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Call for Perspectives’ Submissions

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Are you an organizer or activist currently engaged in movement work?  Are you interested in taking time to reflect on the lessons and ideals of this work in order to help advance anarchist and anti-authoritarian theory and praxis?  Do you have ideas, experiences, or questions that you would like to develop and share with a wider audience?

If you answered ‘yes’ to any of these questions, the Perspectives on Anarchist Theory editorial collective would like to hear from you.  As the global political terrain continues to shift and tremble, it is crucial that those of us with visions of a free society share our work and ideas so that we can create a solid, common foundation on which to build a better world.

We are currently interested in reading work related to the following themes (although other proposals or topics will be considered):

-Feminism(s)

-Sports and Games

-Faith

-Justice

-Intergenerationality/Aging/Children

Our deadline for the next print issue is July 15th, 2014.

All submissions should conform to the following format requirements:

-Please follow the Chicago Manual of Style for general format and citation guidelines

-Please use endnotes rather than footnotes

-Type your endnotes directly into the text. Please do not use the “insert note” function in Word, as it is incompatible with our layout software.

-Do not include page numbers on your manuscript

-Be sure to include your name and reliable contact information, as well a brief (3-5 sentence) bio that you would like published alongside your piece

Please prepare your manuscript as thoroughly as you can before sending it for consideration. If you have a concept for an article but are unsure how to develop and refine the ideas or language, we are happy to help you out with the writing process, particularly if you have never written for publication before.  Please contact us as soon as possible in order to ensure you are able to meet the publication deadline.

Send your essays or queries to: PerspectivesonAnarchistTheory@gmail.com

New Issue of Perspectives on Anarchist Theory available from AK Press!

 

http://www.akpress.org/perspectivesonanarchisttheorymagazine.html1477338_565273103562728_620474160_n

Here’s what’s inside:

* Introduction, Lara Messersmith-Glavin

* Elsipogtog: River of Fire, Andréa Schmidt

* Theatre and the Art of Transgression, Tamara Lynne

* Octavia’s Brood: An Interview with Walidah Imarisha, Lara Messersmith-Glavin

* Liberating Linguistics, Alexander Reid Ross

* Do-It-Yourself Strategies for Revolutionary Study Groups, Mamos Rotnelli

* “Strict Discipline Combined with Social Equality”: Orwell on Leadership in the Spanish Militias, Kristian Williams

* Building Revolutionary Anarchism, Colin O’Malley

* The Heist of East 13th Street, Jackson Smith

* The Black Freedom Struggle: An Anarchist Perspective, Jonathan W. Hutto Sr.

* Refusing the Planetary Work Machine, Kevin Van Meter

* Insurgent Health, Javier Sethness-Castro

* The Violence of Bureaucracy, Dalel Benbabaali

* We All Have a Stake, We All Have Contributions to Make, Andrew Cornell

IAS Newsletter, Winter 2014

CONTENTS

* Announcing Our 2014 Grantees

* The Next Grant Application Deadline

* Forthcoming issue of Perspectives on Anarchist Theory

* Newest Title in Our Anarchist Interventions Book Series

* Reminder about Our New, Improved IAS Web Site

* Recent IAS Events

* Help Sustain Independent Radical Scholarship

*  *  *

ANNOUNCING OUR 2014 GRANTEES

As always, we had a difficult time deciding on our grantees, given that we received many worthy applications for writing and translation projects during each round. But this round was particularly hard: we received a record high of 110 proposals, from across the world and in many languages, compared to the typical 30 to 40 applications. That’s good news in terms of what appears to be a growing commitment to autonomous, politically engaged writing and translating on antiauthoritarian themes as well as from anarchist(ic) perspectives. Sadly, the IAS could only fund four proposals based on our available funds—all the more reason we hope that you’ll consider becoming a monthly sustainer in order for the IAS to grant more awards the next time around (see below).

That said, we’re honored to congratulate the following people on their IAS grant awards! Here’s a glimpse of their upcoming projects: Read more

Recent work of Judith Arcana, supported by the IAS.

Recent work of Judith Arcana, supported by the IAS.

Judith Arcana received a writing grant for this work.  Check it out!

Kidz City Model

Kidz City Model

China Martens received an IAS writing grant for this project about some evolving strategies that Kidz City Baltimore developed while organizing.  Check it out! 

Recent News

As always, we had a difficult time deciding on our grantees, given that we received many worthy applications for writing and translation projects during each round. We’d like to congratulate all the following people on their IAS grant awards! Here’s a glimpse of their upcoming projects:

Late 2012

Theatre and the Art of Transgression

Tamara Lynne ($500)

This article explores questions raised through participation in the international movement of theatre artists practicing Forum Theatre. Through examination of experiences from an international festival of Theatre of the Oppressed hosted by Jana Sanskriti in West Bengal, through conversations with practitioners here in the US, and through direct experience creating work with communities, Tamara Lynne explores the question of making and breaking rules and the radical possibility that occurs in the moment of transgression.

Tamara is a writer and theatre artist based in Portland Oregon, with work focusing on intersections of art, performance and activism. She is founder of Living Stages, a theatre organization committed to community empowerment and action. Since 2001 she has created theatre with students, day laborers, farmworkers, rural Oregonians, educators, bus drivers, and homeless communities. Currently, she practices theatre as a process of organizing in neighborhoods along 82nd Avenue as part of the Eastside Forum Project. International work has included time in Brazil studying and creating theatre with members of the MST, Brazil’s Landless Movement and exploring the potential of art in the process of movement-building; as well as creating theatre in India with members of Jana Sanskriti, the most expansive Theatre of the Oppressed organization in the world and a social/political force in rural villages across India.

A Freebooting Union Breaking New Grounds: Episodes from One Hundred Years of Swedish Syndicalism
Translation into English by Mikael Kopimi Altemark ($500)

The Swedish syndicalist labor movement, being one of the few libertarian mass organizations to survive World War II, deserves a kind of attention going beyond the meager information provided by academic journals and outdated magazine interviews. The revolutionary union SAC (Sveriges Arbetares Centralorganisation) has had to operate in the context of the world’s most successful welfare state (now rapidly becoming one of the most deregulated states), and the shop floor experiences of its members offer more interesting material than sectarian bickering or yearning for glories past. In this translation of Fackliga fribrytare, railway worker and longtime SAC member Ingemar Sjöö presents selected episodes from the history of Swedish syndicalism—an engaging narrative that sparks many intriguing questions. What is the background to the current ongoing reorganization of SAC? Why is it that paperless restaurant workers and cleaners have taken to reviving the tactics of “the registry method”? And what is it? Sjöö sketches the changing landscape within which SAC has had to navigate these past hundred years, contextualizing the story of how workers in forests and quarries as well as on the rails (and now service workers) might combine direct action and gradualism in order to disarm bosses of their powers to set wages and control the hiring and firing of employees.

Mikael is a professional freelance translator living in Stockholm, Sweden, where he is a member of a small SAC branch. Having received his BA in English linguistics at Stockholm University, he is currently pursuing translation studies at the Institute for Translation and Interpretation. In the late 1990s, he followed in the footsteps of many hundreds of youths when he joined the libertarian movement and became part of the third generation of the modern Swedish Anarcho-Syndicalist Youth Federation (SUF). The organization had many positive spin-off projects, including the popular fare strike initiative Planka.nu, and Mikael became part of the network around Piratbyrån, which developed a notorious weapon in the class struggle: the Pirate Bay Web site for peer-to-peer sharing. He was also involved in running the Swedish Internet magazine yelah.net and the a-infos service. Currently he is working on translations into Swedish of the book Black Flame: The Revolutionary Class Politics of Anarchism and Syndicalism and short stories by the Scottish anarchist James Kelman.

Early 2013

Scarcity Is a Lie! Building Social, Emotional, and Analytic Capacity for Transformative Justice and Decolonization on Stolen Land
Kristin Herbeck and Anne Yukie Watanabe ($750)

This essay explores the ways in which colonialist logic and ideologies of domination are reproduced in transformative justice/community accountability (TJ/CA) efforts. The coauthors ground their analysis in the historical context that underlies these tendencies, especially settler colonialism, heteropatriarchy, the state-based co-optation of feminist antiviolence organizing, the logic of criminalization, and the racialized pathologization of interpersonal violence. This project brings together Kristin’s and Anne’s own experiences with TJ/CA with a review of existing literature on the struggles and limitations of applying TJ/CA models in practice, focusing on the dichotomies constructed around perpetrator/survivor/bystander identities, the reactive ways in which TJ/CA models are often applied, and the individualistic analysis of violence that excessively centers simplistic models of “perpetrator/aggressor accountability” as the avenue to healing harm to the community or communities and survivor(s). The coauthors aim to build on ongoing conversations that are critical of the ways that antiviolence activism has been incorporated or co-opted into state agendas/projects of colonization and institutionalized racism, and instead suggest how to incorporate this work into projects and visions of liberation that open up possibilities for what it would mean to live in as well as address interpersonal violence in a world without prisons or state-based violence.

Anne has been organizing around survivor support and perpetrator/abuser accountability for about four years, and studied US history at Smith College, focusing on women, gender, criminalization, and social movement histories.

Kristin has been engaged in survivor support and community accountability work in both radical and nonradical communities for six years. She struggles primarily to develop solidarities between community accountability, survivor support, and anticolonial self-determination movements across North America for indigenous peoples and people of color, informed by critical linkages made by radical women of color in the antiviolence movement.

Late 2013

Brick by Brick: Toward a World Without Prisons

Layne Mullett ($300)

The US prison system and a broader web of related repressive apparatuses (surveillance, policing, etc.) are essential for the maintenance and growth of empire. If we are serious about ending empire, capitalism, and white supremacy, we must directly confront the prison-industrial complex. This essay will explore what might be needed to wage a successful struggle against that system, and what antiauthoritarian and intersectional politics can bring to this struggle. Specifically, the essay will address why fighting prisons is a key element of confronting state power, some lessons we can draw from antiprison movements and political prisoners past and present, and what it might mean to take a prefigurative approach to antiprison organizing. The project will draw on Layne’s own experiences as an antiprison activist as well as current examples of resistance coming from inside the prison walls. It will also look at radical queer and feminist work, and what this can and does bring to our efforts to construct a contemporary movement against mass incarceration.

Layne is an activist based in Philadelphia, PA. She is involved in a variety of organizations working against state repression, prisons, gentrification, and austerity measures, and for the freedom of political prisoners. Layne is also a founding member of Decarcerate PA, a grassroots campaign working to end mass incarceration in Pennsylvania.

Social Movements, Financial Resources, and the Role of the Radical Flank
Heather Pipino, Griffin Shumway, and Reid Kotlas ($300)

Money is a key resource for social movement organizations, but there is little history on the role of financial resources on reaching movement goals. People’s movements have been derailed or co-opted by elite dollars, and elite influence increasingly works hand in hand with state repression to block radical social transformation. Yet scant research shows that social movements were successful from a combination of elite, outside donations and a strong, organized radical flank of the grassroots. This essay will explore the role of class solidarity and the radical flank in relation to movement dollars in order to find out what it would take to resist marginalization and change the politically possible in the face of increasing state repression.

Heather, the fund-raising organizer for the Vermont Workers’ Center, has a decade of organizing and fund-raising experience on campaigns to increase labor-community solidarity, win universal health care, and achieve working-class justice after environmental disasters.

Griffin, a Vermont Workers’ Center member from Windsor County, VT, is a recent graduate of Goddard College and focuses his time doing education work.

Reid, a Vermont Workers’ Center member from Windsor County, VT, holds an MLit in philosophy from the University of Dundee (UK) and is an adjunct instructor at River Valley Community College in Claremont, NH.

Antiauthoritarian Organizing in Postcoup Honduras
Sandra Cuffe and Dawn Paley ($500)

In an investigative essay, the coauthors will explore the role of the groups that decided to continue their resistance outside mainstream politics following the 2009 coup d’état in Honduras. Cuffe and Paley will carry out interviews with antiauthoritarian activists and groups in the lead up to the November 2013 election period as well as during and after the elections. Their essay will examine not only how non-political-party-affiliated activists believe change can happen but also gauge how their work impacts the electoral discourse of LIBRE (the leftist party formed after the coup), and what the future holds, from their perspectives, if the Left is to take power.

Sandra is a freelance journalist. She lived in Honduras from 2003 to 2007, and returned for six months in the wake of the 2009 coup d’état.

Dawn is a freelance journalist, researcher, and editor. She is working on her first book, tentatively titled Drug War Capitalism.

“My Dungeon Shook”: James Baldwin, Prison Abolitionist Solidarity in the Face of the Ongoing Nakba, and Antiblackness–
Che Gossett ($300)

This essay will address the legacy of black American radical anti-Zionism through the anti-Zionist (but not anti-Semitic) writing of Baldwin. Problematic liberal racial justice slogans and rhetoric that compare racist segregation and the Israeli apartheid conditions that Palestinians are made to endure to that of blacks in the United States prior to the onset of the civil rights movement often fail to take into account the social truth of antiblackness in contemporary US society, invisibilize Afro-Palestinian resistance, and downplay black radical anti-Zionist legacies. While antiblack de jure segregation was struck down in the courts, de facto segregation and antiblackness continue, as mass incarceration and stop-and-frisk policies make abundantly clear. This project will ask what political solidarity formations might challenge the use of carceral violence as an instrument of settler colonial and racial apartheid regimes through political alternatives to Islamophobia and Orientalism as well as Cold War racial liberalism and liberal antiblack racism found in the work of Baldwin. How might, from Palestine/Israel to the United States, abolitionist collectives work in solidarity to abolish the prison-industrial complex as well as end occupation, Israeli apartheid, and the prison system as an apparatus in the perpetuation of a racial capitalist order? How might we build stronger solidarity movements against the ongoing Nakba waged through Israeli state violence and ongoing carceral violence in the United States? Finally, in a time of pinkwashing and branding of Israeli apartheid, how can Palestinian and black queer and/or trans solidarity in the United States be strengthened?

Che is a black genderqueer writer and activist, contributor to the anthologies Captive Genders (Eric Stanley and Nat Smith, AK Press, 2012) and the Transgender Studies Reader (Aren Azuira and Susan Stryker, Routledge Press, 2013), and recently returned from a phenomenal delegation of librarians and archivists to Palestine. They are currently working on a biography of a queer of color AIDS activist, Kiyoshi Kuromiya.

Trust Each Other: You Don’t Have to Be Sad to Be a Militant
Carla Bergman and Nick Montgomery ($500)

This project aims to articulate two interrelated concepts: joyful militancy and sad militancy. In the spirit of openness and figuring it out as we go, the coauthors avoid firm definitions of these terms. Broadly speaking, they use the concept of joyful militancy to stand in for conviviality, friendship, kindness, vulnerability, generosity, mentorship, and love in radical social movements today. Sad militancy, by contrast, stands in for the elements of condescension, fear, resentment, competition, and control that plague our movements. Carla and Nick think that people can participate in actions of resisting and creating alternatives to the dominant order, and at the same time can and must carve out moments and spaces of joy, of a thriving life. They are most interested in the conditions that sustain joyful and sad militancy, and how joyful militancy can be cultivated and sad militancy can be warded off. This project is also empirical, grounded in interviews with organizers from a variety of radical social movements, with these questions in mind. The coauthors expect to get a number of different (maybe even contradictory) responses, with the aim of reflecting this diversity while charting out resonances and points of convergence in this essay.

Carla is a community organizer, curator, and writer who mucks around with her partner and two unschooling kids in East Vancouver, Unceded Coast Salish Territories. Currently, she is the director of the Purple Thistle Center, and has worked with youths creating projects, mentoring, facilitating workshops, and making a variety of publications for the past fifteen years. She cofounded the art and activist publication RAIN, and cofounded the Thistle Institute, an alternative to the university, in 2011. She is currently working on a film about the Thistle and youth liberation, forthcoming in winter 2014, and was part of the editing crew of the AK Press book Stay Solid: A Radical Handbook for Youth.

Nick is a lover of permaculture, nerdy theory, radical politics, and sauerkraut. He lives on Lekwungen territories in Victoria, BC, and is a PhD student at Queen’s University. He cofounded the People’s Apothecary, a medicinal herb garden commons, and A Freeskool, which hosts workshops, skill shares, and other free (un)learning activities. He’s currently coediting a book on settler colonialism and codirecting a documentary on food justice. Nick is interested in creating and maintaining alternatives to the dominant order as well as making connections between decolonization, feminism, autonomy, permaculture, and other stuff, which he blogs about at Cultivating Alternatives.

Voces Libertarias: The Origins of Anarchism in Puerto Rico
Jorell Meléndez ($300)

This essay will be comprised of translations of the core three chapters of Jorell Meléndez’s book Voces libertarias: Orígenes del anarquismo en Puerto Rico into English. In these he traces the origins of anarchist ideas on the island at the turn of the twentieth century, as the country faced a change in the imperial matrix, hurricanes, famines, changes in the modes of colonization and production, as well as the construction of workers’ identity along with their radicalization. This translation aspires to give a new generation of radicals a history that has been forgotten by anarchist historiography, that of Puerto Rican anarchism. It seeks to create transhistorical conversations that might allow us to envision new strategies based on the victories and failures of the past.

Jorell was one of the founding members of the Colectivo Autónomo C.C.C., which ran a Centro Social in Puerto Rico. He has presented on the topic of Puerto Rican anarchism in local and international forums including the United States, Canada, and England. He is a radical historian, has been a member of the local punk community for more than a decade, and is now working towards his PhD at the University of Connecticut.

The Next Grant Application Deadline
If you’d like to apply for one of our writing and/or translation grants, our next deadline is January 15, 2014, midnight EST (late applications will not be accepted). You can apply online at http://anarchiststudies.org/grants-for-radical-writers-and-translators/

The IAS prioritizes work from people who are reflecting on struggles and organizing in which they participate. We welcome applications from people who do not think of themselves as writers and who are not rooted in university contexts. We especially encourage women, queer people, people of color, working-class people, people with disabilities, grassroots activists, and others often excluded from scholarly life to apply.For more information on our grants and applications, including an FAQ, follow the link above, and feel free to email us with any further questions.

The “Care” Issue of Perspectives on Anarchist Theory

The beautiful new issue of Perspectives on Anarchist Theory, on the theme of care, is now available at your local bookstores and infoshops as well as through AK Press. Weighing in at 120 pages, its contents include:

“Introduction” by Maia Ramnath, Paul Messersmith-Glavin, and Lara Messersmith-Glavin
“Home Is Where Our Hearts Are,” about the housing struggle in Portland, OR, by Heidi Whipple, Meddle, and Kari Koch
“Alternatives to EMS” by Rosehip Medic Collective
“Peer Support and Mental Health” by Julia Smedley
“Class and Health: Community Acupuncture” by Paul Messersmith-Glavin
“To Care Is to Struggle” by Kevin Van Meter
“There Is No Good Faith: The Green Economy, Climate Change, and Reimagining Social
Movements” by Kari Koch
“Without Delusion: Rethinking Both Self and Determination,” on Buddhism and anarchism, by Joshua Stephens

Book Reviews:
“Books on Occupy’s Eternal Now” by Maia Ramnath
“Legacies of Liberation: Review of Love and Struggle and Truth and Revolution” by Geoff Mc
“‘Not Just Warming Ourselves with Their Memory’: The Power of Social Movements” by Stina Soderling
“Caring Too Much to Care Any Longer” by Britt Parrot

“Remembering Joel Olson” by Joe Lowndes

To order the latest issue from AK Press, visit: http://www.akpress.org/perspectivesonanarchisttheorymagazine.html

Two New Titles in Our Anarchist Interventions Book Series
We’re excited to announce that titles five and six—Anarchists Against the Wall, coedited by Uri Gordon and Ohal Grietzer, and Undoing Border Imperialism, by Harsha Walia—of our growing collection of books are now in print. They are part of the Anarchist Interventions series, a collaborative project with our friends at AK Press and Justseeds Artists’ Cooperative. Both books focus on contemporary movements, and both feature a wide variety of radical voices and provocative insights. As with all our other books, at least 50 percent of the net sales from each title in the Anarchist Interventions series are donated to the IAS, thanks to the generosity of each author; and in the case of Gordon and Grietzer’s book, all other proceeds will be donated to the Anarchists Against the Wall legal defense fund.

Here are descriptions of each title:

Anarchists Against the Wall: Resisting Occupation and Apartheid in Palestine/Israel

Edited by Uri Gordon and Ohal Grietzer
Preface by Alfredo Bonanno

This multiauthor collection serves as an introduction to Anarchists Against the Wall, an Israeli initiative maintaining active solidarity with the Palestinian popular struggle in the West Bank as well as other solidarity activities inside Israel. The book investigates the nature of the solidarity principle in the dichotomized anarchist/state paradigm, and offers individual and collective reflections on close to a decade of direct actions and demonstrations against the construction of the Segregation Barrier as well as the daily violence and dispossession in occupied Palestine. To order copies, go to http://www.akpress.org/anarchistsagainstthewall.html

Undoing Border Imperialism
By Harsha Walia
Preface by Andrea Smith

Undoing Border Imperialism combines academic discourse, lived experiences of displacement, and movement-based practices into an exciting new book. By reframing immigrant rights movements within a transnational systemic analysis of capitalism, labor exploitation, settler colonialism, state building, and racialized empire, it provides the alternative conceptual frameworks of border imperialism and decolonization to understand the freedom to stay, move, and return as essential for self-determination. Drawing on the author’s experiences in No One Is Illegal and the recognition that social movements themselves produce critical theory, this work also offers relevant insights for all organizers on effective strategies to overcome the barriers and borders within movements in order to cultivate fierce, loving, and sustainable communities of resistance striving toward liberation. Several of the chapters delve into the challenges of building broad-based alliances while maintaining radical political principles, fostering antioppression leadership while opposing hierarchies, and affecting tangible change while prefiguring transformation.

The author grounds this book in collective vision, from a roundtable on movement building with No One Is Illegal organizers to interspersed narratives from dozens of bold activists and writers of color from across North America. Contributors include Yogi Acharya, Carmen Aguirre, Tara Atluri, Annie Banks, Mel Bazil, Nazila Bettache, Adil Charkaoui, Yen Chu, Karen Cocq, Jessica Danforth, Ruby Smith Díaz, Nassim Elbardouh, Craig Fortier, Harjap Grewal, Mostafa Henaway, Freda Huson, Syed Khalid Hussan, Jane Kirby, Aylwin Lo, Karla Lottini, Alex Mah, Robyn Maynard, Graciela Flores Mendez, Cecily Nicholson, Leah Lakshmi Piepzna-Samarasinha, Toghestiy, Sozan Savehilaghi, Mac Scott, Lily Shinde, and Rafeef Ziadah.

You can also still find us on Facebook at http://www.facebook.com/InstituteForAnarchistStudies
Help Sustain Independent Radical Scholarship

Help Struggling Radical Writers!

The IAS grant-giving program is entirely funded by the generous donations of people and collectives like you. And while we try to cover the print costs of our journal and book series through sales, we usually fall far short. Your support for these and other IAS projects allows us to help grow and nurture anarchist debate and discourse around the world. Please consider making a donation as small or large as you like! Every little bit helps—from $20 to $200 to $2,000.

It’s easier than ever to donate to the IAS online. Visit our “Support the IAS” page at http://anarchiststudies.org/support-the-ias/, where through PayPal or Network for Good along with your credit or debit card, you can sign up as a monthly sustainer for as little as $5 to whatever larger amount fits your budget, or give the IAS an annual or one-time donation. You can also send cash and/or checks or money orders made out to the Institute for Anarchist Studies to: Institute for Anarchist Studies,
P.O. Box 15586,
Washington, DC 20003.

Another way to contribute financially is by hosting one of the many speakers on the Mutual Aid Speakers’ List at an event in your town and donating the honorarium to the IAS. For a list of our speakers, see http://anarchiststudies.org/mutual-aid-host-an-anarchist-speaker/.

Thanks in advance for your generous contributions!

Lexicon Pamphlet: Gender (in Romanian)

Gender

by Jamie Heckert

Genul este un sistem de repartizare în categorii a sinelui și a celorlalți (incluzând corpuri, dorințe, comportamente) care se găsește în fiecare aspect al culturii și al societății, interconectat cu alte categorii și ierarhii (rasă, clasă, sexualitate, vârstă, abilități și multe altele). Numeroase aspecte biologice (de exemplu organele genitale, cromozomii, constituția corpului) sunt interpretate în așa fel încât oamenii sunt incluși în mod natural în una din două categorii: bărbat și femeie. Dar dacă ne uităm mai îndeaproape, s-ar putea să chestionăm natura genului. Biologia, umană sau alta, este minunat de diversă.

Natura nu ne dă însă aceste două opțiuni. Putem să interpretăm și să categorisim, apoi să ajungem să credem că acele interpretări, acele categorii, sunt adevărul. Genul nu se întâmplă pur și simplu. Oamenii îl definesc, îl inventează. Chiar și chirurgia genitală pe corpuri intersexuale este descrisă ca fiind corectivă, ca și cum natura a făcut o greșeală neconformându-se gândirii noastre binare. Pentru că noi inventăm genul, putem s-o facem diferit. Acest lucru devine clar atunci când ne uităm la numeroasele căi prin care, de-a lungul istoriei și în diferite culturi, diferite aspecte ale vieții sociale și ale personalității au ajuns să definească genul. Ceea ce înseamnă un bărbat „adevărat” sau o femeie „bună”, ca masculin și feminin, variază în funcție de loc și timp. În unele (sub)culturi, genul nu a fost limitat la două opțiuni, ci include recunoașterea a trei, patru sau a mai multor genuri. Povestea obișnuită în țări precum Statele Unite, Canada și Regatul Unit este că există doar două opțiuni. Și în timp ce aceste țări pot oferi o egalitate formală, legală, în practică încă se valorizează acele caracteristici asociate cu bărbații și masculinitatea (de exemplu, independența, controlul și forța) mai mult decât pe cele asociate cu femeile și feminitatea (să zicem, interdependența, dragostea și blândețea). Această ierarhie poate fi subtilă sau evidentă, întrețesută cu alte ierarhii prin instituții și sisteme, socializare și cultură, în moduri în care se produc multe efecte complexe. În culturile dominatoare, mintea și rațiunea sunt privite ca separate de corp și emoție, și superioare acestora; la fel sunt și pielea albă față de pielea de culoare, acțiunea față de odihnă, hetero față de homo, fermitatea față de tandrețe. Genul poate fi mai mult sau mai puțin rigid. Presupusul comportament de gen anormal, nenatural sau impropriu poate fi întâmpinat cu cenzura socială variind între intimidare, discriminare, încarcerare, „tratament” medical forțat, violență sexuală, abuz emoțional sau chiar și crimă. Această violență este cel mai puternic vizibilă când vine vorba de persoane transsexuale, sau de cei care transced asumpțiile sociale despre cele două genuri fixe și naturale. De ce transgresiunea genului activează emoții atât de puternice, chiar până la punctul de violență? Probabil pentru că niciunul dintre noi nu reprezintă un exemplu perfect de bărbat adevărat sau femeie adevărată. Nimeni nu se poate ridica la aceste idealuri abstracte, cu toate mesajele contradictorii despre ce ar presupune. O mare parte a oamenilor se ancorează în încercarea de a se conforma la ceea ce cred că ar trebui să fie, în loc să fie pur și simplu conștienți de cine sunt de fapt. Auto-supravegherea genului poate fi atât de familiară, de obișnuită și subtilă încât efortul făcut pentru conformare poate părea natural și ușor. Și cu toate acestea este ceva profund eliberator în conștientizarea obiceiurilor la care ținem din frică sau rușine, și atunci când simțim că este bine, să învățăm să renunțăm la ele. Genul nu este însă doar o experiență individuală. Este împletită cu toate relațiile noastre și cu instituțiile sociale – multe dintre care, în prezent, chiar și neintenționat, constrâng, rănesc sau controlează majoritatea oamenilor. Probabil cea mai evidentă structură care face asta în zilele noastre este familia, unde oamenii învață pentru prima dată să observe anxietățile și așteptările care vin odată cu genul. Chiar și ideea a ce este familia și cum funcționează (sau ce ar trebui să fie și cum ar trebui să funcționeze) este inextricabil legată de gen. Familia nucleară idealizată, de exemplu, este definită ca un cuplu monogam, căsătorit și reproducător heterosexual, condusă de bărbatul „cap al gospodăriei”. Dacă femeia muncește în afara casei, cum este frecvent necesar în acest stadiu al capitalismului, este foarte probabil ca ea să facă o parte mai mare din treburile gospodăriei, a muncii emoționale și a îngrijirii copiilor – cu puțină recunoaștere, sau deloc, a acestor activități ca muncă.

Copiilor le sunt date etichete de gen de la naștere și se așteaptă ca ei să se conformeze. Și în timpul în care a fi capul gospodăriei are privilegiile sale, masculinitatea este frecvent legată de abilitatea de a asigura financiar sau nu familia, fapt care în schimb duce la mai multă anxietate, frustrare și rușine în societățile bazate pe clase. Politica economică în sens mai larg este de asemenea genizată în moduri opresive și exploatative. Cum munca femeilor în casă este de obicei luată ca un dat, la fel toate formele de muncă feminizată sunt luate ca un dat în capitalism. Când oamenii vorbesc despre „economie”, se referă în general la definiție îngustă și oficială care include munca plătită, producția de materiale sau de cunoaștere, și vinderea și distribuția acestora. Economia, în modul în care este înțeleasă, nu include purtarea sarcinii și îngrijirea (neplătită) a copiilor, nici munca în gospodărie (neplătită), de care depinde economia. Capitalismul și proiectele colonialiste conexe nu recunosc cu adevărat nici cunoașterea tradițională a culturilor non-capitaliste, ale căror istorii extinse legate de, să zicem, lucrul cu plantele, sunt exploatate de corporații farmaceutice și agricole. Feministele de culoare au remarcat devreme legăturile dintre dependența nerecunoscută a colonialismului față de abilități, înțelepciune și munca oamenilor de culoare și a femeilor de toate rasele. Multe dintre figurile istorice celebrate în națiunile coloniale sunt albi și bărbați. Nu există o problemă per se cu bărbații albi, însă nici nu există ceva special în legătură cu ei, așa cum culturile supremației albe și ale ierarhiei de gen ne-ar încuraja să credem.  Pe lângă asta, nimeni nu face nimic doar pe cont propriu. Cu toții depindem de eforturile altora. În timp ce sunt subestimate în gândirea capitalistă, astfel de eforturi au un merit esențial și arată calea spre economii alternative.  Într-adevăr, atunci când munca asociată cu femeile și cu femintatea este plătită (cum sunt predarea, îngrijirea, curățenia și ascultarea), este plătită mult mai puțin decât munca asociată cu bărbații și masculinitatea (cum sunt sporturile, finanțele, conducerea și vorbirea). Această ierarhie de gen este în continuare legată de inegalitățile de rasă și de clasă când, de exemplu, femeile cu o situație mai bună se mută în zona de muncă asociată cu bărbații, lăsând astfel munca feminizată femeilor cu o situație mai proastă.

Statul-națiune face, de asemenea, distincții bazate pe gen. La fel ca tradiționalul conducător al gospodăriei, conducătorul statului oferă protecție în schimbul obedienței. Altele din caracteristicile sale (incluzând granițele fixe, competitivitatea, agresiunea și independența) sunt tot cele legate de anumite versiuni de bărbați și masculinitate. Unele națiuni în invadează pe alții pentru a-și demonstra dominanța, care încă odată, implică ierarhii bazate pe rasă și avere. La fel ca indivizii sau gospodăriile care concurează pentru succes economic. Statele-națiune sunt inerent nesigure. Prin crearea simultană a fricii și promisiunea protecției, își justifică existența la nesfârșit.

Modurile în care categorisim umanitatea în rase, etnii, clase și țări, sunt toate bazate be distincții de gen. Ia în considerare stereotipurile comune: femeia est-asiatică pasivă, bărbatul negru hipersexual, alteritatea exotică de peste graniță (fie națiuni, fie cartiere). Invaziile coloniale au fost mult timp justificate de către bărbații albi (și femeile albe) bazându-se pe avere sau pe jocul rolului de erou, presupunându-se că protejau femeile de culoare de bărbații de culoare.  Inegalitățile încă prezente sunt întărite prin plasarea femeilor și bărbaților de culoare în rolul de victimă care are nevoie de caritate, în special a celor din așa-zisa lume în curs de dezvoltare. Diviziunile de gen sunt pline de contradicții. Ierarhiile de clasă, de exemplu, pot fi bazate pe diviziunea dintre munca manuală (care folosește corpul și este asociată cu feminitatea) și așa-numita muncă calificată (care folosește mintea și este legată de autoritate și control, fiind asociată cu masculinitatea). Frustrarea masculină a clasei muncitoare adesori inversează această ierarhie, sugerând că puterea folosirii corpului este o formă mai autentică de masculinitate, în timp ce bărbații din clasa de sus, cu hainele lor curate și cu pielea lor fină, sunt efeminați. Cultivarea acestui resentiment, a fanteziilor de superioritate și a fricii față de culturi diferite este în sine parte dintr-o cultură bazată pe distincții de gen, inconfortabilă cu emoția. În loc de a permite simplu emoțiilor să existe și să trecă prin noi, sau de a găsi alte căi sănătoase de a ne ocupa de sentimentele noastre, majoritatea dintre noi suntem învățați fie să  ne agățăm de ele, fie să le respingem (ceea ce în mod real este o altă modalitate de a ține strâns de ele). A învăța să fim confortabili cu dorințele noastre și de asemenea, cu fricile noastre, este parte din creare unei lumi în care putem să trăim și în care putem să ne iubim pe noi înșine, alături de ceilalți, cu toate diferențele și similaritățile dintre noi. Până și relația noastră cu restul lumii naturale (cu Mama Natură) este conectată cu relațiile de gen. Stârnirea fricii și a rușinii în oameni, fie despre genul lor, fie despre alteritatea de gen (cum sunt reprezentanții queer sau străinii), induce o stare centrată pe sine. Când indivizii se simt amenințați, desigur că se pregătesc de apărare.

Ei pot să o facă prin susținerea războiului, care are un impact ecologic profund, sau chiar prin cumpărături. Creând senzația de insecuritate despre corpul lor, iar apoi oferindu-le produse și servicii pentru a le repara presupusele imperfecțiuni, este combustibil pentru  o economie de creștere, nesustenabilă pe o planetă finită. Centrarea pe sine (asociată, de exemplu, cu anumite versiuni de masculinitate orientate pe succes) poate, de asemenea, să ducă la o perspectivă asupra corpurilor celorlalți, sau asupra altor specii și a pământului în sine mai degrabă ca simple „resurse” disponibile pentru beneficiul celuilalt  și nu ca ființe în deplinătatea drepturilor. Genul este un sistem viu, în dezvoltare. Nu are un adevăr fix. Se schimbă odată cu schimbarea relației cu noi înșine, cu fiecare dintre noi, și cu lumea. Diversitatea de gen este despre incredibila frumusețe a capacității vieții de a revărsa, a submina, a ataca și a refuza toate categoriile pe care le aplicăm, ei, nouă sau celorlalți. Compasiunea poate motiva oamenii să se caute între ei, să se susțină și să se hrănească reciproc și de a trăi genul diferit.

Bărbații care își dau voie să fie blânzi devin prieteni. Femeile care știu că pot fi puternice se organizează împreună și împărtășesc abilități. Travestiții și travestitele, bisexualii și transsexualii, femeile lesbiene și bărbații gay, queers de toate sexualitățile creează spațiu pentru ei și ceilalți pentru a se conecta, a împărtăși și a se juca. Prieteniile, rețelele și mișcările pot, de asemenea, să includă, să traverseze sau să transceadă toate aceste identități, și mai mult decât atât. Câteodată, oamenii se agață de identitățile de gen pentru a se simți în siguranță. Alte dăți, s-ar putea să țină la ele moderat. Spațiile diferite, practicile diferite, pot să ajute oamenii să se simtă îndeajuns de în siguranță pentru a renunța la o parte din limitările proprii și auto-supraveghere pentru a experimenta genul într-o manieră ușoară, jucăușă.

Familiile pot, desigur, să reprezinte alternative la genul normativ. Mamele sau tații singuri, mamele sau tații asociați și părinții transsexuali, cu toții arată că un copil nu are nevoie de doi părinți de genuri presupus opuse. Diversitatea de gen la copii poate fi respectată și onorată. Copiii pot să devină conștienți de modul în care munca este divizată în casă. Putem să fim mai puțin ficși și mai mult experimentali cu rolurile și identitățile noastre. Câteodată, oamenii își creează propriile familii, definite mai puțin de rudenia de sânge și mai mult de afinitate, prietenie și intimitate. Oamenii din grupuri sociale, mișcări și chiar cartiere pot să devină familie, dezvoltându-și propriile ritualuri și relații.

Locuințele cooperative, rețelele queer de prieteni și iubiți sau familiile extinse de alte tipuri, toate subliniază faptul că puternicul ideal al familiei nucleare, bazat pe diviziunea de gen, este doar o posibilitate printre altele. De asemenea, economia și politica pot fi făcute în mod diferit. Sistemele capitaliste dominatoare și statul-națiune nu sunt singurele opțiuni. Acestea nu reprezintă nici măcar majoritatea căilor prin care oamenii se implică în economie sau politică, ci doar cer cea mai mare atenție. Economistele și geografele feministe, de exemplu, subliniază economiile diverse care există în lume – toate formele variate de producție, consum, împărtășire și muncă – care nu se potrivesc în definiția îngustă (și macho) a economiei. Putem să recunoaștem, să celebrăm și să dezvoltăm economii  atente, cooperative și diverse, accentuându-le viabilitatea ca alternative reale.

Savanții activiști indigeni și antropologii anarhiști notează că multe culturi, chiar și unele națiuni, nu au același impuls de a defini clar granițele sau de a-și supraveghea proprii oameni – forme de control social care sunt luate de bune ca politici. Haideți să observăm în viețile noastre diferența dintre poveștile oficiale despre cine deține controlul și modul în care viața se desfășoară de fapt. Cum am putea să alimentăm elementele din societatea noastră care funcționează cooperativ cu alți oameni și alte ecosisteme pentru a crea libertate, egalitate și abundență?

La fel ca puterea, genul este peste tot, trecând prin relațiile noastre cu sinele, cu ceilalți și cu pământul, și relațiile dintre națiuni, clase și culturi. Și tot la fel ca puterea, nu este o problemă în sine ci în schimb este o interogație a modului în care le trăim. Genul poate fi un model de control, de violență și de dominație. Sau poate fi doar o altă cale de a vorbi despre frumoasa diversitate a existenței umane. Seria Lexicon caută să convertească cuvintele în intrumente folositoare politic – pentru cei deja implicați în politică de jos, dar și pentru noii veniți – prin oferirea de înțelegeri definiționale a cuvintelor cheie comune.

 

Building a Revolutionary Anarchism

August 13th @ 7pm
Red and Black Cafe
400 SE 12th Ave, Portland, Oregon 97214

How can we build the popularity and influence of anarchist ideas in movements for social and economic justice in the United States? What’s the point in a specifically anarchist organization? What lessons can we draw from the anarchists of South America? What benefits would be gained by the development of a nationwide anarchist organization? What would that organization do and how can we get involved?

Building a Revolutionary Anarchism will share lessons and perspectives from activity in anarchist organization in the US and Argentina. Informed largely by the project and organizing model of especifismo coming out of South America, the presentation focuses on the necessity and current on-going efforts to build nationwide anarchist organization in the United States.

In 2007, Colin O’Malley traveled from Buffalo, New York to Buenos Aires, Argentina to learn from workers that were taking over their closing-down workplaces to run worker owned and operated cooperatives. Coming from a city devastated by the loss of industry and the decades long rustbelt economic crisis that followed, Colin wanted to know what was so different about workers and their organizations in Argentina that there could be a such a drastically different reaction to workplace closures. There he spent time with some of the members of Red Libertaria, an Argentine anarchist organization.

On his return to Buffalo, he helped to found Buffalo Class Action, and with them built the presence of organized anarchism in Buffalo while advocating the creation of a citywide tenants union. Through BCA, he joined Common Struggle/Lucha Comun regional anarchist organization. In 2011, he moved to Rochester, New York and helped to found Rochester Red & Black, another local anarchist organization. As part of these organizations, he has been involved in the Class Struggle Anarchist Conferences, the In Our Hearts Network, and has recently been advocating and helping to build a nationwide class struggle anarchist organization. He is also an active member of the Industrial Workers of the World.

Together, let’s talk about what it means to take anarchism seriously as a revolutionary force and what it takes to get it there!

Unsettling Anarchism: Bringing Decolonization Home

decolonize

August 17th, 7:30pm @ Red and Black Cafe ~ 400 SE 12th Ave, Portland, Oregon 97214

RSVP here.

Within anarchism, the topic of decolonization has yielded much useful terrain for examining themes like identity and national liberation, solidarity and self-determination, and the right of the oppressed to their own priorities. Far less developed are how this shakes the very foundations of the way anarchism is constructed and who and what determines its contours. We will briefly explore and discuss this transformation through the lenses of South Asian social movements, the literature of US/Third World feminism, and emergent Arab anarchist movements.

Speakers:
Maia Ramnath is board member of the Institute for Anarchist Studies, serves on the steering committee of the South Asian Solidarity Initiative, and is the author of The Haj to Utopia and Decolonizing Anarchism.

Theresa Warburton is teaching and learning about feminism, anti-racism, anarchism, and Indigenous solidarity. She is the co-founder of the Buffalo Prison Abolition Reading Group and organizes for prison abolition and prisoner support. Her forthcoming article Transforming Alliances: Anarchism, US/Third World Feminism and the Politics of Make Believe was completed with support from the Institute for Anarchist Studies.

Joshua Stephens is a board member with the Institute for Anarchist Studies, and has been active in anti-capitalist and international solidarity movements across the last two decades. He’s spent much of the last two years covering antiauthoritarian movements from New York City, to Athens, Cairo, Palestine, and Mexico for Truth-Out, AlterNet, NOW Lebanon, Jadaliyya, and others.

Endorsed by: Gente Indigena (Blazing Arrow Organization); Oregon Jericho; PDX Anarchist Black Cross; Radical Prisoner Support Portland; the Hella 503 Collective; Portland Rising Tide; Parasol Climate Collective; Rosehips Medic Collective; and Culture of Resistance (CoR).

Childcare Available

Palestinian Anarchists in Conversation: Recalibrating anarchism in a colonized country

ahmad

Credit: Ahmad Nimer

By Joshua Stephens

“I’m honestly still trying to kick the nationalist habit,” jokes activist Ahmad Nimer, as we talk outside a Ramallah cafe. Our topic of conversation seems an unlikely one: living as an anarchist in Palestine. “In a colonized country, it’s quite difficult to convince people of non-authoritarian, non-state solutions. You encounter, pretty much, a strictly anticolonial – often narrowly nationalist – mentality,” laments Nimer. Indeed, anarchists in Palestine currently have a visibility problem. Despite high-profile international and Israeli anarchist activity, there doesn’t seem to be a matching awareness of anarchism among many Palestinians themselves.

“Contemporary discussion of anarchist themes shifts emphasis towards more of an approach to power: rejecting power over, in favor of power with. “When you talk about anarchism as a political concept, it is defined as rejecting the state,” explains Saed Abu-Hijleh, a human geography lecturer at An-Najah University in Nablus. “It talks about freedom and society organizing itself without the interference of the state.” But, how do a stateless people engage with anarchism, a term that implies opposition to some form of state as a condition of its existence? Read more