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Occupied London#5 is out! “Disorder of the Day”

Those of you in/near London, do pop by to say hello and pick up OL#5 at our stall at the Anarchist Bookfair this weekend!

Voices of Resistance from Occupied London #5: Disorder of the day

Fall 2013

Illustrations kindly provided by the legendary Leandros from Greece and the incredible Painsugar Designworks from Indonesia.

Fonts: AmazingBasic, Straw Hat, old style smallcaps and Chapparal pro.

This journal exists because of Dawn, Andy, Gal, Alessio, Painsugar, Anna, Leandros, John, Dimitris, Hara, Ali, Tucker, Magpie, Jacken, Antonis, Smokey, Elena, Idris, Jaya, Matt, Ross and Krümel.

At the editors’ seat:

Antonis, Jaya and Dimitris.

At the designer’s seat:

Jaya.

The crew can be reached at: editorial@occupiedlondon.org

Check out the other issues at occupiedlondon.org

And our blog at blog.occupiedlondon.org

VIDEO: The Politics of Knives

The Politics of Knives from Ross Domoney on Vimeo.

Produced by Ross Domoney, Klara Jaya Brekke and Dimitris Dalakoglou. Filmed and edited by Ross Domoney. Script edited by Klara Jaya Brekke. Music by Giorgos Triantafillou. Special thanks to Lena Theodoropoulou and Yiannis Chri.

Let’s get done with the system that breeds fascism – An interview with Dimitris Kousouris

via Reinform NL

Dimitris Kousouris is one of the first political victims of Golden Dawn attacks. On June 16th, 1998, in a café outside the courts of Athens, he was attacked brutally by a group of Golden Dawn members. He had to go through a difficult brain surgery and he barely escaped death. The attackers were identified by Kousouris and his friends. The main perpetrator was back then nr 2 in the leadership of Golden Dawn, Antonis Androutsopoulos. Although the media had reported the possible places where he was hiding, he was only arrested 7 years later. Although the court found him guilty and sentenced him to long imprironment, he only stayed in prison until 2010. Dimitris Kousouris is currently a lecturer of history at the University of Crete.

In this interview, D. Kousouris points out that a general ideological denouncement of fascism is not enough to address the needs of the long-term unemployed and those ones who cannot make ends meet. What he regards as most important is the setting up of solidarity networks in order to counteract the extreme right.

An interview to Georgos Laoutaris for the weekly newspaper PRIN

kousouris_2-300x20015 years ago, when the Golden Dawn tried to kill you it was marginal organization, while now it is part of the political establishment. Wouldn’t you expect that its presence in the parliament would push this party to more lawful actions?

By no means. Legitimating political ideas in the broad public never resulted in mitigating its initial features. In Greece after the elections in 2012 there has been a widespread view that people would realize the violent face of the Golden Dawn and would stay away from it. This view was at least naive. As the capitalist crisis continues to affect a huge part of Greek society leading it to pauperization and impoverishment, the conditions on which fascism can grow continue to exist.

Do you believe that the murder of Pavlos Fyssas had a political motive?

It was a political assassination that had been announced by the Golden Dawn in the working-class districts of Piraeus. It was just a matter of time for this to happen. The immediate reaction of the government proves that they knew about it and they were prepared to act accordingly.

Do you believe that the imprisonment of members of Golden Dawn will be a step towards the solution of the problem?

Obviously this would change the rules of the game. However it is an illusion to believe that this would solve the problem. Even if the Golden Dawn was outlawed or if they applied the anti-terrorist law or if they just used the penal code to send some of its members to prison, the problem would be still there. The murder of Pavlos Fyssas, a working-class offspring that was engaged in the cause of social emancipation reveals the size of the damage that has been inflicted the last years. In this transitional period,where the historical defeat of the labour movement (as known till now) seems to be completed, it was inevitable that the dismantled social structure and public space of the poor neighbourhoods where unemployment and poverty dominate the lives of young and old would become the scenery where bouncers, snitches and all kinds of gangs take over. The infringement of parliamentarianism its very representatives, the abrupt narrowing of democratic legitimacy by the abolition of basic social rights, the longstanding deep roots of the extreme right in the state apparatus in combination with the reactionary and racist shift of the government and the media as well as the collapse of the two major parties of the political establishment enabled Golden Dawn to be the one that provides political coverage and ideological identity to these gangs organizing them around the rich and turning them against the remaining cells of organization and struggle of the working people. The political elites are certainly aware of the transitory nature of these political identieties that are formed in the current conditions. It is obvious that after the assassination of Pavlos Fyssas the government is trying to regain control and initiative and send a message to all directions: to the right, to the left, inside and outside the country.

Is the increased influence of the Golden Dawn a coincidental phenomenon or is it here to stay?

This will depend on each one of us and all of us together. The Golden Dawn is one of the many faces of fascism, the most repulsive we have seen after the dictatorship. In any case, in the coming period, there is going to be an attempt of approaching its electorate. The aim is gaining control over the legal or illegal paramilitary branch of the dominant power coalition. Therefore, Golden Down may disappear but not fascism itself as long as the circle of illegitimacy grows within which the domestic and international elites are trying to establish their dominance at the expense of the working people

During the last period books, articles and documentaries have shed light on the Nazi references of Golden Dawn. How do you interpret the fact that this evidence is not convincing?

Building an ideology based on the political struggle is an aspect of bourgeois politics which is rather convenient for the journalists of the so called “constitutional range” but has also created many illusions within the Left.  How can someone thatonly uses a general ideological denouncement, address the needs of the unemployed, the ones who are hungry and eat at the common meals of the church, the ones who sleep in the cold and the dark, and the young people who do not have any hopes for their future? The denouncement of Nazism is essential. However, as demonstrated in the last years, it is an illusion to be considered adequate. It is also known that applying the same methods over and over again and expect different results is an indicationof insanity or stupidity. Reading through history, fascism was born as a mass counterrevolutionary movement bred by the defeat of the labour movement in the inter-war period and was reborn as the “dark side” of neoliberalism after the retreat of the labour movement that followed the crisis of the 1970s.Two decades after the triumph of neo-liberal parliamentarism, the crisis has dramatically narrowed the possibilities for preserving and managing the status quo with purely parliamentary means in Europe, the U.S., China or Egypt. Fascism as a power optionbounces back in its European cradle: Greece, Hungary, Norway, France and elsewhere. The goal of fascism is again the defeat and finally the elimination of the labour movement. Therefore the crucial factor for the character of the fight and the outcome of the struggle – now as then – is the status and the level of organization of the working class. The historical bet of our time is who will prevail: the long-lasting darkness of the authoritarian domination of global capital or the rebirth and strengthening of the labour movement that will stand against fascism but also against the forces of capitalism which breed and sustain it.

How do you think the Left should react?

The different forces of the Left chose very often a defensive attitude by trying to preserve the limited political space that is available to them or the traditional good-old avoidance of action by referring to some abstract plan of labour emancipation that stands far away from the actual movement of the social subjects of the same plan. But if we really want to discuss how to eliminate fascism, it is high time we organize solidarity and resistance of the vast majority of the working people and the unemployed.

Who fits in the antifascist front?

If we agree that fascism is an extreme and authoritarian version of capitalism as well as an alliance between the capitalists and the middle class aiming at the preservation of the dominant ownership relationships, then we can first clarify the class characteristics of the anti-fascist front. Many fit to this antifascist front as the majority of the working people fit to the front.  Based on that, the organization of the antifascist struggle is the responsibility of all those who think and act against capitalist barbarism. It is the responsibility of grass-root local initiatives and assemblies, the numerous online or printed alternative media, several initiatives of popular self-organization and collaborative economy, students’ unions in high schools and higher education institutions, trade unions and political clubs that are either politically independent or related to SYRIZA, the Communist Party, or ANTARSYA or anarcho-syndicalism. On the other hand, fascism is both the nazi storm troopers and the emergency regime where the governments rules beyond and popular control and the repression forces act uncontrolled against the people’s movement and abolish at will any constitutional freedom Therefore, the anti-fascist front excludes by definition that consent, support or manage this reality.

If the source of the crisis is government policy, do you think a left government would be the solution?

Using fear as domination method, the political establishment attempts to stabilize the political system by forcing the left and the right extreme to restrain themselves within the parties of the so-called ‘constitutional range’. The polarization and tension strategy that is followed by the elite aims at convincing the public opinion that a left government would be an improvement compared to the repressive Samaras-government to the extent that it will try to confront the fascist elements in the state, the police and the army and to renegotiate the country’s position in the EU and the Eurozone. This assumption is flawed since the dominance of the pro-austerity forces of the old political system makes it extremely doubtful for the Left to achieve a majority in the Parliament. Even if the Left manages to form such a majority, it would be almost impossible to control a state apparatus that is deeply penetrated by the ‘praetorians’ of the ‘old’ regime. Finally, as repeatedly proven throughout modern Greek history, whenever the Left failed to take advantage of the cracking of elite’s power and abandoned the prospect of toppling capitalism and proceeding with a plan for social emancipation in favor of achieving democratic legitimacy (such as in 19441, 19652 and 19743), it was driven to political and literal extermination, entrapment within the political system and marginalization.

1 In December 1944, the resistance forces of the Communist Party (ELAS) signed the Varkiza-agreement with the British and handed over their weapons. The result was a wave of repression against the left including murders, arrests and exiles for thousands of people.

2 In July 1965, the elected Papandreou government was toppled by a Royal Coup (known also as Iouliana). The people took the streets but the left missed the chance.

3 This refers to the movement that followed the fall of the junta in July 1974.

 

Translated by ReINFORM

Event by Occupied London in NYC: Fascism, Crisis and Conflict in Greece

Fascism, Crisis and Conflict in Greece, a talk and dicussion with Dimitris Dalakoglou of Occupied London Collective

Since 2010, Europe is going through a profound crisis of its capitalist establishment. Greece is in the centre of that crisis. Unemployment and poverty prevails while class war has been declared on the society by the elites.

The neo-Nazis of Golden Dawn were brought in the scene by the establishment in order to scare the people who may resist. Recently the government arrested the leadership of Golden Dawn, but most of them were mysteriously released.

What shape does the crisis take these days in Europe? How does neo-Nazism fit in that image? What are the skeletons in the closet of the Greek government?
https://www.facebook.com/events/635160956524423/

Saturday, Oct. 6 2o13, at 20:00
The Base in Brooklyn
1302 Myrtle Ave and Stockholm
Central Ave M Subway Stop

Against fascism (via docupraxi)

via docupraxi

Athens, October 1st: Anti-fascists march through Agios Panteleimonas and by the Villa Amalias building

Approximately 700 anti-fascists marched through central Athens today, down Acharnon Street, through Agios Panteleimonas and by the Villa Amalias building. The demonstration had been called by the “anti-fascists in neighbourhoods of central Athens”. The demonstration ended at Victoria square; people distributed texts and put up posters. The multicultural neighbourhoods of central Athens were vibrated by the slogans against fascists, the state and the bosses. Many neighbours, locals and migrants cheered on the demonstrators; the fascists were nowhere to be seen; all the well-known fascist hangouts in the area had shut. The police presence was discreet, but in big numbers.

Slogans chanted:

Fascism means death; death to fascism

Pavlos lives – trash the Nazis

Rage and furiousness for Pavlos Fyssas

Fascists and bosses in the bottom of the well; long live the global proletariat

We are together with the migrants – deport the cops and the Nazis

Fascism is trashed in the streets, not in the parliament with judges and laws

We live together, we work together, locals and migrants, we trash the Nazis

Occupied London statement on the ‘dismantling’ of the Golden Dawn by the Greek state: There ain’t no such a thing as bourgeois justice

And so, on the sunny autumn morning of September 28th – a quiet, almost tranquil morning – the state and media, inside and beyond the Greek territory, woke up anti-fascist. Were the days when the exact same culprits fueled Nazism, the days when authorities meticulously wovethe  institutional racism, totalitarianism and impoverishment just a bad dream? Of course not. In the time that has passed since the murder of Pavlos, they have scrambled to present a clean face, but for all their pretensions the anger is still there. Just under five swirling years after Alexis dropped dead on that Exarcheia street corner, we are still faced with the same power zombies that our revolt had attacked but did not manage, it seems, to finish off. During all these years, the number of our sisters and our brothers who died in the hands of the state or its offshoots only keeps growing. Katerina Goulioni, Nikolas Todi, Cheikh Ndiaye, Mohammad Atif Kamran and Shehzad Luqman… Katerina died in the hands of her state captors; Nikolas, Cheikh and Mohammad were assassinated by the police; Shehzad was killed by the knives of Nazis, just like Pavlos did on September 17th. Along with who knows how many others, tortured and pulled off the streets, held in Amygdaleza and all the other concentration camps, sentenced to death and then to oblivion, too – for national homogeneity reserves no space even for the memory of most of its victims. These same people that have now supposedly turned anti-fascists are those who ordered the detention 70,000 migrants in a single year; who vilified supposedly HIV-positive women and rounded up drug addicts en masse; who lead women and men to despair and suicide daily… The list only keeps growing.

And now, after all these years, the same state power that bred the Nazis seems to have decided that it no longer needs them, that they must be discarded. Is this justice? Of course not: how can the perpetrators ever offer justice to their victims? Whether or not it decides to keep its offshoots by its side, this is the same plexus of power that convicted all of our sisters and brothers to torture and death, in a myriad of ways. It is the one that has entrenched racism and fascism as an everyday condition, the one that has consolidated its perpetuated authority upon the bodies and the minds of migrants, lesbians and gays, anti-fascists, pariahs and dropouts from its system: one and all who do not fit into the suffocatingly tight frame of national unity and social order. It was not us who killed off the Golden Dawn; the system that bred it did. So don’t mistake this for justice; we will never see any delivered by those who breed injustice and exploitation.

Live updates from anti-fascist demo to the HQs of Golden Dawn

Anti-fascist demo called from various groups for today in Athens and several other cities.

Updates as they come:

21:00(GMT+2) Police chase demontrators all around the centre, it seperates small groups of antifa demosntrators or passerbyes and detains them (circa 20 people now are stabilised on Filippidou street, on the corner of Kifissias and ALexandras avenues DELTA cops detain a group of people, on Ippokratous and Alexnadras police stops and search people.

20:53 (GMT+2) Circa 1,500 people on Alexnadras chain up behind the banner of Polytechnic’s students union, and riot police prepare to attack to them, smoke and fires around, while the atmophere is heavy due to tear gas.

20:49(GMT+2) Demonstrators remain on ALexandras avenue where the traffick was not interuppted by the police. Other demonstrators who were chased down move towards Exarcheia.

20:38 (GMT+2) Clashes and chemical gases along molotiov cocktails everywhere around the offices of Golden Dawn as police tried to cut off the demo.

20:32 (GMT+2) Clashes generalize, a big part of the demo turns around, back toward Alexandras ave.

20:28 (GMT+2) Clashes between police and demonstrators.

20:20 (GMT+2) the demo was cut off close to the hq by Mesogeion.

19:59 (GMT+2) The big demo reached the police protection of GD’s  HQs Thousnads of police officers in front of the HQ. Fascists behiond them and on the balconies of their building.

19:30 (GMT+2) Demonstration passing the Hilton. Not much police seen. Unconfirmed reports of 15 arrests made earlier in exarcheia.

18:50 (GMT+2) Demonstration is heading towards Golden Dawn headquarters. Estimated crowd size 50.000+

18:20 (GMT+2) Antifascist demo from propylea has joined the main demonstration in Syntagma.

18:10 (GMT+2) Anti-fascist demo gathered in Propylea marching towards Syntagma. The crowd is between 8 – 10.000