and the government have been criticised for their slow response by the opposition in prosecuting the culprits who showed the sex video.

Remarks on Israel, APCO and 1Malaysia[link]

Anwar has made numerous remarks about a supposed conspiracy among the Malaysian government, APCO (a public relations firm retained by the Malaysian government), Israel, and the United States. Anwar has condemned the Malaysian government for seeking advice from APCO. He claims that the firm is linked to the “murder of Muslims in Palestine.” He further claims to have given proof that APCO is a front for the Israeli government to a disciplinary committee of the Malaysian parliament investigating his comments. On another occasion, Anwar, speaking from the parliament, claimed that the firm was controlled by Jews and working on behalf of the American government to influence Malaysian foreign policy. He further implied that changes in Malaysian foreign policy could only be explained if Jews were manipulating Malaysia for the United States.^[58]

On 22 April 2010 Anwar was censured by Malaysia's parliament for remarks he made during a press conference in parliament on 30 March 2010. During the press conference, Anwar claimed to have documents linking 1Malaysia, One Israel, and the public relations firm APCO but refused to allow access to the documents when challenged^[46] The Malaysian government and APCO have both strongly denied Anwar's allegations. The censure motion passed by the House of Representatives referred Anwar's case to the Rights and Privileges Committee which will recommend a punishment for approval by the full chamber. Such punishment could include being banned from parliament.^[47][59][60] However Anwar retaliated against the Malaysian government attacks by producing the two documents to back up his statements and refute the government's denials of links between APCO and 1Malaysia.^[59][60]

In a press conference at the London School of Economics Anwar made comments about Zionists and "nasty Jews". In the press conference he also stated that, "There are good Jews, there are bad Jews, there are good Muslims and bad Muslims."^[61]

In May 2010, B'nai B'rith International, a prominent Jewish human rights organisation condemned Anwar in a letter to the United States Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, claiming that Anwar was a "purveyor of anti-Jewish hatred" and asked the American government to suspend all contact with Anwar.^[62]

In Malaysia, Anwar has often been mocked for having "Jewish friends." Najib's mentor and predecessor, Mahathir, even went so far as to say Anwar "would make a good prime minister for Israel." In return, Anwar seized Najib's hiring of APCO as a chance to issue inflammatory remarks on the firm's supposed ties to Israel.

2012 Security Comments[link]

In an interview with the Wall Street Journal, Anwar Ibrahim stated, "I think our policy should be clear--protect the security [of Israel] but you must be as firm in protecting the legitimate interests of the Palestinians."^{[citation needed]}

This comment sparked an array of criticism from Malaysia's ruling party, UMNO. UMNO member of parliament, Khairy Jamaluddin, stated that Anwar's comments "show a blanket support for anything Israel does" and that "The issue of Palestine is a top foreign policy priority for my party, it would be an issue during the election year or otherwise ... timing doesn’t matter.".^[63]

Former Prime Minister Mohammad said he was not surprised by Anwar's comments, and stated with regard to Ibrahim's relationship with the Jewish community, "You can't be friendly with them and against them".^[64]

The opposition party PAS stated that it would respond to Anwar's comments on February 12.^[65]

In response, Anwar stated, "I am issuing a stern warning to anyone trying to twist my statement just so that they can say that I have betrayed the aspirations of the Palestinian people" and that his party's stance is "is to defend the rights of whoever it is that has been victimized".^[66]

Personal life[link]

Anwar was born in Cherok Tok Kun, a village on the mainland side of the northern Malaysian state of Penang, to a local hospital porter, Ibrahim Abdul Rahman (later to join politics and retire as Parliamentary Secretary in the Ministry of Health) and Che Yan, a housewife (and later UMNO politician). He undertook his secondary education at the Malay College Kuala Kangsar. He was educated at the University of Malaya, where he read Malay Studies.

He is married to Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail and they have four daughters and a son. His eldest daughter, Nurul Izzah Anwar, is also a member of Parliament.

Publications and speeches[link]

Articles

• "Radical Islam in Southeast Asia" (password required) Far Eastern Economic Review, November 2006, 60th Anniversary Issue. Published in Arabic^[67][68][69] and in al-Bayane al-Youm (Morocco) on 1 January 2007.
• "Accountability and the Future of Freedom" Islamica Magazine, Issue No. 16, Winter 2006.
• "Universal Values and Muslim Democracy" Journal of Democracy, July 2005. Published in Arabic^{[70][71][72][73][74][75]}
• "Political Accountability and the Moral Imperative" Accountability Forum, Issue 7, Fall 2005
• "On Shah Wali Allah's Socio-Political Thought and Ibn Hazm's Kitab al-Fasl fi al-Milal wa al-Ahwa' wa al-Nihal." In Islamic Studies, Vol. 43, No. 2, 371–377.
• "The Quest for Social Justice" Global Agenda Magazine, January 2005

Op-ed

• "A Test for the West in Turkey" Washington Post, 6 July 2007, A15. Published in Arabic^{[76][77][78][79][80]}
• "Seeing the Bigger Picture". Accountability. 21 December 22, 2006. Published in Arabic^[81][82]
• "Malaysian Mudslinging" Wall Street Journal, 3 October 2006
• "Cultivating the Seeds of Democracy" Los Angeles Times, 25 March 2006
• "Whither East Asia" Wall Street Journal, 15 December 2005
• "Destructive Engagement" Asian Wall Street Journal, 15 June 2005^[83]
• "Democratic Contagion Hits ASEAN Countries" New Perspectives Quarterly, Spring 2005
• "A passion for freedom" The World in 2004, The Economist
• "Who Hijacked Islam?" Time 8 October 2001

Speeches

• "Anwar Ibrahim on Egypt and Tunisia" Asia Society, 8 February 2011, New York City
• "The Central Role of Governance and Accountability in Achieving Development Goals in the 21st century" Inter-American Development Bank Forum on the Americas, 7 December 2006, Washington DC.
• “The Challenges of Islam and Democracy” University of Chicago, 8 November 2006.
• "Democracy and the Muslim World" Stanford University, 11 October 2006.
• "Democracy, Human Rights, and the Destiny of Southeast Asia" Severyns-Ravenholt Lecture at the University of Washington, 10 October 2006
• "Islam & Democracy" Center for Democratic Institutions Annual Address, Canberra, Australia, 20 July 2006.
• "Between Tyranny and Freedom: A Brief Voyage with the Bard" World Shakespeare Congress, Brisbane, Australia, 19 July 2006^[84]
• "Accountability and the Future of Freedom" Presidential Fellows Lecture at the World Bank in Washington DC 19 June 2006
• "Islam and Democracy" Keynote address at World Movement for Democracy Fourth Assembly, Istanbul, Turkey, 2 April 2006
• "Freedom or Sharia" Columbia University, 30 January 2006
• "The Future of Muslim Democracy" 1 December 2005
• "The Challenges of Islam and Democracy" Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University, 7 November 2005
• "The United States and the Muslim World" Asia Society Keynote Address delivered at SAIS in Washington DC, 18 April 2005
• "Between Force and Persuasion" Keynote Address at Inaugural Session of the Conference "Inter-Civilisational Dialogue in a Globalising World", New Delhi, India, 8 April 2005
• Anwar Ibrahim's speeches from 1990s posted at The Institute for Policy Research
• UNESCO General Council On the occasion of Anwar Ibrahim's election to the presidency of the 25th Session, Paris, 17 October 1989

Media and news[link]

Interviews

• "Interview with Anwar Ibrahim" The Diplomat, 9 September 2009
• "A Talk with Malaysia's Anwar Ibrahim" BusinessWeek, 10 April 2007.
• "Anwar’s ‘new’ agenda" The Star, 8 April 2007.
• "Malaysian Pledges to Defy Ban on His Return to Politics" Washington Post, Page A14, 5 April 2007.
• "Anwar Ibrahim: An Optimist of Freedom and Democracy" The Jakarta Post, 31 January 2007.
• "Islam and Democracy" A discussion with Saad el-Din Ibrahim" "One-on-One" hosted by Riz Khan, Al-Jazeera English, 30 November 2006
• Bloomberg News Interview with Kathleen Hayes Bloomberg TV, 29 November 2006
• "Saying no to corruption" Fortune Magazine, 23 October 2006
• "Anwar returns: the public reinvention of Malaysia's former deputy PM" Radio Free Australia, 24 July 2006
• "Anwar bin Ibrahim's political rollercoaster"] Worldview Magazine, Summer 2006, Issue 42.
• "Islam in Southeast Asia" Interview by Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life, 7 April 2006
• Foreign Exchange interview hosted by Fareed Zakaria (Scroll to middle of page for transcript) 4 November 2005
• Interview with Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty From the "Forum 2000" Meeting in Prague, 11 October 2005
• "HardTALK" with Stephen Sackur, 2005

Articles

• "Democracy for Muslims?" The Stanford Daily, 12 October 2006
• "Anwar's return" The Economist, 24 August 2006
• "An ode to democracy delivered by Anwar Ibrahim" UQ News Online, 27 July 2006
• "Anwar Ibrahim a possible candidate for UN Secretary-General" ABC News, 19 July 2006
• "Anwar Ibrahim on comeback trail" Al-Jazeera English, 28 November 2005
• "Voice of moderate Islam wins support" The Sunday Times, 2 October 2005
• "Anwar Ibrahim asked to apply for top UN job" Sydney Morning Herald 28 June 2006
• "An Unlikely but Eager Voice Between Islam and the West" Washington Post 2 September 2005
• Asean News Network 22 September 2004 Malaysia's Ruling Party Members Urged to Shun Anwar Ibrahim.
• "Anwar Ibrahim free at last" Economist.com Global Agenda Magazine, 7 September 2004
• "Anwar Ibrahim's long shadow" The Economist, 3 April 2003

References[link]

Other references[link]

• Kamarudin, Raja Petra (7 November 2005). "The stuff politicians are made of". Malaysia Today. Archived from the original on 23 January 2008. http://web.archive.org/web/20080123213754/http://www.malaysia-today.net/MMblues/2005/11/stuff-politicians-are-made-of.htm. Retrieved 17 July 2008. 
• Kamarudin, Raja Petra (9 November 2005). "The Anwar Factor". Malaysia Today. http://web.archive.org/web/20071215090700/http://www.malaysia-today.net/loonyMY/2005/11/anwar-factor.htm. Retrieved 17 July 2008. 
• Yeoh, Oon (6 December 2005). "The return of Anwar Ibrahim". Malaysia Today. Archived from the original on 5 June 2008. http://web.archive.org/web/20080605075437/http://www.malaysia-today.net/Blog-e/2005/12/return-of-anwar-ibrahim.htm. Retrieved 17 July 2008. 

• Shari, Izatun (30 June 2008). "Najib denies involvement in Anwar sodomy allegation". The Star. http://thestar.com.my/news/story.asp?file=/2008/6/30/nation/20080630150522&sec=nation. Retrieved 17 July 2008. 

• "Anwar challenges PM and DPM to debate on fuel prices". The Star. 6 June 2008. http://thestar.com.my/news/story.asp?file=/2008/7/6/nation/20080706233209&sec=nation. Retrieved 17 July 2008. 

External links[link]

• Profile: Anwar Ibrahim

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Anwar Ibrahim

• Interview with Anwar Ibrahim: "We Face a Deficit of Democracy in Malaysia"

Home pages[link]

• Anwar Ibrahim Home Page
• Anwar Ibrahim Blog

Affiliations and appointments[link]

• Senior Fellow in the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University,Washington D.C.
• Honorary President, AccountAbility

v t e Deputy Prime Ministers of Malaysia Abdul Razak Ismail Abdul Rahman Hussein Onn Mahathir Mohamad Musa Hitam Ghafar Baba Anwar Ibrahim Abdullah Badawi Najib Tun Razak Muhyiddin Yassin