Binarisms and Jesus’ homelessness

Binary constructs continue to pervade our thinking on homelessness, particularly when it comes to Jesus, whether it is the opposition between: (1) home/homelessness – apparently one can only dwell in a single category at any one point in time; (2) the conflation of the terms house/home – is a house really the same as a home?; or (3) the simulated divide between the individual/society – who is the real cause of homelessness? (Does the responsibility, as it were, lie with the individual affected or is there a wider context that must also be taken into account?). I have dealt largely with the third binary in my previous two posts here and here, but I think it is worth providing some brief comments that address the first two.

One of the most common responses to my forthcoming book The Homeless Jesus in the Gospel of Matthew (and this is before people have even had a chance read it!) is that Jesus either was or wasn’t homeless. People tend to interpret the issue in binary terms: either one has a home or one does not. The problem with this kind of reductionism is that it doesn’t exactly account for the complexity of homelessness in either modern Western or ancient agrarian contexts, or within the gospel text itself. In some ways the issue is one of definition. The terms ‘home’ and ‘house’ are often used interchangably today even though most people can recognize some kind of distinction. In his commentary on Matthew, for example, John Nolland, insists that Jesus cannot possibly be homeless because he has a house in Capernaum (a detail unique to Matthew: e.g. 9:10, 28; 12:46; 13:1, 36; 17:25) and because Jesus and the disciples are expected to be provided with temporary lodging during their travels (10:12-14). By equating homelessness with houselessness, however, Nolland uncritically conflates the concepts of ‘house’ and ‘home’ which actually assumes the emergence of capitalist modes of production and concepts of private property. Indeed, it is argued through much of the sociological literature on ‘home’ that the seventeenth century rise of the bourgeoisie led to a form of domestic morality aimed at safeguarding and privatising familial property–this resulted in a somewhat romanticized notion of home wrapped up with class concerns and other assumptions.

While the life of Jesus, as it is presented in at least some of the gospel material, might involve elements of radical instability, forced displacement, conflict with institutional power, and ultimately death by state execution, Jesus is, at other times, connected to a house/household in Capernaum and is sometimes, it would appear, supported by various groups among his followers. In my reading of the Gospel of Matthew, Jesus’ homelessness is something that actually emerges progressively through the narrative; that is to say, it’s not as if he is always homeless or never homeless, or even housed one day and homeless the next. Rather, it is experienced in cycles. Sometimes it is chronic, literally living on the street, but at other times it may be less severe; staying temporarily with friends or relatives, but still with the insecurity of an impermanent dwelling to call one’s own.


DPRK video game!

1400191572957IMG_0546This looks like it could be a bit of fun! Youtube preview below. Here’s a description from a recent news article:

North Korea leader Kim Jong Un will soon become the star of his own video game.

Independent video game studio Moneyhorse has unveiled a retro-style game called Glorious Leader, which depicts “an epic tale about the triumph of Kim Jong Un over the entire American army.”

The game features seven levels of side-scrolling combat, similar to classic run-and-gun games such as Contra and Rush’n Attack.

The game trailer shows Kim in Pyongyang shooting American soldiers and tanks, riding on a flaming unicorn and setting fire to an American flag.

His is also joined in his adventured by former US basketballer Dennis Rodman, who has former a friendship with Kim and made several visits to the secretive nation in the last year or so.

Jeff Miller, chief executive of Moneyhorse Games, told the Guardian his motivation in developing the game was to find a new way to tell the country’s story and to get people across the world talking about the secretive nation.
Moneyhorse said the game would launch on PCs and mobile devices soon.


Did Jesus identify with the poor or was he poor?

The common assumption that Jesus ‘identified with the poor’ suggests that he himself wasn’t poor. I want to follow on from my last post in which I argued that it makes more sense to regard Jesus as expendable–that is, someone who succumbed to downward social mobility due to hostile social and economic forces–than as someone who voluntarily gave up a relatively secure life as a carpenter to go about preaching the Kingdom of God. The same logic applies to the question of whether Jesus identified with the poor or if he himself was poor. Within New Testament scholarship, Jesus’ experience of poverty and homelessness is often presented as a lifestyle choice; i.e. he wasn’t actually poor, but he readily chose to identify with the destitute and downtrodden in his society as part of his God-ordained mission. This is an assumption that easily takes root within the middle-class mindsets of most biblical scholars who themselves are not usually poor, but recognize the importance of helping those less fortunate. The assumption is then read back into the biblical text. Jesus is in some sense regarded as separate from and economically superior to those among him and to whom he ministers.

This can be observed in the work of, for example, at least two mainstream historical Jesus scholars who identify Jesus’ marginality as an important attribute of his identity. From the very first pages of John P. Meier’s first volume of A Marginal Jew, for example, Meier asserts that ‘[t]o a certain degree, Jesus first marginalized himself. At the age of roughly thirty, Jesus was an ordinary carpenter in an ordinary hill town of lower Galilee, enjoying at least the minimum of economic necessities and social respectability required for a decent life. For whatever reason, he abandoned his livelihood and hometown, became “jobless” and itinerant in order to undertake a prophetic ministry, and not surprisingly met with disbelief and rejection when he returned to his hometown to teach in the synagogue’ (p. 8). Moreover, ‘[r]elying basically on the goodwill, support, and economic contributions of his followers, Jesus intentionally became marginal in the eyes of ordinary working Jews in Palestine, while remaining very much a Palestinian Jew himself’ (p. 8). The phrase ‘for whatever reason…’ which begins Meier’s description here implies that the actual reason for Jesus’ abandonment of work and hometown is not as important as the fact that he himself chose to pursue it. The characterization of Jesus’ supposedly intentional actions, however, are both premature and overstated. It reflects a framework of understanding rooted in capitalist (and perhaps theological) assumptions about the individual as an autonomous economic and moral agent and, in fact, as I demonstrate in my forthcoming book on Jesus and homelessness, quite often goes against the grain of what the biblical text itself indicates about Jesus’ descent into the expendable class.

The work of John Dominic Crossan is another interesting example because he actually uses the word ‘beggar’ to characterize Jesus. In this case, the destitution and raw experience of itinerancy is not hidden but exposed for all to see. However, the level of agency ascribed to Jesus is still heavily romanticized; his homelessness and poverty, although undesirable, is once again a thoroughly chosen lifestyle. On the first page of his book The Historical Jesus we find the description that Jesus ‘looks like a beggar, yet his eyes lack the proper cringe, his voice the proper whine, his walk the proper shuffle’ (p. xi). Crossan paraphrases Jesus’ instructions to his disciples: ‘Dress as I do, like a beggar, but do not beg’ (p. xii). So for Crossan, Jesus is like a beggar, but not quite a beggar. While the kingdom Jesus proclaims, according to Crossan, is for the poor and destitute, Jesus only identifies as poor–he is pretending. I would suggest that this is an inauthentic experience of homelessness and poverty. Indeed, according to Crossan, Jesus and his followers fit very well against the background of Greco-Roman Cynics. ‘It involved practice and not just theory, life-style and not just mind-set in opposition to the cultural heart of Mediterranean civilization, a way of looking and dressing, of eating, living, and relating that announced its contempt for honor and shame, for patronage and clientage. They were hippies in a world of Augustan yuppies’ (p. 421). Crossan, quoting Leif Vaage, describes cynicism as a ‘way of life’: their uniform ‘was a cloak, a wallet, a staff. Typically, their life included barefooted itinerancy viz. indigence, sleeping on the ground’ and so on. One of the major issues with with the Cynic hypothesis when applied to the historical Jesus is that the Cynics’ poverty was a chosen lifestyle of the educated elite, and not one they were necessarily born into, as were peasants.

Even though the Cynic hypothesis has been largely debunked, the broader characterization of Jesus’ ministry as itinerant still holds sway. Crossan’s consideration of Jesus’ itinerancy follows after Gerd Theissen’s popular proposal of Jesus and his early movement as made up of itinerant radicals. In summary, Crossan writes that: ‘Itinerant radicalism means that one’s itinerancy or even vagrancy is a programmatic part of one’s radical message’ (p. 346). In spite of the extensive space in The Historical Jesus devoted to examining the political, economic, and social upheaval of first century Palestine, of primary concern to Crossan is the symbolic meaning of Jesus’ itinerancy. Jesus’ homelessness is reduced to a noble choice; a lifestyle, and/or decision to identify with those who have been genuinely displaced and reduced to destitution. But it doesn’t strike him for a moment that Jesus’ homelessness might also be the by-product of wider hostile social and political forces, rather than a deliberate action of solidarity with those ‘others’ who have directly experienced the political turmoil of a peasant existence. Surely, a truly radical Jesus is one whose homelessness has been thrust upon him by external hostile social and economic forces?

The point of all this isn’t to pick on a few scholars in particular, but rather to demonstrate that some of the ideological assumptions that have shaped the interpretation of Jesus’ itinerancy and supposed ‘identification with the poor’ are actually widespread within the discipline of New Testament studies. The question of whether Jesus identified with the poor or was himself forced into a situation of itinerancy and destitution has not, as of yet, been properly addressed. While I make a modest attempt at probing some of these ideological inconsistencies within my own book, I also suggest that further rethinking is required.


Was Jesus employed?

We often hear it said that Jesus was employed as a carpenter one day and then the next day he arbitrarily decided to abandon his (comfortable?) life in Nazareth and go about travelling the countryside preaching the Kingdom of God. The assumption that Jesus himself wasn’t overly affected by the economic and political turmoil in ancient Galilee is surprisingly common. And even though scholars devote considerable attention to exploring this ancient context, Jesus still seems able to move about and make economic decisions with relative ease. This, I would contend, reflects more about capitalist middle-class assumptions of individual entrepreneurship and full employment, than it does the marginalizing reality of itinerancy  or underemployment in the ancient world.

In terms of economic stratification or social class we run into a problem in that most scholars assume that Jesus enjoys relative economic security, or that he could enjoy this if he wanted to, given his identification as the son of a carpenter in Mt. 13:55. In my forthcoming book on Jesus and homelessness I argue that it is unwarranted to assume that the Jesus of Matthew’s gospel (the argument could possibly be extended to the other gospels and/or to the historical Jesus) is working at all given that this very text brings his honour into disrepute by underscoring his failure to fulfil familial economic obligations. Moreover, attributing financial security to Jesus makes little sense if we are also to regard him as essentially homeless, an itinerant who resides largely outside the dominant kinship structures of the ancient world in addition to the wider economic system. Even if he was working prior to his public ministry, a comfortable leisured existence could only be secured by the possession of land, of which Jesus has none. As a carpenter’s son, Jesus would likely have witnessed the struggle of his father who, as a landless artisan, would have to work for wages where and when work could be found.We should be cautious of crediting too much opportunity to marginal artisans. Xenophon, for instance, observed that ‘In small towns the same man makes couches, doors, ploughs, and tables, and still he is thankful if only he can find enough work to support himself’ (Xenophon, Cyr. 8.2.5). Carpenters were, in fact, underemployed and regularly struggled to make ends meet.

An intriguing argument that appears frequently in  historical Jesus scholarship, and important with respect to the question of Jesus’ (un)employment, is the suggestion that Nazareth’s close proximity to the Hellenized and urban centre of Sepphoris would have provided a number of cultural and employment opportunities. While the gospels never mention Sepphoris explicitly, this has not stopped speculation that Jesus might have visited the city which was only four miles to the north of Nazareth. Marcus Borg, for instance, reasons that given ‘Joseph was a tekton [carpenter], it is possible that he worked there during its rebuilding. If so, his sons–Jesus and his brothers–may also have done so’ (2006, p. 93). While Borg is careful to qualify this is only a possibility, he does go on to claim that ‘Jesus almost certainly visited Sepphoris while he was growing up. The four miles could be walked in an hour, and it is difficult to imagine a precocious boy and young man like Jesus not being curious about the city’ (2006, p. 93).

Such conjecture was, in fact, already put to rest by Ed Sanders back in 1993: ‘In Nazareth, it is imagined, people benefited from the supposedly Graeco-Roman culture of Sepphoris: they could attend Greek plays, listen to Greek philosophers, and generally acquire a cosmopolitan polish. This is exceptionally improbable… It is not likely that many residents of Nazareth spent much time in Sepphoris. When they took holidays, during one or more of the pilgrimage festivals, they travelled away from Sepphoris, south to Jerusalem’ (p. 104). The thought that the residents of Nazareth would have even cared for such high culture in the ancient world reeks of modern-day middle-class parochialism. Likewise, the idea that peasants would have enough leisure time to make the (modest?) two-hour return walk given all the pressures of subsistence also seems like a long stretch. Sanders further remarks that in cases where villagers might have taken food or other material to sell in the Sepphoris market, ‘they would have had to rise before dawn, grind grain and prepare food, eat, load the donkey, walk with it to Sepphoris (one or two hours) and sell their goods. When the trading day was over, they would have packed up and gone home. They could not have taken a donkey back to the village after dark, since they could not risk an injury to it… In short, villagers then, like villagers ever since, up to the present day, lived in their village and made relatively few trips, except to sell or barter their goods’ (p. 104).

Given the demands of a subsistence livelihood, and the already precarious economic situation as described above, it was quite possible for an artisan to descend the social ladder into the expendable class—that strata of unemployed, itinerant scum,  reserved primarily for those excluded from the dominant cycles of economic production. Because agrarian societies tended to produce far more people than the dominant classes found it profitable to employ, expendables functioned as a surplus to the demands of labour. At the very bottom of the social hierarchy, they were also deemed to fall outside the purview of social responsibility. It makes much more sense, I argue, to place Jesus in this category than it does in the more usual artisan camp. He might have begun life in a family of artisans (itself not a life worth romanticizing), but he was ultimately crucified as an expendable. This being the case, his social and economic descent is best explained by looking to wider hostile social and economic forces than to the level of individual decision making.


The politics of biblical genealogies

I’ve just read through an article by Jeremy Punt that was published in Neotestamentica late last year entitled ‘Politics of Genealogies in the New Testament‘. It’s quite an enlightening piece. The abstract is as follows:

This article intends to show that the significance of biblical genealogies extends beyond their ostensible function as hereditary accounts to their investment in identity politics. The reconsideration of genealogies in recent scholarly work in terms of their literary dimensions and socio-cultural aspects, especially in imperial times, provides new impetus to investigate the politics of genealogical concerns in the New Testament. Attention to the Jesus-genealogies of the Gospels and explicit references to genealogical matters in the Pastoral Epistles and Hebrews leads to the conclusion that gender and identity politics are of greater importance in explicit appeals to genealogies in the NT than has often been admitted.

My interest was initially perked because of an article I published last year in Colloquium on the genealogy of Jesus in Matthew’s gospel (1:1-17). In my article I argued that, despite scholarly attention tending to focus on the unusual inclusion of the four female names in the genealogy, there are also strong echoes of sociopolitical displacement within the text. This is evident both from the repeated emphasis on the Babylonian exile, but also by the simple (but original as far as I am aware) observation that of the forty or so names in the genealogy, at least fifteen can be explicitly linked to episodes of forced displacement, wandering, and political instability in the Old Testament. Somewhat ironically, while commentators do sometimes identify residual themes of exile and exodus within both the genealogy and the wider Matthean infancy narrative, these are often reduced to theological categories which effectively depoliticizes the text.

Punt’s article does a great job of demonstrating how the rhetorical function of NT genealogies go beyond just asserting theological claims (Jesus is of the royal line and so has a claim to messiahship, etc). It is unfortunate that neither of us were able to cite each other’s work as I think it would have certainly strengthened our respective arguments in both directions. Like most interpreters, Punt misses the echoes of displacement in Matthew’s genealogy of Jesus. He repeats the idea that the genealogy is often described as an attempt to portray the life of Jesus as the story of Israel, in which Jesus is cast as the Messiah who brings Israel’s exile to the end. As he rightly argues, ‘[t]heological analysis, however, should not prevent the socio-political ramifications of the genealogy from receiving required attention. Particularly when the literary evidence suggests a broader framework of interpretation, defaulting to a constricted theological reading of the genealogies as the only possible or viable reading, is unnecessary.’ Given this, for my own work Punt’s article would have helped to situate my own reading of Matthew’s genealogy within a wider context of New Testament genealogies and their respective literary, social and political functions.

 


Public Lecture: The Homeless Jesus of Late Capitalism

I am now in the final month of my residency at Vaughan Park in Auckland. As part of my obligations here I will be giving a public lecture in two weeks time. Those located in Auckland may be interested in attending. Details are as follows:

Kramskoi_Christ_dans_le_désertCome and hear Dr. Robert Myles, current Resident Scholar at Vaughan Park, speak about The Homeless Jesus of Late Capitalism on Tuesday 20 May 2014 at 7pm.His lecture will explore how the interconnected contemporary concerns of cultural indeterminacy, individualism, the free market, personal responsibility, deregulated capitalism, and the liberal masking of structures of power are deeply intertwined with modern interpretations of the Bible and most especially in interpretations of the connection between Jesus and homelessness.

Did Jesus ‘choose’ to live a homeless lifestyle as part of his prophetic mission, or was his itinerant condition thrust upon him by external socio-economic and political forces? This lecture analyses the Gospel of Matthew in particular to see what conclusions might be drawn.

To register, click on link or email admin@vaughanpark.org.nz / phone 09 473 2600.

My book The Homeless Jesus in the Gospel of Matthew is now available for pre-order.


ANZABS Call for Papers 2014

The following is an announcement sent to the ANZABS mailing list:

The 2014 annual meeting of the Aotearoa-New Zealand Association for Biblical Studies (ANZABS) will take place at the University of Otago, Dunedin. Registration will open at 10.00am and the first paper will begin at 10.30am on Monday 8 December. The meeting will conclude at 4.30pm on Tuesday 9 December. Further details of the meeting will follow later.

Note: The start time on Monday is so that people can fly in that morning.

The earliest flights to Dunedin that day arrive from at Auckland 10am (so we understand people may be just a few minutes late), from Wellington at 8.45am and from Christchurch at 7:55am.

We are seeking papers for 30, 40 or 60 minute slots. Ten minutes should be allowed for discussion of the shorter papers, while a 60 minute slot should include about 15 minutes of discussion. As a rule of thumb, you talk at about 100 words a minute so a 20-minute paper (in a 30-minute slot) should equate to roughly 2,000 words and a 45-minute paper (in a 60-minute slot) to about 4,500 words.

In submitting a proposed paper, please

  • indicate what sort of time slot you are applying for, remembering that most of us suffer from the occupational hazard of nearly always saying more than we think we’re going to;
  • include a title and a 100 word abstract of the proposed paper.

These should be sent via email to Margaret Eaton at margaret[at]huldah.co.nz.

They should be received by 1 September.

The Conference will begin with registration at 10.00am and the first paper at 10.30am on Monday 8 December and conclude at 4.30pm Tuesday 9 December.  Details of the meeting will follow later.

We look forward to seeing you in Dunedin later in the year.

Margaret Eaton, James Harding and Paul Trebilco

See the ANZABS Facebook Page (for further announcements).


Could you take a photo of the resurrected Jesus?

Image

This cartoon which I came across on Facebook the other day reminds me of a quote from resurrection expert N.T. Wright as to the appearance and composition of the resurrected body. He writes: 
 
‘Assuming that a camera would pick up what most human eyes would have seen… my best guess is that cameras would sometimes have seen [the resurrected] Jesus and sometimes not’. (Wright & Borg, The Meaning of Jesus: Two Visions, 1999. p. 125) 
 
This clarification, while entirely speculative, might evoke for some readers the case of vampirism, another mythical condition, in which the subject’s image cannot be captured by any sort of film, camera, or mirror.

 


‘Biblical Literacy’ on the rise?

Katie Edwards has a recent opinion piece appearing in The Conversation entitled ‘Bible literacy is going up, not down – thanks Lady Gaga’ in which she argues that the widespread appearance of the Bible in popular culture, from David Cameron’s recent coming out as ‘evangelical’ to much hyped films like Noah, suggests that the oft-heard lament that so-called biblical literacy is in decline is mistaken. Whether or not this fact is something to be celebrated or lamented will, of course, depend upon one’s particular orientation towards Christianity and the Bible. Moreover, what ‘biblical literacy’ actually means in the first place is contested:

It’s a contested concept that is used frequently and agreed on rarely. Each interest group has a different definition of what they mean by “biblically literate”, but what they all share in common is a lamentation of its dismaying decline.

But contemporary popular culture tells a different story. For example, to “get the joke” in the ad for Bobby’s Taproom Grill the viewer would have to recognise the Bible story of the Adam and Eve, and know that Eve was created from Adam’s rib. Why this would make anyone want to eat a set of ribs, I’ve no idea, but you get the point.

Popular culture then is in a constant state of retelling, reinterpreting and re-appropriating biblical stories, characters and figures. So biblical literacy is alive and kicking – it’s just not in the places or the packages we might expect.

As Edwards also observes, ‘The Bible is pretty horrific in places – there’s genocide, gang rape, murder, torture – more than enough to give children nightmares.’ And given that these stories are woven into the fabric of contemporary culture, this raises the importance of their continued critical analysis, both of the original texts and of their incarnation as afterlives. Indeed, the political, economic and ideological context that frames the production and consumption of popular culture also influences the meaning and perceived value of recycled biblical texts.

9780567050984Edwards has a forthcoming edited volume on the subject of biblical literacy which is now available for pre-order. My own contribution is entitled, ‘The Simpsons & Biblical Literacy’. I contend that the satirical frame towards religion and the Bible within The Simpsons engages viewers to be more receptive to the show’s (cultural and political) critique of the biblical text in both religious and secular contexts.

 


Bible and Critical Theory Seminar 2014: Call for Papers

Originally posted on STALIN'S MOUSTACHE:

CALL FOR PAPERS
BIBLE AND CRITICAL THEORY SEMINAR 2014
Deadline for proposals: 31 August 2014
The Seminar calls for papers at the intersection of critical theory and the Bible. We interpret “critical theory” broadly to include not only the seminal work of the Frankfurt School, but also approaches such as Marxism, post-Marxism, post-structuralism, feminism, queer studies, critical race theory, post-colonialism, human-animal studies, ideological criticism, Continental philosophy, psychoanalysis, ecocriticism, cultural materialism, new historicism, alternative economics, etc. Likewise, we interpret “the Bible” broadly, to include the various Jewish, Christian and Muslim scriptures and related ancient literature, including their history of reception, use, and effect.
Please send paper proposals of 150-200 words to:
Roland Boer: Roland.Boer(at) newcastle.edu.au and
Deane Galbraith: relegere.reviews(at) otago.ac.nz

Details:

Dates for Seminar: 10-11 December 2014

Venue: The Original Robert Burns Pub (“The Robbie”), 374 George Street, Dunedin, New Zealand
https://www.facebook.com/RobbieBurnsPub/photos

The Bible and Critical Theory Seminar returns to Dunedin…

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