Carrying the torch

Above : "Members of the 'New Right' pose as a ‘black bloc’ and stand in the same spot for an hour or two so that they can relate the story of this adventure at parties they will never be invited to." Source : CrowdedWorld

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The beating heart of the nation, Canberra, came alive recently, with spirited Chinese and Tibetan protest. Alongside of the Tibetans were their comrades, a group of perhaps a dozen or so members of the 'New Right', once again bravely facing down the Communist hordes. In Italy, the far right has also been protesting:

The demonstrators who’ve been disrupting the progress of the Olympic torch around the world have found an unwelcome ally in the Italian far right. Last month, Forza Nuova cashed in on the popularity of the ‘flame of shame’ protests to organise a rally of their own outside the Chinese embassy in Rome. Their leader, Roberto Fiore, expressing outrage at the treatment of the Tibetans, called for the immediate severing of diplomatic relations between China and Italy and a boycott of the games by Italian athletes. The ulterior motive for his unlikely concern for Tibet isn’t hard to make out: one of his campaign slogans calls for ‘un’Italia senza extracomunitari’ (an Italy without non-Europeans, which would mean getting rid of the 200,000 or so Chinese immigrants who live here).

~ Thomas Jones, Short Cuts, London Review of Books, April 24, 2008

In terms of the recent Italian election, the 'extreme' right (the Italian Social Action Party), with Alessandra Mussolini, the Fascist dictator's granddaughter and Sophia Loren's niece, as its mascot, did even worse than the 'far' left, collecting two per cent of the votes and winning no seats. (See The collapse of Rifondazione Comunista in Italy: The price of opportunism, Peter Schwarz, wsws.org, April 25, 2008.) Of course, that doesn't stop fascism from expressing itself more directly: for example, following the Corrupt Knight's return, fascists staged an attack on the Mario Mieli Centre in Rome.

---- Solidarity with the "Circolo Mario Mieli" ----

Fascism is not only an authoritarian superstructure, used from time to time by capitalism: it is also the spearhead of an ideology that is sneaking its way through our society. An ideology that can be seen in the rising arrogance of men, in the rising arrogance of the bosses, in the rising authoritarianism of the State and in the slimy paternalism of the Church.

Several days ago, the Circolo di cultura omosessuale Mario Mieli ["Mario Mieli" homosexual culture club] in the San Paolo neighbourhood of Rome was attacked by a fascist squad shouting "fucking poofs!" and praising Mussolini, who damaged the club's entrance while some activists were meeting in an upstairs room.

We would like to express our solidarity with the club and we denounce this latest attack in a long series which has seen the fascist squads engaging in an escalation of violence, including the death some time ago [August 26, 2006] of Renato Biagetti in Focene, near Rome.

[Renato was actively involved in the social center movement in Rome and visited the “Acrobax" often, where his brother was also active. His hobby was music. On August 26, 2006, he went to a reggae party in Fiumicino, near Rome. After the party, while heading home, he was stopped by two young men and attacked. They stabbed him several times in the heart and lungs. He died at age 26.]

These attacks by squadristi, a practice consolidated over the years, never abandoned by the fascists, are usually directed against social centres, occupied houses, associations, against "leftists" and other individuals who do not conform to their hateful ideology.

So in this climate of intolerance and rising racism, the 25th April, when Italy remembers the Liberation from Fascism, takes on a new and special importance.

The struggle against fascism, whose greatest moment was the war of liberation fought by the partigiani, was not then, and is not now simply a struggle against the purest form of capitalist authoritarianism. It is also the struggle of aspiration towards a society of social justice and equality. Today, more so than ever, class-struggle anti-fascism must remember that.

Today more than ever because now it is clear that both the centre-left and the centre-right are attempting to rid the 25th April of its class significance and its militant anti-fascism, turning it into a mere ceremony of "democracy".

Against this, we say:

Fascism is not only an authoritarian superstructure, used from time to time by capitalism: it is also the spearhead of an ideology that is sneaking its way through our society. An ideology that can be seen the the rising arrogance of men, in the rising arrogance of the bosses, in the rising authoritarianism of the State and in the slimy paternalism of the Church.

Fascism is the strong arm of the State that kills you when you get home late or kills you in prison because you were growing a couple of marijuana plants.

Fascism is the arrogance of landlords, the arrogance of entrepreneurs who gamble with your life, and the homophobic obsession of the Church.

If we want to honour the struggle of the many comrades who fought in the Resistenza, who paid with their lives for their desire to see a world free from fascism, a world of justice and equality, then we must make sure that the 25th April is a day when we actively remember the struggle against all forms of authoritarianism...

Federazione dei Comunisti Anarchici
"Luigi Fabbri" Branch, Roma
21 April 2008

Speaking of which, check 'Alive and Kicking: Review of Anarchy Alive! Anti-Authoritarian Politics from Practice to Theory', by Uri Gordon (Pluto Press, 2008), reviewed by Alex Prichard, Anarchist Studies 16:1; also the Anarchist Studies archive.

Fascism in Europe... and Australia

April 11 marks the liberation of Buchenwald, the Nazi concentration camp, opened on July 15, 1937, and closed in 1945 by the entry of the Sixth Armored Division of the Third U.S. Army. The first inmates to arrive -- 149 in total -- were members of the resistance (see Frank McDonough, Opposition and resistance in Nazi Germany, Cambridge University Press, 2001 [PDF]), Jehovah's Witnesses, previously convicted criminals, and "a few" homosexuals. Its first victim was the 23 year-old labourer, Hermann Kempeck of Altona, who was found hanged on August 14. In the intervening years, approximately 56,000 more people died at the camp. (See A Chronology of Buchenwald Concentration Camp.)

The liberation of the camp produced a rather remarkable phenomenon: The Buchenwald Ball, an annual celebration organised by some of the Jewish boys who managed to survive the horrors of the camp. Thus "Every year on April 11, the anniversary of their liberation, the Buchenwald Boys hold a ball filled with music, dancing, and an energy that defies their advancing ages. The ball is a defiant celebration of life, friendship, family, and love". The Ball is also the subject of a film. The celebration is also remarkable for the fact that it takes place in my hometown: Melbourne, Australia.

In Melbourne, neo-Nazis are rather thin on the ground. In fact, two local neo-Nazi groups, Blood & Honour Australia and the Southern Cross Hammerskins, have experienced some difficulties in organising their activities, activities which -- outside of babbling on the Internet -- principally revolve around the organisation of an annual gig to commemorate the death in 1993 of the founder of B&H;, the English bonehead Ian Stuart Donaldson.

In September 2006, this event took place, as it had in previous years -- in addition to gigs to celebrate Hitler's birthday and bonehead organising meetings -- at The Birmingham Hotel in Fitzroy. As a result of protest, complaint, and a boycott initiated in October 2006, the pub's management has just recently changed, and the new management is allegedly less sympathetic to the presence of neo-Nazis than the former mob. (See Boycott the Birmingham blog.) Support for the successful boycott came from a variety of groups -- anarchist, socialist, anti-fascist, anti-racist, queer, women's, punks and skinheads -- while opposition was largely confined to a small number of fashion punks, for whom The Birmy had also served as a venue, and for whom anti-fascist solidarity was less important than the opportunity to drink and to listen to music.

The venue for the 2007 ISD memorial gig was the Melbourne Croatia Social Club, the management of which -- like that of The Birmy -- denied and then defended the use of their premises by neo-Nazis. Fortunately, the President of the Melbourne Knights football club, Matt Tomas, took a very different line, describing the boneheads as "scum", and later apologising for the Social Club's irresponsibility (Greg Roberts, Neo-Nazis split Croat community, The Australian, October 27, 2007: "Contacted by The Weekend Australian, social club manager Catarina Malacic denied the event was held. "There was nothing on at the venue that night," she said"!).



Of course, much more information regarding fascist organising in Melbourne, Australia, Europe and elsewhere was, until earlier this week, available on my previous blog: http://slackbastard.anarchobase.com. Unfortunately, as well as having to weather demented death threats, as a result of a complaint lodged by Mathaba New Network, I've had to temporarily revert to this location, and all of this information is subsequently -- albeit temporarily -- unavailable. What's interesting about this attempt at censorship, in the context of remembering the Nazi regime in Europe, is its origins. Thus among its dozen or so regular contributors, Mathaba.net boasts the presence of Welf Herfurth, a Sydney-based, German-born neo-Nazi, formerly a member of the NPD in Germany and One Nation in Australia, but currently functioning as the leader of a recently-established fascist groupuscule known as the New Right, a loose association of white supremacists who promote an ideology they term 'national anarchism'.

And now something I prepared earlier:

THE NEW REICH

All Heil The New Reich!

On September 8, 2007, approximately 15—30 individuals, all white, mostly young, and overwhelmingly male, dressed in black clothing and wearing caps, dark glasses and scarves, gathered in a group outside of Sydney Town Hall as part of a public protest against the APEC summit, scheduled to take place elsewhere in Sydney that weekend. The group carried with them three long banners — with slogans reading ‘Australia: Free Nation – Or Sheep Station?’, ‘Globalisation is Genocide’ and ‘Power to the People, Not Political Parties’ – which were joined together to form a three-sided bloc, within which those gathered assembled to form a ‘black bloc’. The group also distributed a leaflet, and claimed to belong to a group known as the ‘New Right’, one which — as other statements on the banners and on the leaflet stated — consists of ‘National Anarchists’ espousing a ‘Traditional-European Revolutionary’ philosophy. This brief essay examines ‘New Right’ philosophy and its origins in Europe, the emergence of this groupsucule in Australia, and argues that it can best be understood as the latest incarnation in a European-based trend in neo-fascist ideology and practice.

Who or what is the New Right? In Australia, the group was established in late 2005, largely via the efforts of one man, a German-born, Sydney-based businessman named Welf Herfurth. Herfurth has a long history of involvement in the far right, having been a member of the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD) prior to his arrival as an immigrant in 1987, and following that a member first of the Democrats, and then of Pauline Hanson’s One Nation Party (ONP), serving as the vice-president of the New South Wales state branch (under David Oldfield) and as President of ONP’s Riverstone branch. More recently, from its inception in 2001, Herfurth has served as MC, and as one of the principal organisers — along with Dr. James Saleam of the Australia First Party (AF) — of the annual Sydney Forum. In this capacity, in 2007, Herfurth helped to arrange the visit to Australia of Croatian fascist Dr. Tomislav Sunic, a key New Right thinker, and in previous years has attempted, unsuccessfully, to arrange for a number of key members of the NPD (Gerd Finkenwirth and Udo Voight) to tour Australia and to address the Forum.

[Note that Sunic was present at the meeting which formally launched the New Right in London in December 2004. In fact, the meeting was partly organised to provide Herr Doktor with an opportunity to launch his then-recent book, Against Democracy and Equality. This text was published by Noontide Press. Noontide specialises in publishing and distributing Holocaust denial literature, and has since its establishment in 1978 by Willis Carto (1926--). It's also the publisher of The Journal of Historical Review, a key journal of Holocaust denial. Other titles published by Noontide include the notorious Tsarist forgery The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, as well as other classic titles such as Mein Kampf, The Turner Diaries and ex-Ku Klux Klown David Duke's My Awakening. More recently, "The Institute for Historical Review, the most active Holocaust-denial organization in the United States, held a public meeting in Irvine, California, on March 24 [2007]. IHR director Mark Weber and two other veteran Holocaust-denial activists, Bradley Smith and Tomislav Sunic, were the featured speakers." Sunic's Kamerad in Sydney, Herr Herfurth, is also a Holocaust denialist, and a very close Kamerad of the Adelaide Institute's Frederick Toben. See Holocaust Denial: A Global Survey - 2007, Wyman Institute (PDF).]

Subjected to a liberal, middle-class upbringing in post-war Germany, as a young man in the 1980s Herfurth rejected his parent’s liberal values to embrace those of the neo-Nazi movement, establishing a role for himself as a fascist militant. Since then, his politics have developed into a more sophisticated version of the crude neo-Nazism of his youth, one which retains an overriding commitment to race and nation, but shorn of the naked bigotry and crude political analysis which remains one of neo-Nazism’s hallmarks. In particular, Herfurth is part of a generation of far right activists heavily influenced by the philosophies of figures such as Alain de Benoist (1943–), a French intellectual who, beginning in the mid- to late-1970s especially, and together with a small group of others centred around the ‘ethno-nationalist’ think-tank GRECE (1968–), reinvigorated post-war fascist thinking. Part of this project consisted of popularising and critically re-examining the ideas of earlier thinkers such as Carl Schmitt (1888—1985) and Julius Evola (1898—1974), and thereby attempting to craft a philosophy that would somehow transcend the divide between the political left and right; all in the name of establishing a new political order in Europe – a ‘communitarian’ one consisting of nation-states, but under the domination of neither the then-Soviet Union or the United States. It was this posture which also fed into the (re-)development of ‘Third Position’ politics within the far right, one which even attracted the intellectual support of nominally Marxist thinkers such as Paul Piccone (1940—2004), editor of the US journal Telos.

Such is, necessarily, a much-simplified version of the political etymology of the New Right. Of most importance in relation to Herfurth and the New Right in Australia and Aotearoa (New Zealand), however, is their embrace of the idea of the transcendence of the left-right divide, and their commitment to elaborating a contemporary form of fascist politics; one attuned to the history of ideas, and one which recognises the necessity of building an extra-parliamentary social movement which is capable of responding to contemporary political realities, especially in the realm of popular culture. And it’s in the realm of popular culture that the idea of ‘national anarchism’ has greatest relevance.

Briefly then, ‘national anarchism’, at least as it’s understood by the New Right, is the means by which those grouped around Herfurth in particular, and New Right philosophies generally, seek to intervene in political struggle: “National-Anarchism represents the political embodiment of the European New Right — it is the political wing”. Before examining what this means in practice, however, it’s worth also briefly examining the short history of this rather unlikely doctrine.

In the English-speaking world, the figure most commonly associated with ‘national anarchism’ is the English activist, writer and musician Troy Southgate (1965–). A member of the National Front in the mid-80s, Southgate left it in the late ‘80s to join the ‘International Third Position’; left the ITP to form the ‘English Nationalist Movement’ in the early ‘90s; abandoned this not especially successful group in 1998 to form the ‘National Revolutionary Faction’; and following that declared himself to be a ‘national anarchist’. What this actually means in terms of ideology is a difficult question to answer. However, Graham D. Macklin (‘Co-opting the counter culture: Troy Southgate and the National Revolutionary Faction’, Patterns of Prejudice, Vol. 39, No. 3, 2005 [PDF]), for one at least, has tried to do so. He argues that:

When put into its wider context… ‘national-anarchism’ appears as one of many groupuscular responses to globalization, popular antipathy towards which Southgate sought to harness by aligning the NRF with the resurgence of anarchism whose heroes and slogans it arrogated, and whose sophisticated critiques of global capitalist institutions and state power it absorbed… Central to ‘national-anarchism’, however, is a far older paradigm drawn from conservative revolutionary thought, namely, the Anarch, a sovereign individual whose independence allows him to ‘turn in any direction’…

In practice, what this means, at least in part, is demonstrated by the emergence of the so-called ‘black bloc’ at APEC in September (from which the ‘Anarch’ Herfurth was conspicuously absent). Specifically — in addition in adopting the name of anarchism to advance a far right agenda — fascists seek to appropriate anarchist imagery and rhetoric. Like Herfurth himself, this tactic appears to have been born in Germany, where in the last 5—10 years, the neo-Nazi movement has increasingly sought to use the radical chic associated with ‘anarchism’ and ‘autonomism’ to recruit youth. (For example, in addition to appropriating fashions associated with anarchists and leftist youth, “autonomous nationalists” have for some years now formed ‘black blocs’ at public protests).

In Sydney, the APEC ‘black bloc’ was the first public protest attended by the ‘national anarchists’ of the New Right, but given its success – in his online account of the protest, one pseudonymous member writes that “We were tremendously pleased, afterwards, that no arrests had occurred and that none of us had been physically assaulted. We had avoided identification, too” – it is unlikely to be the group’s last. Further, while the majority of its members appear to have been drawn from Sydney and Newcastle, a few travelled from Melbourne to attend, and it’s possible that others came from other parts of the country as well. It’s therefore possible that there will be other demonstrations in other cities; certainly, the New Right, on the basis of this success (however meagre), has the potential to draw towards it the many competing factions of the extra-parliamentary far right (including remnants of AF and the Patriotic Youth League (PYL), the more straightforwardly neo-Nazi Blood & Honour and the Hammerskins, as well as others) and in turn help stimulate the growth of a reinvigorated, if still tiny, fascist movement in Australia.

Finally, while the New Right’s adoption of ‘national anarchism’ may be considered bizarre, even comical, it nevertheless retains the potential not only to confuse the broader public with regards the nature of contemporary anarchism, its aims and methods, but also to confuse some who may be approaching anarchism as a serious political philosophy for the first time. As to the question of how to respond to the emergence in Australia of a small group of fascists in anarchist drag, it is beyond the scope of this very short introduction to the New Right to address. At a minimum, it would appear necessary to ensure that this confusion is addressed publicly, in both theory and practice, and the sooner, the better.

Further reading: Kevin Coogan’s Dreamer of the Day: Francis Parker Yockey and the Postwar Fascist International, Autonomedia, New York, 1999, provides an exhaustive account of the far right in Europe and North America following the end of the Second World War, and much of the background to the emergence of the New Right and associated ideologies and movements in the last few decades, and is highly recommended.

But to return to Europe, and first to Portugal, where members of the local "Hammerskin Nation" are currently undergoing trial.

Biggest-ever far-right trial begins
The Portugal News Online
April 12, 2008

The trial of 36 Neo-Nazi members of the Hammerskin Nation organisation commenced on Tuesday, with the activitists facing charges including racial hatred, illegal firearms possession, kidnapping, assaults, and spreading far-right propaganda.

The three dozen members of the [bonehead] gang, arrested a year ago in a major police swoop netting guns, ammunition and explosives, made their first appearance amid tight security before judges at the Monsanto court, just outside Lisbon.

Among those in the dock is Mário Machado, a leader of the far-right gang who has already served a four-year jail term for participating in a 1995 attack that killed a Portuguese citizen of Cape Verdean descent.

The [bonehead] leader has been in preventive detention since his arrest last year.

Most of Machado’s co-defendants were placed under strict bail conditions, including electronic tagging, ahead of Portugal’s biggest-ever far-right trial.

Best of luck boys!

In the Czech Republic, meanwhile, Aisha Gawad has penned some thoughts on the local neo-Nazi and fascist movements (Neo-Nazis emerge from the shadows, The Prague Wanderer). As is the case with Portugal -- the organiser of a gathering of the far right in April of last year, the National Renovation Party (PNR), called on immigrants to "leave Portugal to the Portuguese" -- Czech fascists rally around the slogan of a 'Czech Republic for the Czechs'. In November of last year, several hundred local boneheads and assorted other racist wankers -- reinforced by some of their German Kameraden -- attempted to assemble in Prague, ostensibly in order to protest against the Czech Republic's involvement in the US occupation of Iraq, but not coincidentally on the 69th anniversary of Kristallnacht (aka Pogromnacht), and -- again, not coincidentally -- in an attempt to goose-step about the Jewish quarter of the city. According to Aisha:

Propagating outright Nazi ideology would be breaking Czech law, so [neo-Nazis] skirt around it. Prague, for example, struck down their request to march through the Jewish quarter on November 10, 2007, the 69-year-anniversary of Kristallnacht, yet they tried to gather there anyway, claiming to be protesting the Czech Republic's involvement in the Iraq War. The Czech police managed to keep hundreds of [boneheads] from coming into the city, a move praised by anti-racism groups.

Which is only half the story -- and perhaps not even that. In reality, in addition to the Czech police, the neo-Nazis were confronted by a large number of antifa, including many anarchists. In preparation for the neo-Nazi assault, Czech antifa produced a video:



And again, after the events -- which ended up being something less than a total victory for the Master Race -- other videos were produced. Like this one:



To be fair, Aisha does not entirely ignore such manifestations of militant opposition to fascism. Thus: "At the March 1 rally in Plzen, neo-Nazi opponents outnumbered the demonstrators by the hundreds, although many of these counter-protestors, anarchists and anti-fascists, were extremists in their own right". In other words, Aisha is drawing an explicit equivalence between the 'extremist' neo-Nazis and the 'extremist' anarchists. Note that the march of March 1 took place on the 66th anniversary of the beginnings of mass deportations of Jews to death camps. ("From March to October 1942, 57,752 Jews were deported from the Slovak puppet wartime state. Only some 800 of them survived World War Two"; Train exhibition on WW2 Jewish transports opens in Plzeň, ČTK, April 8, 2008.) Plzen is also home to what is allegedly the third largest existing synagogue in the world, and the march was -- surprise surprise -- scheduled to pass the building.

In terms of opposition to neo-Nazi shenanigans, Aisha notes approvingly the institution of an advertising campaign directed at young Czechs. "For instance, "Neo-Nazi. Do You Want Him?," is a new ad campaign designed by People in Need to show young people what is really behind the behavior of hate groups masked as defenders of Czech honor". Which is well and good, but it would also be worthwhile to note that such behaviour intermittently results in the deaths of those whom Aisha describes as similarly 'extreme' in their views. One recent victim was the teenage Czech anarchist skinhead, Jan Kučera, who was stabbed to death by a neo-Nazi in January. Still, accounts of anarchist resistance rarely receive positive press, and that includes some of the earliest instances of resistance to the Nazi regime itself.

...In Berlin the anarcho-syndicalists were part of a much wider anarchist movement and operated within a distinct socialistic culture, bitterly divided between orthodox Socialists and Communists which minimalised the effect of anarchism. The success of Hitler's party had a shattering and paralysing effect on the working class movement. For years it had been thought, even by those who opposed the Communist Party, that its Red Front/Army would put up a fight. It was expected that the struggle would come with its success, not with its failure. This attitude was ingrained even with those who advocated Socialist-Communist unity against Nazism. Though working class formations had long since battled in the streets against Hitlerism, nobody anticipated the struggle would be given up without a shot or a blow.

In a town like Cologne, only months before Hitler took power anarcho-syndicalists had organised a demonstration, receiving huge popular support, against the visit by Dr Goebbels, who bitterly complained he was 'chased out of his native town like a criminal'. It was a challenge to the larger tendencies, who felt obliged to organise similar demonstrations, making Nazi propaganda tours, at the height of the Depression (and therefore when 'historians' later claimed they were building support) risky in the extreme. Hitler took to travelling by plane (then considered hazardous) as the lesser danger.

In Berlin, marches by Nazis were surrounded and heavily protected by police (like fascist marches in Britain). Isherwood, as a young observer a few months before the Nazis took power, noted how the hostile crowds in the Moabit working class district laughed when an elderly and portly SS captain could not sustain the pace, and finding himself on his own, frantically tried to catch up with the protective cordon. (A few months later and that captain would probably be invested with the power of life and death over the scoffers.)

The Nazi murder gangs attacked individual opponents out on their own (something in the nature of contemporary gay-bashers) but shied in the main from open confrontation. One gang, to which Horst Wessel belonged, tried it on and he became a Nazi martyr. The Nazi (prepower) Jew-baiting activities were against professional people or writers, often when sitting around in cafes, and petty shopkeepers, on their own.

It never occurred to people, least of all organised workers living in proletarian districts, there they too would become isolated. After Hitler took power - was handed power by Hindenburg, with the tacit approval of most parties - the power of the SS dramatically increased.

Almost overnight the top-heavy organisation of the workers collapsed with the wholesale arrests, quite illegal, of their leadership. Nothing disappeared more ignominiously than the Red Front army, one day parading through the streets with its Moscow - trained generals, the next day languishing in holes and cellars in the hastily formed concentration camps (at first, converted derelict warehouses) without striking a blow (the despised Austrian reformist Social-Democrats at least fought it out to the last against Dolfuss).

The Communist party became illegalised, the Socialists and trade union movement tried to make their peace and niche and were slowly illegalised - after which social democracy had nothing to offer. Trade union leaders sought to transfer their funds to war veterans' organisations (where for ideological reasons the Nazis could not sequestrate them, but controlled them anyway). The working class as a whole was stunned at the fact that the entire defence they had built around themselves had gone with the wind.

This overcame the German anarchists too, with the exception of the Rhineland, it became a marginalised dissent movement, unable to speak and therefore to grow. The Rhenish workers were slower to accept the situation, they were not initially provoked to industrial action by the Nazis, but as propaganda contacts vanished, they too succumbed (though never completely). During the twelve years of Nazi dictatorship, a few isolated, especially industrially based, groups, remained constant. But any concerted action was never possible, though in Madrid during the civil war people queued to see a dud German shell displayed in the window of a large store, bearing a sage, 'Comrades! The shells I make do not explode'. (It may have been indicative of sabotage, which certainly went on, or it may have been propaganda set up in Spain - who can tell?)

~ Albert Meltzer, '1918--1937: Anarchist activity in Nazi Germany', Black Flag [nd]

See also : Resistance to Nazism: Shattered Armies: How The Working Class Fought Nazism and Fascism 1933-45, Anarchist Federation (UK), 2006 (PDF). Includes short biographies on Edelweiss Pirates (Germany) | The Zazous (France) | Arditi del Popolo (Italy) | FAUD (Germany) | 43 Group (UK).

Hitler’s power may lay us low,
And keep us locked in chains,
But we will smash the chains one day,
We’ll be free again!

We’ve got fists and we can fight,
We’ve got knives and we’ll get them out,
We want freedom, don’t we boys?
We’re the fighting Navajos!