The Civil Constitution of the Clergy () was a law passed on 12 July 1790 during the French Revolution, that subordinated the Roman Catholic Church in France to the French government.

It is often stated this law confiscated the Church's French land holdings or banned monastic vows: that had already been accomplished by earlier legislation. It did, however, complete the destruction of the monastic orders, legislating out of existence "all regular and secular chapters for either sex, abbacies and priorships, both regular and ''in commendam'', for either sex", etc.

Some of the support from this came from figures within the Church, such as the priest and parliamentarian Pierre Claude François Daunou, and, above all, the revolutionary priest Henri Grégoire. The measure was opposed, but ultimately acquiesced to, by King Louis XVI.

Status of the Church in France before the Civil Constitution

Even before the Revolution Laine and the Civil Constitution of the Clergy, the Catholic Church in France (the Gallican Church) had a status that tended to subordinate the Church to the State. Under the Declaration of the Clergy of France (1682) privileges of the French monarch included the right to assemble church councils in their dominions and to make laws and regulations touching ecclesiastical matters;Gallican Church or to have recourse to the "appeal as from an abuse" (''"appel comme d'abus"'') against acts of the ecclesiastical power.

Even prior to the Civil Constitution of the Clergy:

On 11 August 1789 tithes were abolished.

On 2 November 1789, Catholic Church property that was held for purposes of church revenue was nationalized, and was used as the backing for the ''assignats''.

On 13 February 1790 (some sources give the date as 11 February for example, ), monastic vows were forbidden and all ecclesiastical orders and congregations were dissolved, excepting those devoted to teaching children and nursing the sick.

On 19 April 1790, administration of all remaining church property was transferred to the State.

Motivation of the Civil Constitution

The following interlinked factors appear to have been the causes of agitation for the confiscation of church lands and for the adoption of the Civil Constitution of the Clergy:

# The French government in 1790 was nearly bankrupt; this fiscal crisis had been the original reason for the king's calling the Estates-General in 1789. # Church lands represented 10–15% of the land in France. In addition the Church collected tithes. # Owing, in part, to abuses of this system (especially for patronage), there was enormous resentment of the Church, taking the various forms of atheism, anticlericalism, and anti-Catholicism. # Many of the revolutionaries viewed the Catholic Church as a retrograde force. # At the same time, there was enough support for a basically Catholic form of Christianity that some means had to be found to fund the Church in France. # Presumably, another factor, at least indirectly was Jansenist rejection of the cult of kingship and absolutism.

Debate over the Civil Constitution

On 6 February 1790 one week before banning monastic vows, the National Constituent Assembly asked its ecclesiastical committee (which was promptly expanded from 15 to 30 members) to prepare the reorganization of the clergy. No doubt, those who hoped to reach a solution amenable to the papacy were discouraged by the consistorial address of 22 March in which Pius VI spoke out against measures already passed by the Assembly; also, the election of the Protestant Jean-Paul Rabaut Saint-Étienne to the presidency of the Assembly brought about "commotions" at Toulouse and Nîmes, suggesting that at least some Catholics would accept nothing less than a return to the ''ancien régime'' practice under which only Catholics could hold office.

The Civil Constitution of the Clergy came before the Assembly 29 May 1790. François de Bonal, Bishop of Clermont, and some members of the Right requested that the project should be submitted to a national council or to the pope, but did not carry the day. Joining them in their opposition to the legislation was Abbé Sieyès, the firebrand of 1789, author of "What is the Third Estate?".

Conversely, the Jansenist theologian Camus argued that the plan was in perfect harmony with the New Testament and the councils of the fourth century.

The Assembly passed the Civil Constitution on 12 July 1790, two days before the anniversary of the storming of the Bastille. On that anniversary, Talleyrand and three hundred priests officiated at the "altar of the nation" erected on the Champ de Mars, wearing tricolor waistbands over their priestly vestments and calling down God's blessing upon the Revolution.

Legal status of the Church in France under the Civil Constitution

As noted above, even prior to the Civil Constitution of the Clergy, church property was nationalized and monastic vows were forbidden. Under the Civil Constitution of the Clergy:

There were 83 bishops, one for each Department, rather than the previous 135. [Kagan et al. 2001, 643]

Bishops (known as constitutional bishops) and priests were elected locally; electors had to sign a loyalty oath to the constitution. There was no requirement that the electors be Catholics, creating the ironic situation that Protestants and even Jews could elect the nominally Catholic priests and bishops.

Authority of the pope over the appointment of clergy was reduced to the right to be informed of election results.

The tone of the Civil Constitution can be gleaned from Title II, Article XXI:

:Before the ceremony of consecration begins, the bishop elect shall take a solemn oath, in the presence of the municipal officers, of the people, and of the clergy, to guard with care the faithful of his diocese who are confided to him, to be loyal to the nation, the law, and the king, and to support with all his power the constitution decreed by the National Assembly and accepted by the king.

In short, new bishops were required to swear loyalty to the State in far stronger terms than to any religious doctrine. Note also that, even in this revolutionary legislation, there are strong remnants of Gallican royalism.

The law also included some genuine reforms supported even by many within the Church. For example, Title IV, Article I states, "The law requiring the residence of ecclesiastics in the districts under their charge shall be strictly observed. All vested with an ecclesiastical office or function shall be subject to this, without distinction or exception.". In effect, this banned the practice by which younger sons of noble families would be appointed to a bishopric or other high church position and live off of its revenues without even moving to the region in question and taking up the duties of the office.

Delay in implementation

For some time, Louis XVI delayed signing the Civil Constitution, saying that he needed "official word from Rome" before doing so. Pope Pius VI broke the logjam on 9 July 1790, writing a letter to Louis rejecting the arrangement. On 28 July, 6 September, and 16 December 1790, Louis XVI wrote letters to Pius VI, complaining that the National Assembly was forcing him to publicly accept the Civil Constitution, and suggesting that Pius VI appease them by accepting a few selected articles too. On 10 July, Pius VI wrote to Louis XVI, indicating to the king that the Church could not accept any of the provisions of the Constitution. The Constitution attempted to change the internal government of the Church, and no political regime had the right to unilaterally change the internal structure of the Church. On 17 August, Pius VI wrote to Louis XVI of his intent to consult with the cardinals about this, but on 10 October Cardinal Rochefoucauld, the Archbishop of Aix, and 30 of France's 131 bishops sent their negative evaluation of the main points of the Civil Constitution to the pope. Only four bishops actively dissented. On 30 October, the same 30 bishops restated their view to the public, signing a document known as the Exposition of Principles ("Exposition des principes sur la constitution civile du clergé"), written by Jean de Dieu-Raymond de Cucé de Boisgelin

On 27 November 1790, still lacking the king's signature on the law of the Civil Constitution, the National Assembly voted to require the clergy to sign an oath of loyalty to the Constitution. During the debate on that matter, on 25 November, Cardinal de Lomenie wrote a letter claiming that the clergy could be excused from taking the Oath if they lacked mental assent; that stance was to be rejected by the pope 23 February 1791. On 26 December 1790, Louis XVI finally granted his public assent to the Civil Constitution, allowing the process of administering the oaths to proceed in January and February 1791.

Pope Pius VI's 23 February rejection of Cardinal de Lomenie's position of withholding "mental assent" guaranteed that this would become a schism. The pope's subsequent condemnation of the revolutionary regime and repudiation of all clergy who had complied with the oath completed the schism.

Jurors and non-jurors

As noted above, the government required all clergy to swear an oath of loyalty to the Civil Constitution of the Clergy. Only seven bishops and about half the clergy agreed: the rest, mainly in western France, refused; these became known as "non-jurors" or "refractory priests". While there was a higher rate of rejection in urban areas, most of these refractory priests (like most of the population) lived in the countryside, and the Civil Constitution generated considerable resentment among religious peasants. Meanwhile, the Pope repudiated the "jurors" who had signed the oath, especially bishops who had ordained new, elected clergy, and above all Bishop Louis-Alexandre Expilly de la Poipe. In May 1791, France recalled its ambassador to the Vatican and the Papal Nuncio was recalled from Paris. On 9 June, the Assembly forbade the publication of Papal Bulls or Decrees, unless they had been approved by the Assembly as well.

The Constituent Assembly went back and forth on the exact status of non-juring priests. On 5 February 1791, non-juring priests were banned from preaching in public. However, they continued to perform masses and attract crowds; meanwhile; the more extreme anti-clerical elements responded with violence against those who attended these masses and against nuns who would not renounce their vocation. While the replacement, juror priests often faced a hostile and violent reception in their old parishes On 7 May 1791, the Assembly reversed itself, deciding that the non-juring priests, referred to as ''prêtres habitués'' ("habitual priests") could say Mass and conduct services in other churches on condition that they would respect the laws and not stir up revolt against the Civil Constitution. However, violence on all sides continued, and on 29 November 1791, the Legislative Assembly, which had replaced the National Constituent Assembly, decreed that refractory priests could only exacerbate factionalism and aggravate extremists in the constituent assembly. The 29 November decree stipulated that no refractory priest could invoke the rights in the Constitution of the Clergy and that all such priests were suspect and so to be arrested. Louis XVI vetoed this decree (as he also did with another text concerning the creation of an army of 20,000 men on the orders of the Assembly, precipitating the monarchy's fall), which was toughened and re-issued a year later. Anti-Catholic persecution by the State would intensify into de-Christianization and propagation of the Cult of Reason and the Cult of the Supreme Being in 1793–1794. During this time umpteen non-juring priests were interned in chains on prison-ships in French harbors where most died within a few months from the appalling conditions. This might be seen as an example of an 18th century "concentration camp."

Repeal of the Civil Constitution

After the Thermidorian Reaction, the Convention restored freedom of religion on 21 February 1795; however, the schism between the civilly constituted the French Church and the Papacy was only resolved in 1801, when the Concordat was signed. In the interval, the French army would invade Rome and end the temporal sovereignty of the Pope.

References

Bibliography

http://www.findarticles.com/cf_dls/m2082/2_61/54469232/p1/article.jhtml

http://www.dabar.org/Religion/RED/R-Words/Redrevolution.htm

http://home.nordnet.fr/~blatouche/E8.html

http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/chap1d.html

http://carbon.cudenver.edu/~rpekarek/fresp1.html

Catholic Encyclopedia article on the French Revolution

Kagan, Donald, Steven Ozment, and Frank M. Turner, ''The Western Heritage'', 7th ed, Prentice Hall, Upper Saddle River, 2001.

External links

Civil Constitution of the Clergy, complete Text in English

Pope Pius VI Response to the Civil Constitution of the Clergy, 13 April 1791.

Category:1790 events of the French Revolution Category:History of Catholicism in France Category:Anti-Catholicism in France Category:Persecution of Christians Category:Criticism of religion Category:Religion and the French Revolution

br:Lezenn evit lakaat ar gloer da vezañ keodedourien de:Zivilverfassung des Klerus es:Constitución civil del clero fr:Constitution civile du clergé ko:성직자기본법 it:Costituzione civile del clero he:החוקה של הכמורה lb:Zivilkonstitutioun vum Klerus ja:聖職者基本法 pl:Konstytucja cywilna kleru pt:Constituição Civil do Clero ru:Гражданское устройство духовенства uk:Цивільний устрій духовенства

name	The Clergyman
director	Victor Sjöström
writer	Peter Lykke-Seest
starring	Egil Eide
cinematography	Hugo EdlundJulius Jaenzon
released	16 January, 1914
runtime	99 minutes
country
language	SilentSwedish intertitles
followed by	}}

''The Clergyman'' () is a 1914 Swedish silent drama film directed by Victor Sjöström.

Cast

Carl Borin

Egil Eide - Priest

Justus Hagman - Older Priest

William Larsson - Clara's Father

Richard Lund - Estate Owner

Clara Pontoppidan - Maria

Carlo Wieth - Frans

References

External links

Category:1914 films Category:Swedish films Category:Swedish-language films Category:Black-and-white films Category:1910s drama films Category:Silent films Category:Films directed by Victor Sjöström

sv:Prästen

Name	Adam Charles Kokesh
Birth date	February 01, 1982
Birth place	California
Placeofburial label	Place of burial
Allegiance
Branch
Serviceyears	1999–2007
Rank	20px Corporal 20px Sergeant (Formerly)
Unit	3rd Civil Affairs Group
Battles	Iraq War
Laterwork	Talk show host, Political Activism }}

Adam Charles Kokesh (born February 1, 1982) is an American activist and talk radio host. Kokesh was a Corporal in the United States Marine Corps Reserve and is a veteran of the Iraq War. He is an outspoken opponent of the U.S. military intervention in Iraq and has received media attention related to anti-war protest activities. He is the son of Charles Kokesh, a Santa Fe venture capitalist, founder of a firm called Technology Funding and owner of the Santa Fe Horse Park.

Marine Corps service

Kokesh attended the Native American Preparatory School in San Ysidro, New Mexico. He enlisted in the United States Marine Corps in 1999. In 2004, he served in Fallujah. He was a liaison between the U.S. military and Iraqi civilians as a member of the 3rd Civil Affairs Group. He also worked a security checkpoint while in Iraq. He brought home a pistol from Iraq in 2004 in violation of military rules, which prevented his return for a second Iraq tour. Kokesh "had risen to the rank of sergeant after three-and-a-half years in the Reserves" and "was demoted to corporal and soon thereafter discharged honorably with a re-enlistment code that basically said, 'you can't re-enlist.'" Having experienced combat in Fallujah, Kokesh received the Combat Action Ribbon and the Navy Commendation Medal after his honorable discharge from active duty.

After his discharge, and during a March 19, 2007 protest he attended, Kokesh was in the Individual Ready Reserve (IRR); a superior officer identified him in a photo caption in the ''Washington Post''. On "March 29, a Marine major sent him an e-mail to tell him he was being investigated for misconduct by appearing at a political event in uniform. Kokesh responded, telling the major what he thought" and used an expletive in his reply, resulting in an additional misconduct charge. The charges were "brought under the Uniform Code of Military Justice, which applies only to service members," confusing some veterans and lawyers.

Hearing

In May 2007, a hearing was convened to consider changing Kokesh's military discharge from "honorable" to "other than honorable" on two points: "Disrespect toward a Superior Commissioned Officer," and violating "Wearing of the uniform" regulation. The panel recommended Kokesh be given a "general discharge under honorable conditions," a discharge status below "honorable," and above "other than honorable". Kokesh appealed the decision, and was denied.

Protest activities

After returning from Iraq, Kokesh resumed his studies and completed his bachelor's degree in psychology at Claremont McKenna College. In February 2007, Kokesh became an active participant in the Iraq Veterans Against the War (IVAW). On March 19, 2007, to mark the 4^th anniversary of the 2003 invasion of Iraq, Kokesh and 12 other Iraq Veterans Against the War members participated in an occupation-like mock patrol of Washington D.C. Kokesh first came to national attention after he was interviewed on CNN and his photograph appeared in newspapers throughout the country, including the front page of the ''Los Angeles Times'' at a protest during Alberto Gonzales's testimony to Congress regarding the dismissal of U.S. attorneys. Kokesh, wearing his Marine Corps Boonie hat, held up a large sign counting the number of times Gonzalez said "I don't remember" or "I don't recall" (Kokesh claimed Gonzalez used such phrases 74 times). In April 2007 Kokesh and a number of other activists were arrested for protesting the Iraq war in the Senate Hart Office Building. Kokesh had performed a ceremony for lost service members using an American flag.

In June 2007 Kokesh, along with IVAW members Liam Madden and Nate Lewis, were arrested for crossing onto the property of Ft. Benning near Columbus, Georgia. On June 13, the government filed a motion to dismiss the trespass charges.

Kokesh enrolled in graduate studies in political management at George Washington University. In October 2007, Kokesh, along with six other students, created controversy by putting up satirical political posters across the university campus. The posters featured a picture of a stereotypical Arab man and the headline "Hate Muslims? So do we!!!," with illustrative captions explaining that the typical Muslim is equipped with a venom-spouting mouth, laser-shooting eyes, and hidden AK-47:s, among other parodical features. The poster was signed "Students for Conservativo-Fascism Awareness," and encouraged students to visit the right-wing website terrorismawareness.org. Kokesh and the six other students publicly admitted to responsibility amidst accusations that the poster was Islamophobic, maintaining that their intent was to spread awareness of what they considered to be the overtly racist intentions of the above-mentioned website's "Islamo-Fascism Awareness Week" organized by a conservative student organization and featuring David Horowitz.

On September 2, 2008, Kokesh spoke at Representative Ron Paul's Rally for the Republic in St. Paul, Minnesota, where he stated, "While it is our responsibility now to resist tyranny civily, while we still can, there may come a time when we will say to the powers that be, be it with your blood or ours we have come to water the tree of liberty … who will stand with me?"

On September 4, 2008, Kokesh interrupted Senator John McCain's acceptance speech of the GOP nomination for President at the Republican National Convention in Minneapolis, Minnesota. Holding a sign reading "McCain Votes Against Vets" on one side and "You can't win an occupation" on the other, Kokesh yelled, "Ask him why he votes against vets!" A member of the audience grabbed the sign and tore it in two. Kokesh was released shortly after being detained by local police.

On May 28, 2011, Kokesh and other activists participated in a flash mob-silent dance at the Thomas Jefferson Memorial in Washington, D.C. in protest of a recent ruling against dancing at federal monuments; the activists were arrested through the use of physical force by U.S. Park Police officers. An investigation has been launched into whether excessive force was used by the arresting officers. A much larger protest the following Saturday, June 4, 2011, organized by Kokesh and Code Pink, involved about 200 protesters and 75 dancers. About 10 minutes after the dancing began, police began clearing the monument. No arrests were made. When asked by a journalist if he had a permit to protest, Kokesh reportedly produced a copy of the Constitution and said, "Actually I got a permit. It's the same one I swore an oath to when I enlisted in the Marine Corps. And it says something about 'freedom of assembly.' Which means you don't need permission from anybody to come together and speak your mind."

VFW position

The national commander of the Veterans of Foreign Wars has defended the right of Kokesh and others who have been given honorable discharges to protest in uniform.

2010 congressional campaign

In 2010, Adam Kokesh attempted to unseat Democratic representative Ben Ray Luján in New Mexico's heavily Democratic 3^rd congressional district running as a libertarian-oriented Republican. Kokesh received mostly out-of-state money, support from Ron Paul, and an endorsement from the Republican Liberty Caucus, the PAC that represents the libertarian wing of the Republican Party. Kokesh's opponent in the New Mexico GOP primary was Tom Mullins to whom he lost.

"Adam vs The Man"

Since July 2010 Kokesh has hosted a talk radio program called "Adam vs. The Man." The program airs weekdays from the studios of 1550 KIVA in Albuquerque, New Mexico. In April 2011 his show was picked up by Russia Today television network ("RT"). Accuracy in Media criticized Kokesh's appearing on RT, a non-profit organization which largely is funded by the Russian government. The conservative group wrote that RT uses Americans like Kokesh to make propaganda points. The show was canceled in August 2011.

See also

List of U.S. Marines

Campaign for Liberty

References

External links

Adam Kokesh's talk radio show: ADAM VS THE MAN

Adam Kokesh's blog

Adam Kokesh's profile at IVAW.org

Adam Kokesh's Debut on RT

Category:1982 births Category:Living people Category:American Jews Category:American anti–Iraq War activists Category:American libertarians Category:American military personnel of the Iraq War Category:American talk radio hosts Category:Claremont McKenna College alumni Category:Native American United States military personnel Category:Native American politicians Category:New Mexico Republicans Category:United States Marines Category:Native American activists

"The Man" is a slang phrase that may refer to the government or to some other authority in a position of power. In addition to this derogatory connotation, it may also serve as a term of respect and praise.

The phrase "the Man is keeping me down" is commonly used to describe oppression. The phrase "stick it to the Man" encourages resistance to authority, and essentially means "fight back" or "resist", either openly or via sabotage.

History

The term "the Man" in the American sense dates back to the late 19th Century. In the Southern U.S. states, the phrase came to be applied to any man or any group in a position of authority, or to authority in the abstract. From about the 1950s the phrase was also an underworld code word for police, the warden of a prison or other law enforcement or penal authorities.

It was also used as a term for a drug dealer in the 1950s and 1960s and can be seen in such media as Curtis Mayfield's "No Thing On Me", William Burroughs's novel ''Naked Lunch'', and in the Velvet Underground song "I'm Waiting for the Man", in which Lou Reed sings about going to Uptown Manhattan, specifically Lexington Avenue and 125th Street, to buy heroin.

The use of this term was expanded to counterculture groups and their battles against authority, such as the Yippies, which, according to a May 19, 1969 article in ''U.S. News and World Report'', had the "avowed aim ... to destroy 'The Man', their term for the present system of government". The term eventually found its way into humorous usage, such as in a December 1979 motorcycle ad from the magazine ''Easyriders'' which featured the tagline, "California residents: Add 6% sales tax for The Man."

In present day, the phrase has been popularized in commercials and cinema.

Use as praise

The term has also been used as an approbation or form of praise. This may refer to the recipient's status as the leader or authority within a particular context, or it might be assumed to be a shortened form of a phrase like "He is the man (who is in charge)." One example of this usage dates to 1879 when Otto von Bismarck commented, referring to Benjamin Disraeli's pre-eminent position at the Congress of Berlin, "The old Jew, he is the man."

In more modern usage, it can be a superlative compliment ("you da man!") indicating that the subject is currently standing out amongst his peers even though they have no special designation or rank, such as a basketball player who is performing better than the other players on the court. It can also be used as a genuine compliment with an implied, slightly exaggerated or sarcastic tone, usually indicating that the person has indeed impressed the speaker but by doing something relatively trivial.

See also

Absentee landlord

Big Brother (''Nineteen Eighty-Four'')

New World Order (conspiracy theory)

Ruling class

The Establishment

Power elite

Corrections officer

YTMND

Notes

References

Lighter, J.E. (Ed.). (1997). ''Random House Dictionary of American Slang''. New York: Random House.

Category:Slang expressions Category:Stock characters Category:English idioms Category:Pejorative terms for people Category:Military-industrial complex

Name	David Barton
Jr/sr	United States Senator
State	Missouri
Term start	August 10, 1821
Term end	March 4, 1831
Predecessor	''(none)''
Successor1	Alexander Buckner
Birth date	December 14, 1783
Birth place	Greeneville, North Carolina(now Tennessee)
Death date	September 28, 1837
Death place	Boonville, Missouri
Party	Democratic-Republican }}

David Barton (December 14, 1783 September 28, 1837) was one of the first U.S. senators from Missouri, serving 1821–1831.

Barton was born near Greeneville, Tennessee, then part of North Carolina. He was a major political presence in early Missouri, serving as president of the state's constitutional convention, speaker of the Missouri territorial House of Representatives, and as one of its first pair of U.S. Senators. Barton County, Missouri is named for him.

He was the brother of Joshua Barton, the first Missouri Secretary of State. David opposed the reappointment of William Rector to the Office of Surveyor General for Missouri, Illinois and Arkansas, saying that Rector was using his relatives for surveying positions and paying them too much while Rector was surveying the Louisiana Purchase. Joshua published the charges in the ''St. Louis Republican'' under the signature of "Philo." Rector's brother Thomas Rector challenged Joshua to a duel in 1823 on Bloody Island (Mississippi River) and killed Joshua. President James Madison did not reappoint Rector.

Barton switched parties three times in his political life. He was first elected as a Democratic-Republican; he then switched to an Adams Democrat for his re-election in 1825. When he ran for the Senate again in 1830 he switched to being an Anti-Jacksonian candidate. He was a member of the Missouri State Senate in 1834-1835.

References

External links

{{U.S. Senator box | state=Missouri | class=3 | before=None | after=Alexander Buckner | alongside=Thomas H. Benton | years=1821–1831}}

Category:1783 births Category:1837 deaths Category:People from Greene County, Tennessee Category:Missouri State Senators Category:United States Senators from Missouri Category:Missouri Democratic-Republicans Category:Missouri National Republicans Category:Democratic-Republican Party United States Senators Category:National Republican Party United States Senators

de:David Barton sv:David Barton