Chen Yun 陈云 陳雲
Chairman of the CPC Central Advisory Commission
In office 2 November 1987 – 12 October 1992
General Secretary	Zhao Ziyang Jiang Zemin
Preceded by	Deng Xiaoping
Succeeded by	Post abolished
1st Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection
In office September 1982 – October 1987
General Secretary	Hu Yaobang Zhao Ziyang
Preceded by	New Office
Succeeded by	Qiao Shi
Vice Chairman of the Communist Party of China
In office 28 September 1956 – 1 August 1966
Chairman	Mao Zedong
In office 18 December 1978 – 12 September 1982
Chairman	Hua Guofeng Hu Yaobang
1st First Vice Premier of the People's Republic of China
In office 1954–1965
Premier	Zhou Enlai
Succeeded by	Lin Biao
Personal details
Born	(1905-06-13)13 June 1905 Qingpu, Shanghai, Qing Dynasty
Died	10 April 1995(1995-04-10) (aged 89) Beijing, People's Republic of China
Political party	Communist Party of China
Spouse(s)	Yu Ruomu

Chen Yun (pronounced [tʂʰə̌n y̌n]; 13 June 1905 – 10 April 1995) was one of the most influential leaders of the People's Republic of China during the 1980s and 90's. He was also known as Liao Chengyun (廖程雲); it is unclear whether this was his original name or a pseudonym he used during his underground work in Shanghai. He was one of the Big Five in Chinese Civil War along with Mao Zedong, Liu Shaoqi, Zhou Enlai, and Zhu De and considered to be one of the Eight Elders of Communist Party of China.^[1]

Chen was a Central Committee Alternate in 1930-31 (a much more prestigious position than today, due to their very small numbers), Director of the CC Organization Department in 1938, and attended the 7th Comintern Congress in Moscow in 1935. He was elevated to the Central Committee and its Politburo in 1940, and remained on the Politburo until August 1966. He was elected party Vice Chairman in 1956, but was only an ordinary Central Committee member under the 9th CC (1969). Chen was reinstated to his Vice Chairmanship in January 1975.^[2]

Biography[link]

Early life[link]

A native of Qingpu (now part of Shanghai), Chen was one of the few Communist Party organizers from an urban working class background; he worked underground as a union organizer in the late 1920s, participated in the Long March, and served on the Central Committee from 1931 to 1987.^[1] He was active throughout his career in the field of economics, despite receiving no formal education after elementary school.

As a typesetter for the famous Commercial Press of Shanghai, Chen played a prominent role as a younger organizer in the labor movement during the early and mid 1920s, joining the CPC in 1924. Following the May Thirtieth Movement of 1925, Chen was an important organizer under Zhou Enlai and Liu Shaoqi. After Chiang Kai-shek turned against the CPC in 1927, Chen fled to his hometown, but soon returned to Shanghai and secretly continued his work as a labor unionist.

He served on the Central Committee in the Third Plenary Session of Sixth Central Committee of CPC in 1930 and became a member of the Politburo in 1934. In 1933 he evacuated to Ruijin,in Jiangxi province,the headquarters of the CPC's main "soviet" area. He was in overall charge of the Party's "white areas" work, that is, underground activities in places not under Party control. On the Long March he was one of the four Standing Committee members of the Political Bureau who attended the January 1935 Zunyi Conference. He left the Long March sometime in the spring of 1935, returning to Shanghai, and in September 1935 he went to Moscow, serving as one of the CPC's representatives to the Comintern. In 1937 Chen returned to China as an adviser to the Xinjiang leader Sheng Shicai. Chen later joined Mao in Yan'an, probably before the end of 1937. In November 1937 he became director of the Party's Organization Department, serving in that capacity until 1944, and by the early 1940s was in the inner circle of Mao's advisers. His writings on organization, ideology, and cadre training were included in the important study materials for the Yan'an Rectification Movement of 1942, a campaign of political persecutions which consolidated Mao's power within the Party.

Maoist politician[link]

Chen’s economic career began in 1942, when he was replaced by Ren Bishi as head of the CPC Organization Department. In his new position, Chen was assigned responsibility for the financial management of Northwest China. Two years later, he was identified as responsible for finance in the Shaan-Gan-Ning Border Region as well. He added Northeast China to his portfolio in 1946 (under the overall leadership of General Lin Biao and Political Commissar Peng Zhen.

In May 1949, Chen Yun was named head of the new national Central Finance and Economic Commission. In early 1952, Zhou Enlai led a team to draft the first Five-Year Plan which included Chen, Bo Yibo, Li Fuchun and General Nie Rongzhen. Zhou, Chen and Li presented the draft to Soviet experts in Moscow, who rejected it. In early 1953, Gao Gang and the State Planning Commission began work on what would eventually become the final version.^[3] After Gao's fall, Chen, Bo Yibo, Li Fuchuan and (later) Li Xiannian would manage the Chinese economy for the next 30+ years.

Throughout the 1950s, Chen was the official who did the most to moderate Mao's radical economic reforms. Looking back, Chen would later believe that it was the Chairman's errors that most kept China from achieving its Five-Year Plans.^[4] In 1956, when the 8th National Congress of Communist Party of China was held, Chen was elected a Vice-chairman of the Central Committee. Around that time, both Mao and Chen had come to believe that the economic system, modeled on that of the Soviet Union, was overly centralized, but had different ideas about what to do about it. Chen’s proposal was to make wider use of the market, allowing for the operation of supply and demand rather than simple government fiat in determining the allocation of resources. He argued that decisions concerning prices and production should be made by individual firms, in conformity with business logic. At the same time he favored giving the central government ministries stronger control over these firms, to assure that their decisions did not transgress the boundaries of the plan.

Mao's idea, rather, was to devolve powers to provincial and local authorities, in practice Party committees rather than state technocrats, and to use mass mobilization rather than either a detailed central plan or the market to promote economic growth. Mao's program prevailed, and these policies converged with the rest of the ultimately disastrous Great Leap Forward. By early 1959 the economy was already showing signs of strain. In January of that year Chen Yun published an article calling for increased Soviet aid, perhaps a signal to Moscow that the wild men were no longer in control of the economy. In March he published a subdued but general critique of the Leap, especially its reliance on the mass movement. Economic growth, he asserted, is not simply a matter of speed. It requires attention to safe working conditions and quality engineering. It depends on technical skill, not just political awareness.

Attempts to lead China's economic recovery[link]

This was Chen's last public statement during Mao's lifetime. In the summer of 1959 the Party convened a meeting at the resort town of Lushan to review the policies of the Leap. The Minister of Defense, Marshal Peng Dehuai, attacked the radicalism of the Leap, and Mao took this, or affected to take it, as an attack on himself and his authority. Mao responded with a vicious personal attack on Peng. Peng lost his military positions and the Party undertook a general purge of right opportunism. Further reform of the Leap policies was now out of the question. China continued on its set course for another year or more, and by the end of 1960 had fallen deep into famine.

Chen Yun was certainly in sympathy with Peng Dehuai's criticism of the Leap, but he was not included among the right opportunists. Chen joined forces with Zhou Enlai and Deng Xiaoping to manage the economy in the post-Great Leap Forward period, which required deft handling of Chairman Mao's sensitivity to criticism.^[5]

Although Chen nominally retained his positions as Party vice chairman and member of the Politburo, he was no longer in practice part of the core Party leadership. He did, however, continue to express his opinions behind the scenes. In 1961 he conducted investigations of the rural areas around Shanghai. According to a Cultural Revolution attack on him by the radical group within the finance system, he reported the peasants as saying: "In the days of Chiang Kai-shek we had rice to eat. In the glorious era of Chairman Mao, we have only gruel." According to his obituary, Chen was one of the main designers of the economic policies of the 1961-1962 "capitalist road" era, when China's economic policy stressed material incentives and sought to encourage economic growth in preference to pursuing ideological goals. This approach is often referred to as Chen's "bird-cage" theory of post-Great Leap economic recovery, where the bird represents the free market and the cage represents a central plan. Chen proposed that a balance should be found between "setting the bird free" and choking the bird with a central plan that was too restrictive; this theory would later become a focal point of criticism against Chen during the Cultural Revolution. His only public appearance during this time was a photograph of him published on the front page of the People's Daily and other major newspapers on May 1, 1962, showing a somewhat emaciated Chen shaking hands with Chairman Mao, while Liu Shaoqi, Zhou Enlai, Zhu De, and Deng Xiaoping (the entire inner core of leadership of that time, with the exception of Lin Biao) look on. There was no caption or any other explanation.

During the Cultural Revolution, Chen Yun was denounced in Red Guard publications but not in the official press. He was re-elected to the Central Committee in the Ninth Party Congress in April 1969 but not to the Politburo. He no longer held any functional positions. Later that year he was "evacuated" from Beijing, as were many other inactive or disgraced first-generation leaders, as part of a supposed plan preparing against the eventuality of an invasion by the Soviet Union. Chen was put to work in a factory in Nanchang in Jiangxi province, where he stayed for three years. In January 1975, he was elected to the Standing Committee of China's legislature, the National People's Congress.

Criticism of Maoism after Mao[link]

Following the death of Mao in September 1976 and the coup d'état against the radical Gang of Four a month later, Chen became increasingly active in the country's political life. He and General Wang Zhen petitioned Party chairman Hua Guofeng to rehabilitate Deng Xiaoping at the March 1977 CPC CC Work Conference, but were turned down.^[6] After Deng was rehabilitated later that year, Chen led the attack on the Maoist era at the November–December 1978 CPC CC Work Conference, raising the sensitive "six issues": the purges of Bo Yibo, Tao Zhu, Wang Heshou and Peng Dehuai; the 1976 Tiananmen Incident; and, Kang Sheng's errors. Chen raised the six issues in order to undermine Hua and his leftist supporters.^[7] Chen's intervention tipped the balance in favor of movement toward an open repudiation of the Cultural Revolution and Deng Xiaoping's promotion, in December 1978, to de facto head of the regime. Chen laid the basis for Deng's "reform and opening" program.

In July 1979, Chen Yun was named head (and Li Xiannian deputy head) of the new national Economic and Financial Commission staffed with his own allies and conservative economic planners. In April and July of that year he made further provocative statements in internal Party meetings, although their authenticity was denied (in an equivocal manner) by official spokesmen. In these Chen deplored China's lack of economic progress and the people's loss of confidence in the Party. In April he criticized the luxurious life of Party leaders (including himself), and said if he had known in the period before Liberation what the past ten-some years would be like (that is, the Cultural Revolution period), he would have defected to Chiang Kai-shek. He deplored Mao's dictatorial ways and implied, although not very strongly, that the Party should take a milder line against dissidents. If "Lin Biao and the Gang of Four; that is, the radical leftists" had been able to assure the people food and clothing, he said, they would not have been so easy to overthrow.^{[citation needed]}

In July Chen developed these themes in the course of another rambling exposition (which also included some sarcastic observations on the late Chairman's taste in literature). Chen said: "We say the old dynasties and the KMT 'ruled' the country, but talk instead of the 'leadership' of the Communist Party. But the Party is in fact a ruling party, and if it wishes to keep its position it must also keep the support of the people. It should not float above the masses but should live among them as their servants. Both the welfare of the people and the Party's ruling position require that the Party shrink the distance between itself and the people." The old dynasties, Chen said, knew the value of a "policy of yielding", of retreating from untenable positions. The Party has to be able to step back from its past practices: in economy, culture, education, science, and ideology. Without compromising the basic principle of socialism, Chen believed that the Party must accommodate, for the time being, co-existence with aspects of capitalism. But all of this, Chen added, must be done carefully: otherwise China would be in danger of abandoning socialism and restoring capitalism. These pronouncements presaged the major reorientation of Chinese communism in the reform movement.^{[citation needed]}

Role in promoting China's economic reform[link]

Deng Xiaoping, is credited as the "architect" of modern China's economic reforms, but Chen Yun contributed much to the strategy adopted by Deng, and Chen was more directly involved in the details of its planning and construction. A key feature of the reform was to use the market to allocate resources, within the scope of an overall plan. The reforms of the early 1980s were, in effect, the implementation, finally, of the program Chen had outlined in the mid-1950s. Chen called this the "birdcage economy".^[8] According to Chen, "the cage is the plan, and it may be large or small. But within the cage the bird [the economy] is free to fly as he wishes."

In 1981 a rival "Financial and Economic Leading Group" was established under Zhao Ziyang and staffed by a more balanced mix of economic planners. In 1982 Chen Yun, who was 77 years old, resigned from the Politburo and Central Committee and from his active administration positions. He served as Chairman of the new Central Advisory Commission, a temporary institution set up to provide a place for the surviving leadership of the founding generation, to give them a graceful way to step aside in favor of younger minds while also remaining at least marginally involved in public affairs.

During the 1980s Chen did in fact remain very much involved in policy discussions. He was increasingly disenchanted with the direction the reforms were taking. In 1982 he was among those grumbling about "spiritual pollution" (an "Anti-Spiritual Pollution Campaign" was organised in late 1983), as the sense of freedom spread from economics into China's social cultural, and threatened China's political status quo. Chen's philosophical rupture with Deng Xiaoping became permanent around 1984, when the CCP began to apply the kind of market reforms that had been so successful in agriculture to urban areas and the industrial sector.

Late opponent of reform[link]

Chen was not, in principle, opposed to the scope of Deng's reforms: China's economic policy had effectively frozen consumer prices for decades, to the point that prices in China no longer had much relationship to the relative value of resources, goods, or services. Chen did object to the way in which the urban reforms were carried out. The immediate consequence of Deng's price reform was a sudden and massive inflation, unprecedented in the experience of the younger generation and particularly frightening to older folks who could still remember the rampant inflation in the last years of the Nationalist regime. The increasing circulation of money in the economy, together with a hybrid system in which those in official position or with official connections were particularly well-placed to take advantage of the new opportunities to make a profit, encouraged official corruption. The government's first response to inflation was to issue bonuses to workers in state-owned enterprises, to help make up for the price increases. Chen Yun argued that, if there were to be such bonuses, they should be gauged to increased productivity. In practice these bonuses were universal throughout the state sector, and had the same economic effect as if the government had simply printed more money. Because Chinese farmers were not eligible for bonuses (since they were not technically state employees), China's agricultural sector, which had prospered in the first stage of the reform, was especially damaged by inflation.

Chen's theory had been that the market should supplement the plan. In the context of radical Maoism this made him seem like a social democratic proponent of market socialism.^[4] It turned out, however, that Chen meant exactly what he had said. He was much less enthusiastic about the market than Deng Xiaoping and Deng's younger colleagues. Although in his "secret" pronouncements of 1979 Chen had shown an unusual personal disdain for Mao, he also indicated he shared the late Chairman's worries that China would abandon socialism and revert to capitalism.

During the 1980s Chen emerged as the main figure among the more hard-line opponents of reform. He supported the vicious campaign in the early 1980s against the "three kinds of people", a general purge of all those who had been identified with radical factions during the Cultural Revolution. He made common cause with conservatives among other Party elders. During the reform era Chen refused to meet with foreigners. Chen never visited the new Special Economic Zones. In a memorial tribute to Li Xiannian, an old colleague from the economic system (and, like Chen, one of the few real proletarians among the first generation of Party leaders), Chen stated that he was not necessarily opposed to everything about the Special Economic Zones. While Chen became the moral leader of the conservative opposition to Deng Xiaoping, he did not challenge Deng's personal primacy as head of regime.

Although Zhao Ziyang's promotion of political and economic reform made Zhao one of Chen's main political rivals, Chen was one of the Party elders active in the 1980s who Zhao respected most. In Zhao's autobiography, Chen was one of the few elders who Zhao referred to regularly as a "comrade". Before implementing new policies, Zhao made a habit of visiting Chen, in order to solicit Chen's advice and attempt to gain Chen's approval. If the event that Zhao failed to gain Chen's approval, Zhao would then normally attempt to fall back on the favor of Deng Xiaoping in order to promote reforms.^[4]

In 1989 Chen was among the Party elders responsible for making the key decisions concerning the student-led Tiananmen Square protests. There is no evidence that Chen indulged in diatribes against the students or actively advocated their violent repression. Chen agreed that Zhao Ziyang should be replaced as the formal head of the Party, and he endorsed Li Xiannian’s nomination of Jiang Zemin as the new Party General Secretary.

Legacy[link]

Chen Yun was known for his conservatism, especially in his last years, but the general Chinese population held mixed feeling about him. He was admired, despite his political stands, because he was known as one of the extremely few top ranking officials who was not corrupt. Chen's political perspective is generally viewed as liberal until about 1980, but conservative after about 1984.

Chen's criticism of the Deng's economic reforms was influential within the Communist Party, and was reflected in the policies of China's leaders after Deng. Chen's theories supported the efforts of Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao to use state power to provide boundaries for the operation of the market, and to mediate the damage that capitalism can do to those who find it difficult to benefit from the free market. Chen's notion of the CCP as a "ruling party" is central to the redefinition of the role of the Party in Jiang Zemin's Three Represents. In 2005, on the occasion of the hundredth anniversary of Chen's birth, the Party press published, over the course of several weeks, the proceedings of a symposium discussing Chen's contributions to CCP history, theory and practice.

Although Chen was out of favor with the Mao regime and ultimately opposed to Deng's line, Chen was not a victim of public humiliation or abuse. One reason for Chen's ability to escape political persecution, especially in Mao's time, was his lack of will or ability to challenge the top leadership (one of Deng's merits was that he did not subject his defeated critics to public abuse). Whatever the wisdom of his substantive positions, Chen consistently appeared to act on principle rather than for personal advantage: perhaps another reason he could keep his influence even while excluded from the inner circles of decision-making. Chen showed little of the ambition, opportunism, or freedom of scruple that is often observed in those who rise to the top in politics, whether in China or abroad.

His son, Chen Yuan, is Governor of the China Development Bank.

See also[link]

• Red Team (上海赤衛隊)

References[link]

Sources[link]

• Chen Yunzhuan, Biography of Chen Yun, Jin Chongji and Chen Qun, Beijing: Central Literature Publishing House, 2005, two volumes,
• China News Analysis, 1182 (June 6, 1982)
• Donald W. Klein & Anne B. Clark, Biographic Dictionary of Chinese Communism, (Cambridge, MASS: Harvard University Press, 1971) Vol 1, pp. 149–153.
• Exupoli. "Bird Cage Economics". Exupoli.net. 2009. Retrieved October 12, 2011.
• Franz Schurmann, Ideology and Organization in Communist China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), pp. 195–208.
• MacFarquhar, Roderick. "Foreword". In Zhao Ziyang, Prisoner of the State: The Secret Journal of Premier Zhao Ziyang. New York, NY: Simon and Shuster. 2009. ISBN 1-4391-4938-0.
• Nicholas R. Lardy and Kenneth Lieberthal, eds., Chen Yün's Strategy for China's Development: A Non-Maoist Alternative (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1983).
• Ye Yonglie, 1978: Zhongguo Mingyun Da Zhuanzhe (Canton: Guangzhou Renmin Zhubanshe, 1997), pp. 255–260, 584-595.
• The Tiananmen Papers, compiled by Zhang Liang, edited by Andrew J. Nathan and Perry Link (New York: Public Affairs, 2001), p. 308

External links[link]

• Chen Yun, Stefan Landsberger's Chinese Propaganda Page [1]

v t e First Vice Premiers of the People's Republic of China Chen · Lin · Deng · Wan · Yao · Zhu · Li L. · Huang · Wu (acting) · Li K. List of Vice premiers of the People's Republic of China

Tim Wu

Tim Wu (traditional Chinese: 吳修銘) is a professor at Columbia Law School, the former chair of media reform group Free Press, and a writer for Slate Magazine.^[1] He is also a former Bernard L. Schwartz and Future Tense fellow at The New America Foundation. He is best known for coining the phrase network neutrality in his paper Network Neutrality, Broadband Discrimination,^[2] and popularizing the concept thereafter, leading in part to the 2010 passage of a federal Net Neutrality rule.^[3][4][5] Wu has also made significant contributions to wireless communications policy, most notably with his "Carterfone" proposal.^[6]

Wu's academic specialties are copyright and telecommunications policy. For his work in this area, Professor Wu was named one of Scientific American's 50 people of the year in 2006. In 2007 Wu was named one of Harvard University's 100 most influential graduates by 02138 magazine.^[1] His book The Master Switch was named among the best books of 2010 by The New Yorker magazine,^[7] Fortune magazine,^[8] Publishers Weekly,^[9] and other publications.

On February 8, 2011 Columbia Law School announced that Professor Wu "[had] been named senior advisor to the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) for consumer protection and competition issues that affect the Internet and mobile markets."^[10]

Background[link]

Wu is an American citizen, but grew up in Toronto, Canada. His father is from the Republic of China (Taiwan) and his mother is British. They both studied as immunologists at the University of Toronto.^[11] Wu and his younger brother were sent to alternative schools that emphasized creativity. Wu's father died in 1980 and his mother bought him and his brother an Apple II computer using some of the insurance money, starting Wu's fascination with computers.^[6] He is married to Kate Judge.

Clerkships and academic career[link]

Wu graduated from McGill University in 1995 with a B.Sc. in biochemistry and received his law degree from Harvard Law School in 1998. At Harvard, he studied under copyright scholar Lawrence Lessig.^[11] He worked with the U.S. Dept. of Justice, Office of Legal Counsel, after graduating law school, and before starting a clerkship with Richard Posner on the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals in 1998-1999.^[12] Wu also clerked for Stephen Breyer, U.S. Supreme Court in 1999-2000.^[12] Following his clerkships, Wu worked at Riverstone Networks, Inc. (2000–02) and then entered academia at the University of Virginia School of Law.^[12]

Wu was Associate Professor of Law at the University of Virginia from 2002 to 2004, Visiting Professor at Columbia Law School in 2004, Visiting Professor at Chicago Law School in 2005, and Visiting Professor at Stanford Law School in 2005.^[13] In 2006, he became a full professor at Columbia Law School^{[citation needed]} and started Project Posner, a free database of all of Richard Posner's legal opinions.^[14] Wu called Posner "probably America's greatest living jurist."^[14]

Political contributions and activities[link]

In 2003, Wu contributed to the Howard Dean and John Edwards presidential campaigns.^[15] During 2008, Wu served as an adviser to the Barack Obama presidential campaign.^[16]

Influence[link]

Wu is credited with popularizing the concept of network neutrality in his 2003 paper Network Neutrality, Broadband Discrimination. The paper considered network neutrality in terms of neutrality between applications, as well as neutrality between data and Quality of Service-sensitive traffic, and proposed some legislation to potentially deal with these issues.^[3][4]

In 2006, Wu wrote "The World Trade Law of Internet Filtering", which analyzed the possibility of the World Trade Organization treating censorship as a barrier to trade.^[17] In June 2007, when Google Inc. lobbied the United States Trade Representative to pursue a complaint against China's censorship at the WTO, Wu's paper was cited as a "likely source" for this idea.^[18] In 2006 Wu was also invited by the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) to help draft the first network neutrality rules attached to the AT&T and BellSouth merger.^[6]

In 2007, Wu published a paper proposing a "Wireless Carterfone" rule for mobile phone networks;^[19] the rule was adopted by the Federal Communications Commission for the 700 MHz spectrum auctions on July 31, 2007, with FCC Commissioner Michael Copps stating: "I find it extremely heartening to see that an academic paper—in this case by Professor Timothy Wu of Columbia Law School—can have such an immediate and forceful influence on policy."^[20] In November 2007 BusinessWeek credited Wu with providing "the intellectual framework that inspired Google's mobile phone strategy."^[6]

With his Columbia Law School colleagues Professors Scott Hemphill and Clarisa Long, Wu co-directs the Columbia Law School Program on Law and Technology, founded in 2007.^[21][22] In August 2007, in collaboration with the University of Colorado School of Law's Silicon Flatirons Program, the Columbia Law School Program on Law and Technology launched a Beta version of AltLaw, which he produced.^[23]

[edit] The Master Switch

Wu's 2010 book The Master Switch: The Rise and Fall of Information Empires described a long "cycle" whereby open information systems becoming consolidated and closed over time, reopening only after disruptive innovation. The book shows this cycle develop with the rise of the Bell AT&T telephone monopoly, the founding of the Hollywood entertainment industry, broadcast and cable TV industries, and finally with the internet industry. He looks at the example of Apple Inc., which began as a company dedicated to openness that evolved into a more closed system under the leadership of Steve Jobs, demonstrating that internet industry will follow the historical cycle of the rise of Information Empires. The book was named one of the best books of 2010 by The New Yorker magazine,^[7] Fortune magazine,^[8] Amazon.com,^[24] The Washington Post,^[25] Publishers Weekly,^[9] and others.

Selected publications[link]

Book:

• Tim Wu (2010). The Master Switch: The Rise and Fall of Information Empires. New York: Knopf (ISBN 0307269930, ISBN 978-0-307-26993-5)
• Goldsmith, Jack L., and Tim Wu (2006). Who Controls the Internet? Illusions of a Borderless World. New York: Oxford UP (ISBN 0195152662, ISBN 978-0-19-515266-1)

Articles:

• (2007) Wireless Net Neutrality: Cellular Carterfone and Consumer Choice in Mobile Broadband, New America Foundation: Wireless Future Program. Working Paper No. 17, Newamerica.net
• (2005) Copyright's Communications Policy, Michigan Law Review
• (2004) The Broadband Debate: A User's Guide, Journal of Telecommunications and High Technology Law 3.69
• (2003) Network Neutrality, Broadband Discrimination, Journal of Telecommunications and High Technology Law 2.2

Features:

• "Airports". Timwu.org. Accessed August 24, 2008. (Personal Webpage review.)
• "Keeping Secrets: A Simple Prescription for Keeping Google's Records out of Government Hands". Slate, January 23, 2006. Accessed August 24, 2008.
• "Network Neutrality FAQ". Timwu.org. Accessed August 24, 2008. (Personal Webpage feature; hyperlinked articles by Wu and others.)
• "No Ice". Timwu.org. Accessed August 24, 2008. (Personal Webpage feature.)
• "Why You Should Care about Network Neutrality: The Future of the Internet Depends On It!". Slate, May 6, 2006. Accessed August 24, 2008.

Notes[link]

Further reading and resources[link]

Articles about Wu[link]

• Schneider-Mayerson, Anna "Wu-Hoo! Nutty Professor Is Voice of a Generation". The New York Observer, November 19, 2006.

• Ante, Spencer. "Tim Wu, Freedom Fighter". Business Week, November 17, 2007.

• Kim, Ryan. "Net Neutrality Guru to Speak at USF". "San Francisco Chronicle", January 25, 2008.

Audiovisual resources[link]

• (Viewable and downloadable Web Video clip) Futures of the Internet (Flash, MP3, MP4, RealVideo, WMV, 3GP, YouTube, etc.). New York Chapter of the Internet Society (ISOC–NY). 2008-04-16. http://www.isoc-ny.org/?p=214. Retrieved 2008-08-24. .

External links[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Tim Wu

• Tim Wu – Faculty biography, Columbia Law School, Columbia University.
• Profile at The New America Foundation
• Tim Wu – Personal Website.
• Tim Wu – Publications and papers by Tim Wu in the Social Science Research Network (SSRN) (abstracts; full texts).
• Tim Wu on The Innovation Cycle at IIEA, 25 May 2009

Luca Marenzio

Luca Marenzio (also Marentio) (October 18? 1553? – August 22, 1599) was an Italian composer and singer of the late Renaissance. He was one of the most renowned composers of madrigals, and wrote some of the most famous examples of the form in its late stage of development, prior to its early Baroque transformation by Monteverdi. In all, Marenzio wrote around 500 madrigals, ranging from the lightest to the most serious styles, packed with word-painting, chromaticism, and other characteristics of the late madrigal style. Marenzio was influential as far away as England, where his earlier, lighter work appeared in 1588 in the Musica Transalpina, the collection that initiated the madrigal craze in that country. Marenzio worked in the service of several aristocratic Italian families, including the Gonzaga, Este, and Medici, and spent most of his career in Rome.

Life[link]

Early years[link]

According to biographer Leonardo Cozzando, writing in the late 17th century, Marenzio was born at Coccaglio, a small town near Brescia, as one of seven children to a poor family. His father was a notary clerk in Brescia. A birthdate of October 18, 1553 has been proposed, based his father's stating in 1588 that his son was 35, and a suggestion that he may have been named after St. Luke, whose feast day is on October 18.^[1][2] He may have had some early musical training under Giovanni Contino, who was maestro di cappella at Brescia Cathedral from 1565 to 1567. He may also have gone with Contino to Mantua in 1568 when Contino began serving the Mantuan Gonzaga family; later in his life, Marenzio mentioned having spent several years in Mantua in the service of the Gonzaga family, but was unspecific as to which years.^[3]

Rome: Cardinals Cristoforo Madruzzo and Luigi d'Este[link]

Following his time in Brescia and Mantua, he went to Rome, where he was employed by Cardinal Cristoforo Madruzzo until July 1578, evidently as a singer. Since Madruzzo had been the employer of Contino in Trent, this may have been arranged by Contino. After the cardinal's death Marenzio served at the court of Cardinal Luigi d'Este, who was a friend of Madruzzo; according to Marenzio himself, writing in the dedication of his first madrigal book, he was the cardinal's maestro di cappella, although Luigi's musical establishment only included a handful of musicians.^[3] Shortly after his hire, Luigi attempted to land a position for him with the papal choir, but was unable to do so for political reasons.

Marenzio had the opportunity to travel with Luigi in winter to spring 1580-1581 to Ferrara, the home of the Este family and one of the principal centers for composition of progressive secular music in the late 16th century. While there he took part in the wedding festivities for Vincenzo Gonzaga and Margherita Farnese, an opulent affair requiring equally opulent music. Marenzio would have had an opportunity to hear the newly-formed Concerto delle donne, the virtuoso female singers with the repertory of "secret music" that so influenced the course of madrigal composition at the end of the Renaissance. While in Ferrara Marenzio wrote and dedicated two entire books of new madrigals to Alfonso II and Lucrezia d'Este.^[3]

While Luigi made few demands on him, allowing him considerable time for his own musical pursuits, he paid him the tiny salary of only five scudi a month, about which Marenzio complained in the dedication (to Bianca Capello, Grand Duchess of Tuscany) of his Libro terzo a sei (1585).^[4] In one impassioned letter, dated 1584, Marenzio implored his employer for more prompt payment. A comment by Marenzio to the Duke of Mantua indicates that he may have had considerable other income from freelancing in Rome, either as a singer or a lutenist. Several times during his tenure with Luigi, he tried to find other work: he applied for the post of maestro di cappella at the court of Mantua; and once, in 1583, Luigi considered sending him to Paris as a gift to King Henry III of France, but the project fell through, to Marenzio's considerable relief.^[3]

During his period of employment with Cardinal Luigi d'Este Marenzio began to establish an extensive reputation as a composer. He also became known as an expert lutenist, as indicated in a letter of 1581 from a singer to Luigi d'Este; and by the time the cardinal died in 1586, Marenzio had become internationally famous as a composer, with his numerous books of madrigals published and reprinted not only in Italy, but in the Netherlands. The popularity of his work during this period is evident also in the frequency with which his madrigals appeared in anthologies.^[3][5]

Florence, Rome, and Poland[link]

After the death of Luigi d'Este on December 30, 1586, Marenzio was without a patron, but probably continued to freelance in Rome; and sometime in 1587 he went to Verona where he met Count Mario Bevilacqua and attended the prestigious Accademia Filarmonica, one of the associations of musicians and humanists, dedicated to cultivating the most progressive trends, typical of the late Renaissance.^[3] By the end of 1587 Marenzio had entered into the service of Ferdinando I de' Medici in Florence, where he stayed for two years. It is highly probable that he was already in the service of Ferdinando while the latter was still a cardinal living in Rome, and that he followed him to Florence when he succeeded to the granducal throne in 1587.

The situation in Florence was not to Marenzio's liking. According to Alfred Einstein, "...he cannot conceivably have come to terms with the Camerata and with its pedantic and pretentious dilettantism."^[6] Vincenzo Galilei and others in the Camerata were experimenting with monody, and creating madrigals using a solo voice with lute; many of the composers were not professional musicians, and little if any influence from the Camerata can be found in Marenzio's late work. On November 30, 1589 Marenzio returned to Rome, where he served several patrons, while retaining considerable independence; he lived in the Orsini palace until 1593, in the service of Virginio Orsini, the nephew of the Grand Duke of Tuscany.^[3]

In 1595 John Dowland came to Italy to meet Marenzio; the two had exchanged letters when Dowland was still in England. Dowland got as far as Florence, and indicated that he wanted to study with Marenzio, but it is not known if he did: the two may never have met.^[3]

Marenzio's final trip was a long one. He went to Poland in between late 1595 and early 1596, staying at least through October 1596, accepting a position as maestro di cappella at the court of Sigismund III Vasa in Warsaw; his predecessor, Annibale Stabile, had just died after only being there two months. While in Warsaw – the location of the court, recently moved from Kraków – Marenzio wrote and directed sacred music, including motets for double choir, a Te Deum for 13 voices, and a mass, the music for which has been lost. According to pre-20th-century writers, the trip to Poland, which was ordered by the Pope, ruined Marenzio's health.^[3] Marenzio returned from Poland by way of Venice, where he dedicated his eighth book of five-voice madrigals to the Gonzaga family.^[3] Marenzio did not live long after reaching Rome; he died on August 22, 1599, in the care of his brother at the garden of the Villa Medici on Monte Pincio. He was buried in the church of San Lorenzo in Lucina.^[7]

Music[link]

While Marenzio wrote some sacred music in the form of motets, and madrigali spirituali (madrigals based on religious texts), the vast majority of his work, and his enduring legacy, is his enormous output of madrigals. They vary enormously in style, technique and tone through the two decades of his composing career. To Marenzio, each madrigal text presented its own problem, which he solved in terms of that text alone: therefore there is no single "Marenzio style", and he used the entire repertory of harmonic, textural, and rhetorical devices available to a composer of the late sixteenth century in his work. Each madrigal text, to him, was a challenge of translation: printed word into music. By late in his career he was easily the most influential madrigal composer in Europe, and his earlier madrigals became the model for the new school of madrigal composition in England.^[3][8]

Marenzio published 24 books of madrigals and related forms, including one book of madrigali spirituali; one of the 24 books is lost. Ten of the collections are for five voices; six are for six voices; two are for four voices; one is for four to six voices; and the remaining five are books of villanelle, a lighter form popular in the late 16th century, for three voices only. In addition to secular music, he published two books of motets, one of which is lost, a book of antiphons (now lost), and a book of Sacrae cantiones for five to seven voices. Almost all of his works were initially published in Venice, except for the madrigali spirituali, which appeared in Rome.^[3]

Marenzio produced seventeen books of madrigals between 1580 and 1589, all of which show the most expressive, varied and important works in madrigal literature. Most of the madrigals are for five voices, but he also wrote many four and five voice pieces. In all of his madrigals Marenzio shows the closest relationship of text and music by using Imitative counterpoint, chordal texture and recitatives. ^[9] He produces mostly madrigals but also canzonette and villanelle (related secular a cappella forms very much like madrigals, but usually a bit lighter in character). Close to 500 separate compositions survive. Stylistically, his compositions show a generally increasing seriousness of tone throughout his life, but in all periods he was capable of the most astonishing mood-shifts within a single composition, sometimes within a single phrase; rarely does the music seem disunified, since he closely follows the texts of the poems being sung. During his last decade he not only wrote more serious, even sombre music, but experimented with chromaticism in a daring manner surpassed only by Gesualdo.^[10] In one madrigal (O voi che sospirate a miglior note) he modulated completely around the circle of fifths within a single phrase, using enharmonic spellings within single chords (for instance, simultaneous C sharp and D flat), impossible to sing without either pitch drift or tempering intervals such that singers would approximate a sort of circulating temperament.

Madrigal O voi che sospirate a miglior note, bars 35-41, featuring a modulation through the entire circle of fifths

	"O voi che sospirate" MIDI version
Problems listening to this file? See media help.

Even more characteristic of his style, and a defining characteristic of the madrigal as a genre, is his use of word-painting: the technique of mirroring in the music a specific word, phrase, implication or pun on what is being sung. An obvious example would be a setting of the phrase "sinking in the sea" to a descending series of notes, or accompanying the word "anguish" with a dissonant chord followed by an unsatisfying resolution.

Marenzio was often referred to as "the divine composer" or "the sweetest swan" by his successors. Like many of his contemporaries, he used pastoral and love poems from well-known Italian poets, such as Dante and Petrarch, but few set texts as attentively to their full expressive potential as did Marenzio. Using vivid imagery expressed through text-painting, he highlighted the specific emotions and moods contained in the poem. Consequently, historians claim Marenzio brought the Italian madrigal to its highest point of artistic and technical development.^[11]

Influence[link]

Luca Marenzio was hugely influential on composers in Italy, as well as in the rest of Europe, particularly in England, as his madrigals from the 1580s were among the favorites of English composers, who adapted his techniques of word-painting, textural contrast, and chromaticism to an English idiom.^[12] As an example, when Nicholas Yonge published his Musica transalpina in 1588 in England, the first collection of Italian madrigals to be published there, Marenzio had the second-largest number of madrigals in the collection (after Alfonso Ferrabosco the elder); and the second collection of Italian madrigals published in England had more works by Marenzio than anyone else.^[13] Some English composers who admired Marenzio's expressiveness and learned from him, gradually developing their own style from that seed, included Thomas Morley, John Wilbye, and Thomas Weelkes. Outside of England, Marenzio's madrigals also influenced composers as widely distributed as Hans Leo Hassler in South Germany and Jan Pieterszoon Sweelinck in the Low Countries.^[14] In 1622 Henry Peacham wrote, "for delicious aires and sweet invention in madrigals, Luca Marenzio excelleth all others." This quote by Peacham illustrates the effect Luca Marenzio had on later development of the madrigal, and the admiration he elicited from other composers from that period.^[15] Even in the mid-sixteenth century, Italian and English commentators continued to extol the virtues of Marenzio's compositions; his music appeared in arrangements for viols late in the century; and his music has continued to be sung almost without interruption to the present day by madrigal groups – one of very few Renaissance composers for whom that is true.^[3]

Notes[link]

References[link]

• Arnold, Denis and Tim Carter. "Marenzio, Luca." In The Oxford Companion to Music, edited by Alison Latham. Oxford Music Online, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/opr/t114/e4218 (accessed December 25, 2008).
• Alfred Einstein, The Italian Madrigal. Three volumes. Princeton, New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 1949. ISBN 0-691-09112-9
• Bizzarini, Marco, Luca Marenzio: The Career of a Musician Between the Renaissance and the Counter-Reformation. Translated by James Chater. Aldershot, Ashgate, 2003. ISBN 0-7546-0516-7
• James Chater, Luca Marenzio and the Italian Madrigal, 1577-1593. Two volumes. Ann Arbor, UMI Research Press, 1981. ISBN 0-8357-1242-7
• Steven Ledbetter, James Chater, Roland Jackson: "Marenzio, Luca." In Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/40081 (accessed January 4, 2009).
• Steven Ledbetter, Roland Jackson: "Luca Marenzio", in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Stanley Sadie. 20 vol. London, Macmillan Publishers Ltd., 1980. ISBN 1-56159-174-2
• Gustave Reese, Music in the Renaissance. New York, W.W. Norton & Co., 1954. ISBN 0-393-09530-4
•  "Luca Marenzio". Catholic Encyclopedia. New York: Robert Appleton Company. 1913. 

External links[link]

• Free scores by Luca Marenzio in the Choral Public Domain Library (ChoralWiki)
• Free scores by Luca Marenzio in the Werner Icking Music Archive (WIMA)
• Free scores by Luca Marenzio at the International Music Score Library Project
• The Mutopia Project has compositions by Luca Marenzio
• Listen to free recordings of songs from Umeå Akademiska Kör.
• Article on Marenzio at Early Music World