Mossi

The fast-moving Mossi cavalry once dominated large areas of what is now Burkina Faso
Total population
6.2 million in Burkina Faso (40%) 1.2 million Cote d'Ivoire 160,140 in Ghana
Regions with significant populations
Primarily Burkina Faso, populations also present in northern Cote d'Ivoire and northern Ghana.
Languages
Moore
Religion
Traditional 20%, Christianity 15%, Islam 65%
Related ethnic groups
Mamprusi, Dagomba Gurunsi, Frafra, Talensi, Bwa, Nankani. Lobi, Dagaaba, other Gur peoples

The Mossi (or Mosse, sing. Moaaga) are a people in central Burkina Faso, living mostly in the villages of the Volta River Basin. The Mossi are the largest ethnic group in Burkina Faso, constituting more than 40% of the population,^[1] or about 6.2 million people. The other 60% of Burkina Faso's population is composed of more than 60 ethnic groups, mainly the Gurunsi, Senufo, Lobi, Bobo, and Fulani.^[2] The Mossi speak the Mòoré language.

History[link]

History of Burkina Faso
This article is part of a series
Bura culture
Mossi people and Mossi Kingdoms
French Upper Volta
Republic of Upper Volta
Agacher Strip War
Contemporary Burkina
2011 Burkinabè protests
Burkina Faso Portal v t e

The Mossi tribe originated in Burkina Faso, although significant numbers of Mossi live in neighboring countries, including Benin, Côte d'Ivoire, Ghana, Mali, and Togo. In 1996, the estimated population of Burkina Faso was 10,623,323. Five to six million are probably Mossi; another 1.2 million Mossi live in Côte d'Ivoire.

Legendary origins[link]

According to tradition, the Mossi derive from the marriage of a Mamprusi princess and Mandé hunter. Yennenga was a warrior princess, daughter of a Mamprusi king in upper east Ghana. While exploring her kingdom on horseback, she lost her way and was rescued by Rialé, a solitary Mandé hunter. They got married and gave birth to the first authentic Mossi, Ouedraogo, who is recognised as the father of Mossi people. The Mossi also are also directly descended from the Mamprusi people and similarly live in Upper East Ghana with a capital of Bawku/Nalerigu.

Mossi Empire[link]

As the Mossi people's history has been kept by oral tradition, it is impossible to assign precise dates for the period before colonization.^[3] Nevertheless historians assign the beginning of their existence as a state to the 15th century. The Mossi were able to conquer a vast amounts of territory thanks to their mastering of the horse, and created a prosperous empire and kept peace in the region until the beginning of colonialism. The expansion of the Mossi empire was stopped in the 19th century with the initiation of intensive colonisation by the French.^[2] Before then, the Mossi people held a belief that "when the first white face appeared in the land the nation would die."^[4]

Colonial era[link]

Colonialism was devastating for most African people, as it resulted in imposed frontiers that affected the interrelationships between tribes, leading to political and social unrest throughout Africa when it ceased; the Mossi are no exception. This domination affected Mossi society and weakened the power of the Mossi emperor, the Mogho Naaba. Despite colonization, the Mogho Naaba was still given some authority over the Mossi during the French colonial period. He is still consulted today for crucial decisions, especially those affecting the destiny of society. Two great events have affected the status of the Mogho Naaba during colonization: firstly, during the initial phase of European invasion, he retired to the Dagomba kingdom with which the Mossi have always kept brotherly relations. Finally in 1896, the Mogho accepted the French protectorate. Though it has not been generally recognized, the Mossi played a key role in France's military during World War II. They constituted the greater part of the corps in the military troops of French West Africa, known in French as the Tirailleurs Sénégalais.^[5] Despite these historical shocks to Mossi society, they managed to keep their strong identity and their social structure.

Organization of Mossi society[link]

The Mossi people have organised their society in an original hierarchic process in which family and state are the key elements.^[2]

The Mogho Naaba and the Nakomse[link]

The highest position in Mossi society is that of the Emperor, who is given executive power. The Emperor's role is to rule the entire population and to protect the kingdom. Today, he lives in Ouagadougou, the historical and present capital of Burkina Faso. Though the political dynamic of the country has changed, the Mogho Naaba (Emperor) is still recognised by his people and has substantial authority.

Second to the Emperor come the nobles, or Nakomse. The Nakomse are all from the family of the Emperor, whether they be brothers, sisters, cousins, or otherwise. In fact, all dignitaries come from the Emperor's family. The Nakomse are often assigned territories in the kingdom as governorships and rule in the name of the Mogho Naaba. As in the past, the Emperor needs the support of his Nyon-nyonse (or gnon-gnon-sse) subjects to fully exercise his power. The Nyon-nyonse are the peoples who lived in Mossi-controlled regions before the Mossi.

Mossi society is divided vertically into two major segments: the descendants of the horsemen who conquered the peoples on the Mossi plateau are called the Nakomse (“people of power”), and all Mossi chiefs come exclusively from the Nakomse class. These people use figures as political art, to validate their rule over the peoples they conquered. The descendants of the ancient farming peoples who had occupied the land from the beginning of time and who, by right of first occupation were and are the owners of the land are called the Tengabisi (“people of the earth”). These Tengabisi can be further divided into groups of smiths (Saya), groups of traders (Yarse), and most important, groups of farmers (Nyonyose). Generally the smiths and the traders do not use masks, but the Nyonyose, the “ancient ones” are the principal makers and users of masks in Mossi society.

The craftsmen and ordinary citizens[link]

They constitute the larger part of the population and are all subjects of the emperor. These two groups are generally fused but have internal subdivisions, each one having its own ruling family; they perform ceremonies and other important events. Mossi people often identify with groups; hence, at all levels, there is a hierarchy in Mossi society. In everyday life, the family hierarchy is most important, and family is often directly associated with the notion of hierarchy for the Mossi. Mogonaba was the name Leo Frobenius was told was the term appropriate for the emperor of MOssi at Wagadugu when he visited the country in 1904-6. His is one of the few disinterested reports as he was an anthropologist and not a missionary, representative of a European company or military. He describes a court much like a European one (one can easily read an anti-aristocratic bias in Frobenius' comparison however) with nobles in intrigues over commerce, power and industry. This report alone caused disbelief in Europe as no European source had ever considered Africans like Europeans. The lack of racism in Frobenius' report and his discovery of a industrious people and a glorious past interested W.E.B. Dubois in Frobenious' other writings on Africa. Rudolf Blind's translation in English of the Voice of Africa by Hutchinson & CO., produced some racist comments he thought necessary to conform with English sensitivities otherwise he believed no Englishman would consider the book realistic.

Language and cultural values[link]

Group identity and values within the Mossi and contrasted against other ethnic groups are tied first and foremost to language.

Mossi language[link]

The Mossi speak the More language, of the Dagbani group of languages. It is spoken in Ghana and Burkina. This language is common to a larger group, Gur languages belonging to the Niger–Congo languages. Within the language exist a few dialects based mainly on region. For example, there is a dialect spoken in Yatenga (Ouahigouya), another distinct dialect in the northern region, a third in the southeast in Koupela, different from a fourth dialect in the same region called Tenkodogo.^[2] Despite these regional differences, all of the dialects are mutually intelligible.

Cultural values[link]

According to the explanations of Mrs. Tapsoba Marie, the former Cultural Counsellor at Burkina Embassy in Senegal and also Mossi herself, Mossi culture can be divided into four main values characteristic of the ethnic group.^[6]

Attitude towards ancestors[link]

Ancestors are believed to have reached a better world from which they can influence life on earth. They can help or punish their descendants depending on their behavior. Ancestors are also the judges that have the power to allow a descendant to enter the "pantheon of the ancestors". If an ancestor chooses to deny entrance, the soul of the disavowed one is condemned to run at random for all eternity. Because of these beliefs, Mossi swear by their ancestors or by the land; when they do so (which only occurs in extreme situations), it is more than symbolic — it is a call to imminent justice.

Land[link]

Land is related to the ancestors, being a path by which one can access the ancestors.^[6] Even today, this notion gives a unique value to land in Mossi thought. Land is considered to be much more than simple dust and has a spiritual dimension to it. A Mossi's life depends on his land, and it is essential for the family settlement.

Family[link]

Family is also an essential cultural element of the Mossi, who hold collectivism in high regard.^[6] Individualism does not exist in traditional Mossi culture: one’s actions and behaviors are always taken to be characteristics of one's family. They must always ask an elder in order to do something. As a result, all are expected to act in their family's name; thus, the family is the smallest entity in the Mossi society. Heritage is patrilineal, passed down from a father to his sons. However, when a man has no sons, women can inherit from their husbands and even from their father.

S.F. Nadel writing in the 1940s and 50s about homosexuality in Sub-Saharan Africa, noted that among the Mossi pages chosen from among the most beautiful boys aged seven to fifteen were dressed and had the other attributes of women in relation to chiefs, for whom sexual intercourse was denied on Fridays. After the boy reaches maturity they were given a wife by the chief. The first child born to such couples belonged to the chief.^[7]

Hierarchy[link]

Hierarchy is a fundamental concept for the Mossi and pervasive in their culture.^[6] The family is organised like a kingdom with its king — the husband and father, his advisor — the wife, and the people — the children. Aunts and uncles also play a role by helping in the education and raising of Mossi children.

Traditional and Cultural holidays and events[link]

Ceremonies and celebrations pace the life of Mossi people, with each celebration having its particulars. Through them the community expresses joy or suffering, or simply fulfils duties to the memory of the ancestors.

Mogho Naaba court[link]

The Friday Mogho Naaba court ceremony derives from the oppression experience from the appearance of the first colonial invaders. The first threat led the king of the Mossi to travel to the Mamprusi kingdom for help fighting the colonizers.^[6] A second threat from the colonizers led the Mogho Naaba to leave his court a second time to find help. However, before he left, the Emperor learned that the threat was false and that his kingdom was safe. In celebration of this event, even today, that event is reenacted every Friday of the week at the Emperor's court.

Mossi Masks[link]

Mossi Mask

Masks occupy an important position in the religious life of the Nyonyose (the ancient farmers and spiritual segment of Mossi society). The Nakomse (chief class) do not use masks. The use of masks in initiations and funerals is quite typical of all the Voltaic or Gur-speaking peoples, including the Nyonyose, Lela, Winiama, Nouna, Bwaba, and Dogon. Masks appear at burials to observe on behalf of the ancestors that proper burial procedures were carried out. They then appear at several funeral or memorial services held at regular intervals over the few years after an elder has died. Masks attend to honor the deceased and to verify that the spirit of the deceased merits admission into the world of ancestors. Without a proper funeral the spirit remains near the home and causes trouble for his/her descendants. Masks are carved of the wood of the Ceiba pintandra, the Faux kapolier. They are crved in three major styles that correspond to the styles of the ancient people who were conquered in 1500 by the invading Nakomse and integrated into a new Mossi society: IN the north masks are vertical planks with a round concave or convex face [2]. In the southwest masks represent animals such as antelope, bush buffalo, and various strange creatures, are painted red, white and black. In the east, around Boulsa [3], masks have tall posts above the face to which fiber is attached, . Female masks have two pairs of round mirrors for eyes, and small masks, representing Yali, "the child" have two vertical horns. All Nyonyose masks are worn with thick costumes made of the fiber of the wild hemp, Hibiscus cannabinus, In the old days only the northern Nyonyose in Yatenga and Kaya, and the eastern people around Boulsa allowed their masks to be photographed. The people in the southwest forbade photography because it did not conform to the "yaaba soore" the path of the ancestors. Mask characters include Balinga, the Fulani woman, katre, the hyena, nyaka, the small antelope, Wan pelega, the large antelope, and many others. Now, however, masks from all three areas appear at annual public festivals such festivals as SIAO (Fr. Salon international de l’Artisanat de Ouagadougou), Week of the Culture, and the Atypical Nights of Koudougou (Les Nuits Atypiques de Koudougou). Each Nyon-nyonse family has its own mask, and they are charged with protecting the masks to this day. Masks are very sacred, and are a link to the spirits of ancestors and of nature.

References[link]

External links[link]

• Detailed description of Mossi masks
• Ouagadougu masks

Further reading[link]

• Roy, Christopher D. Art of the Upper Volta Rivers. Meudon: Chaffin, 1987 [4]
• Roy, Christopher D. Land of the Flying Masks. Munich: Prestel, 2007.

Mossi Raz
Date of birth	(1965-12-19) 19 December 1965 (age 46)
Place of birth	Jerusalem, Israel
Knessets	15th
Party	Meretz

Moshe "Mossi" Raz (Hebrew: משה "מוסי" רז‎, born 19 December 1965) is a former Israeli politician who served as a member of the Knesset for Meretz between 2000 and 2003.

Biography[link]

Born in Jerusalem, Raz studied economics and accounting at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, and chaired the Council for Students' Associations. After finishing university, he worked as an accountant.

A well-known activist, Raz has served as secretary general of Peace Now and director of the non-profit organisation Ir Shalem.

For the 1999 Knesse elections Raz was placed 11th on the Meretz list,^[1] but missed out on a seat when they won only 10 mandates. However, he entered the Knesset on 25 February 2000 as a replacement for Haim Oron.

He won eighth place on the party's list for the 2003 elections,^[2] but lost his seat when the party was reduced to six seats. Raz was placed 10th on the list for the 2006 elections,^[3] but the party won only five seats. Prior to the 2009 elections he won fourth place on the Meretz list.^[4]

In 2009, Raz became a member of the board of directors for Transport Today and Tomorrow, an organization based in Tel Aviv that promotes the usage and expansion of sustainable transportation in Israel. His position as a board member of TTT is a result of his prior commitment to environmental issues. Sustainable transportation is becoming an increasingly important issue in Israel and Transport Today and Tomorrow is at the forefront of the drive to make Israel's use of transportation more environmentally friendly.

In 2010, Raz became the chairman of Life and Environment, the umbrella organization for the environmental movement in Israel.

Awards[link]

In 2010, Raz along with colleague Maysa Baransi-Siniora was awarded the Outstanding Contribution to Peace prize by the International Council for Press and Broadcasting at the International Media Awards in London for his work with All for Peace radio.^[5]

References[link]

• List of Board Members, Transport Today and Tomorrow

External links[link]

• Mossi Raz Knesset website
• Transport Today and Tomorrow

Nir Barkat
Nir Barkat, mayor of Jerusalem
Mayor of Jerusalem
Incumbent
Assumed office 2008
Preceded by	Uri Lupolianski
Personal details
Born	(1959-10-19) 19 October 1959 (age 52) Jerusalem, Israel
Spouse(s)	Beverly Barkat
Children	3
Religion	Judaism

Nir Barkat (Hebrew: ניר ברקת‎; born 19 October 1959) is an Israeli businessman, politician and mayor of Jerusalem.

Personal life[link]

Nir Barkat was born in 1959 and raised in Jerusalem. His father, Zalman, was a professor of physics at the Hebrew University. He served in the Paratroopers Brigade of the Israel Defense Forces for six years (1977–83), as well as reserve duty, and reached the rank of Major.

Barkat received his bachelor degree in computer science at Jerusalem's Hebrew University.

Barkat is married to his wife Beverly and is the father of three daughters.

Career[link]

Barkat started his career in the hi-tech industry by founding a software company called BRM in 1988, which specialized in antivirus software. Later the company became an incubator venture firm that invested in several companies such as Check Point and Backweb. He later helped found the social investment company IVN.

Barkat entered politics in January 2003 when he founded the party Yerushalayim Tatzli'ah ("Jerusalem Will Succeed") and ran in the Jerusalem mayoral race, gaining 43% of the vote and narrowly losing to Uri Lupoliansky. He became head of the opposition on the city council, until the 2008 election.

In 2007, Barkat took part in the Israeli version of Dragons' Den, the venture-capitalist television programme, which consists of entrepreneurs pitching their ideas in order to secure investment from business experts.

Barkat ran again and won the election for mayor of Jerusalem on 11 November 2008 gaining 52% of the votes, defeating his main rival Meir Porush, who won 43% of the votes. Barkat is described as a secular politician, contrasting with both Lupoliansky and Porush, who are described as Haredi.^[1]

References[link]

External links[link]

• Nir Barkat Bio (from time as Councilmember). Startupjerusalem.org
• Eli Barkat, Managing Partner biography, BRM Capital (2007).
• Nir Barkat official campaign page - Hebrew
• Cidor, Peggy (2009-03-26). "On the fast track". The Jerusalem Post. http://fr.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1237727552676&pagename=JPost/JPArticle/ShowFull. Retrieved 2009-04-01.