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Toryism is a traditionalist and conservative political philosophy which grew out of the Cavalier faction in the Wars of the Three Kingdoms. It is a prominent ideology in the politics of the United Kingdom, but also features in parts of The Commonwealth, particularly in Canada. Historically it also had exponents in former parts of the British Empire, for instance the Loyalists of British North America who sided with Britain and Crown during the Revolutionary War. The Tory ethics can be summed up with the phrase 'God, King and Country'. Tories generally advocate monarchism, are usually of a High Church Anglican or Recusant Catholic religious heritage, and are opposed to the radical liberalism of the Whig faction.

The Tory political faction emerged within the Parliament of England to uphold the legitimist rights of James, Duke of York to succeed his brother Charles II to the throne. James II was a Catholic, while the state institutions had broken from the Catholic Church—this was an issue for the Exclusion Bill supporting Whigs, the political heirs to the nonconformist Roundheads and Covenanters. There were two Tory ministries under James II; the first led by Lord Rochester, the second by Lord Belasyse. Some were later involved in his usurpation with the Whigs, which they saw as defending the Anglican Church. Tory sympathy for the Stuarts ran deep however and some supported Jacobitism, which saw them isolated by the Hanoverians until Lord Bute's ministry under George III.

Conservatism emerged by the end of the 18th century—which synthesised moderate Whig positions and some of the old Tory values to create a new political ideology, in opposition to the French Revolution. The likes of Edmund Burke and William Pitt the Younger led the way in this. Due to this faction eventually leading to the formation of the Conservative Party, members of that party are colloquially referred to as Tories, even if they are not traditionalists. Actual adherents to traditional Toryism in contemporary times tend to be referred to as High Tories to avoid confusion.

History of the term[link]

Lord Rochester was the first Tory to lead a Ministry in the Parliament of England.

The word "Tory" derives from the Middle Irish word tóraidhe; modern Irish tóraí: outlaw, robber or brigand, from the Irish word tóir, meaning "pursuit", since outlaws were "pursued men".^[1][2] It was originally used to refer to an Irish outlaw and later applied to Confederates or Royalists in arms.^[3] The term was thus originally a term of abuse, "an Irish rebel", before being adopted as a political label in the same way as Whig.

Towards the end of Charles II's reign (1660–85) there was some debate about whether or not his brother, James, Duke of York, should be allowed to succeed to the throne. 'Whigs' was the abusive term directed at those who wanted to exclude James on the grounds that he was a Roman Catholic. Those who were not prepared to exclude James were labelled 'Abhorrers' and later 'Tories'. Titus Oates applied the term "Tory," which then signified an Irish robber, to those who would not believe in his Popish plot, and the name gradually became extended to all who were supposed to have sympathy with the Catholic Duke of York.” ^[4]

With both 'Whig' and 'Tory', the suffix -ism was quickly added to make Whiggism and Toryism, meaning the principles and methods of each faction.

English and British politics[link]

Lord Belasyse was the second Tory to lead a Ministry.

Historically, the term Tory has been applied in various ways to supporters of the British monarchy. The term was initially applied in Ireland to the isolated bands of guerrillas resisting Oliver Cromwell's nine-month 1649–1650 campaign in Ireland, who were allied with Royalists through treaty with the Parliament of Confederate Ireland, signed at Kilkenny in January 1649;^[5] and later to dispossessed Catholics in Ulster following the Restoration.^[6]

During the Exclusion Bill Crisis the word Tory was applied in England as a nickname to the opponents of the bill, called the Abhorrers. The word 'Tory' had connotations of Papist and outlaw^[7] derived from its previous use in Ireland.

English Tories from the time of the Glorious Revolution up until the Reform Bill of 1832 were characterized by strong monarchist tendencies, support for the Church of England, and hostility to reform, while the Tory Party was an actual organization which held power intermittently throughout the same period.^[8]

Currently, the term "Tory" is commonly used in the media to refer to the Conservative Party and its members.

Canada[link]

The term was used to designate the pre-Confederation British ruling classes of Upper Canada and Lower Canada, known as the Family Compact and the Château Clique, an elite within the governing classes, and often members within a section of society known as the United Empire Loyalists.

In post-Confederation Canada the terms "Red Tory" and "Blue Tory" have long been used to describe the two wings of the Conservative and previously the Progressive Conservative (PC) parties. The diadic tensions originally arose out of the 1854 political union of British-Canadian Tories, French-Canadian traditionalists, and the monarchist and loyalist leaning sections of the emerging commercial classes at the time - many of whom were uncomfortable with the pro-American and annexationist tendencies within the liberal Grits. Tory strength and prominence in the political culture was a feature of life in Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, Ontario, and Manitoba.

By the 1930s, the factions within Canadian Toryism were associated with either the urban business elites, or with rural traditionalists from the country's hinterland. A "Red Tory" is a member of the more moderate wing of the party (in the manner of John Farthing and George Grant). They are generally unified by their adherence to British traditions in Canada.^[9]

Throughout the course of Canadian history, the Conservative Party was generally controlled by MacDonaldian Tory elements, which in Canada meant an adherence to the English-Canadian traditions of Monarchy, Empire-Commonwealth, parliamentary government, nationalism, protectionism, social reform, and eventually, acceptance of the necessity of the welfare state.^[10]

By the 1970s the Progressive Conservative Party was a Keynesian-consensus party. With the onset of stagflation in the 1970s, some Canadian Tories came under the influence of neo-liberal developments in Great Britain and the United States, which highlighted the policies for privatization and supply-side interventions. In Canada, these tories have been labeled neoconservatives - which has a somewhat different connotation in the US. By the early 1980s there was no clear neoconservative in the Tory leadership cadre, but Brian Mulroney, who became leader in 1983, eventually came to adopt many policies from the Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan governments.

As Mulroney took the Progressive Conservative Party further in this direction, with policy initiatives in the areas of deregulation, privatization, free-trade, and a consumption tax called the Goods and Services Tax (GST), many traditionally-minded Tories became concerned that a political and cultural schism was occurring within the party.

The 1986 creation of the Reform Party of Canada attracted some of the neo-liberals and social conservatives away from the Tory party, and as some of the neoconservative policies of the Mulroney government proved unpopular, some of the provincial-rights elements moved towards Reform as well. In 1993, Mulroney resigned, rather than fight an election based on his record after almost nine years in power. This left the PCs in disarray and scrambling to understand how to make toryism relevant in provinces such as Quebec, Saskatchewan, Alberta, and British Columbia that had never had a strong tory tradition and political culture.

Thereafter in the 1990s, the PCs were a small party in the Canadian House of Commons, and could only exert legislative pressure on the government through their power in the Senate of Canada. Eventually, through death and retirements, this power waned. Joe Clark returned as leader, but the schism with the Reformers effectively watered down the combined Blue and Red Tory vote in Canada.

By the late 1990s, there was talk of the necessity of uniting the right in Canada, to deter further Liberal majorities. Many tories - both red and blue - opposed such moves, while others took the view that all would have to be pragmatic if there was any hope of reviving a strong party system. The Canadian Alliance party (as the Reform Party had become), and some leading tories came together on an informal basis to see if they could find common ground. While Progressive Conservative Leader Joe Clark rebuffed the notion, the talks moved ahead and eventually in December 2003, the Canadian Alliance and the Progressive Conservative parties voted to rejoin into a new party called the Conservative Party of Canada.

After the merger of the PCs with the Canadian Alliance in 2003, there was debate as to whether the "Tory" appellation should survive at the federal level. Although it was widely believed that some Alliance members would take offence to the term, it was officially accepted by the newly-merged party during the 2004 leadership convention. Stephen Harper, leader of the Conservative Party of Canada, and the Prime Minister as a result of the January 23, 2006 election, regularly refers to himself as a Tory and has suggested that the new party is a natural evolution of the conservative political movement in Canada.

American Revolution[link]

Mobbing the Tories by American Patriots in 1775-76; the Tory is about to be tarred and feathered

The term Tory or "Loyalist" was used in the American Revolution to include those who remained loyal to the British Crown. Since early in the 18th century, Tory had described those upholding the right of the Kings over parliament. During the revolution, particularly after the Declaration of Independence in 1776 this use was extended to cover anyone who remained loyal to the British Crown. Those Loyalists who settled in Canada, Nova Scotia, or the Bahamas after the American Revolution are known as United Empire Loyalists.

Texas Revolution[link]

In Texas 1832-36 support for the Texas Revolution was not unanimous. The "Tories" were men who supported the Mexican government. The Tories generally were long-term property holders whose roots were outside of the lower South. They typically had little interest in politics and sought conciliation rather than war or they withheld judgment from both sides. The Tories preferred to preserve the economic, political, and social gains that they enjoyed as citizens of Mexico, and the revolution threatened to jeopardize the security of their world.^[11]

Current Usage[link]

In Britain after 1832 the Tory Party was replaced by the Conservative Party, and "Tory" has become shorthand for a member of the Conservative Party or for the party in general. Many Conservatives still call themselves "Tory" to differentiate themselves from opponents, and the term is common in the media.

In Canada, the term "Tory" may describe any member of the Conservative Party of Canada, its predecessor party the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada, or any similar affiliated conservative provincial party; the term is frequently used in contrast to "Grit", a shorthand for the Liberal Party of Canada.

In Australia, "Tory" is used as a pejorative term by members of the Australian Labor Party to refer to members of the conservative coalition Liberal and National parties.^[12]

See also[link]

conservatism portal

• Blue Tory
• Cavalier
• Conservatism
• High Tory
• Jacobitism
• Red Tory
• Tory (political faction)
• Traditionalist conservatism
• Ultra-Tories

References[link]

Canada section:

• W. Christian and C. Campbell (eds), Parties, Leaders and Ideologies in Canada
• J. Farthing, Freedom Wears a Crown
• G. Grant, Lament for a Nation: The Defeat of Canadian Nationalism
• G. Horowitz, "Conservatism, Liberalism and Socialism in Canada: An Interpretation", CJEPS (1966).

This article's citation style may be unclear. The references used may be made clearer with a different or consistent style of citation, footnoting, or external linking. (September 2009)

External links[link]

• Tory Act
• Karl Marx on the Tories and the Whigs (1852)

Peter Hitchens
Peter Hitchens, 2006
Born	Peter Jonathan Hitchens (1951-10-28) 28 October 1951 (age 60) Sliema, Malta
Occupation	Author, journalist
Nationality	British
Alma mater	University of York
Notable work(s)	The Abolition of Britain The Broken Compass: How British Politics Lost its Way A Brief History of Crime The Rage Against God
Relative(s)	Christopher Hitchens (brother)
hitchensblog.mailonsunday.co.uk

Peter Jonathan Hitchens (born 28 October 1951) is an award-winning^[1] British columnist and author, noted for his traditionalist conservative stance. He has published five books, including The Abolition of Britain, A Brief History of Crime, The Broken Compass and most recently The Rage Against God. Hitchens writes for Britain's The Mail on Sunday newspaper. A former resident correspondent in Moscow and Washington, Hitchens continues to work as an occasional foreign reporter, and appears frequently in the British broadcast media. He is the younger brother of the late US-based writer Christopher Hitchens.

In 2010 Hitchens was described by Edward Lucas in The Economist as "a forceful, tenacious, eloquent and brave journalist. Readers with long memories may remember his extraordinary coverage of the revolution in Romania in 1989, or more recently his intrepid travels to places such as North Korea. He lambasts woolly thinking and crooked behaviour at home and abroad".^[2]

Early life[link]

Peter Hitchens was born in 1951 in Malta, where his father, who had been a commander during World War 2,^[3] was stationed with the Royal Navy. He was educated at The Leys School^[4] and the Oxford College of Further Education^[5] before doing a BA in Politics at the University of York, where he is said to have replied "I was too busy starting a revolution" when asked why he was late for a lecture.^[6] He married Eve Ross, the daughter of left-wing journalist David Ross, in 1983.^{[citation needed]} Hitchens originally hoped to become a naval officer, but an eye defect prevented him from doing so.^[7]

Career in journalism[link]

Hitchens worked for the Daily Express between 1977 and 2000, initially as a reporter specialising in education and industrial and labour affairs, then as a political reporter, and subsequently as Deputy Political Editor.^[8] Leaving parliamentary journalism to cover defence and diplomatic affairs, he reported on the decline and collapse of communist regimes in several Warsaw Pact countries, which culminated in a stint as Moscow Correspondent and reporting on the final months of the Soviet Union in 1990/91. He then became the Daily Express Washington correspondent. Returning to London in 1995, he became a commentator and columnist. Hitchens continued to espouse a conservative viewpoint, despite the publication's move towards the political centre in the mid-90s and its decision before the 1997 general election to support the Labour Party under Tony Blair. In 2000, Hitchens left the Daily Express^[9] after its acquisition by Richard Desmond; Hitchens stated that working for Desmond would have represented a moral conflict of interest.^[6] Hitchens joined The Mail on Sunday, where he has a weekly column and weblog in which he debates directly with readers. Hitchens has also written for The Spectator and The American Conservative magazines,^[10] and occasionally for more left-leaning publications such as The Guardian, Prospect, and the New Statesman.

After being shortlisted in 2007 and 2009,^[11] Hitchens won the Orwell Prize in political journalism in 2010.^[1] Peter Keller, one of the Orwell Prize judges, described Hitchens's writing as being "as firm, polished and potentially lethal as a Guardsman’s boot."^[12]

Foreign reporting[link]

Hitchens first became a roving foreign reporter in the early 1990s while working for the Daily Express, when he reported from South Africa during the last days of apartheid, and from Somalia^[13] at the time of the US-led military intervention in the country. He continued his foreign reporting after joining The Mail on Sunday, for which he has written several foreign reports from all over the globe, including Russia,^[14] Ukraine,^[15] (described by Edward Lucas as a "dismaying lapse"^[2]) Gaza,^[16] a visit to Iraq in the wake of the 2003 invasion,^[17] an undercover report from Iran,^[18] (described by Iain Dale as "quite brilliant"^[19]) China,^[20] and North Korea.^[21][22]

In 2009, Hitchens was shortlisted for Foreign Reporter of the Year in the British Press Awards,^[23] and in 2010, in recognition of his foreign reporting, he was awarded the Orwell Prize.^[1]

Appearances in the British broadcast media[link]

Hitchens speaks frequently on British radio and television, and has regularly appeared on Question Time, Any Questions?,^[24] This Week,^[25] The Daily Politics^[26] and The Big Questions^[27]. He has been described as "a formidable interview subject, with a hostility simmering just beneath the surface – perhaps because, in his words, he is used to having to be "hit hard" whenever he is given the chance to air his unfashionable views".^[28]

In 2011, Hitchens was booed by a Question Time audience when he said that sex education was causing teenage pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases.^[30] During the same programme, chairman David Dimbleby put to Hitchens that The Mail on Sunday was "a bigoted, sexist, homophobic comic strip".^[31] After his appearance, Hitchens wrote "Is there any point in public debate in a society where hardly anyone has been taught how to think, while millions have been taught what to think?"^[32]

Hitchens has authored and presented several documentaries on Channel 4, including critical examinations of Nelson Mandela^[33] and David Cameron.^[34] In the late 1990s, Hitchens co-presented a programme on Talk Radio UK with Derek Draper and Austin Mitchell.^[35]

Personal political history[link]

Hitchens began on the far left of the political spectrum before moving to the right as his career developed. In 2009, Anthony Howard wrote of Hitchens, "the old revolutionary socialist has lost nothing of his passion and indignation as the years have passed us all by. It is merely the convictions that have changed, not the fervour and fanaticism with which they continue to be held".^[36]

Hitchens studied politics at the University of York from 1970 to 1973. He was a Trotskyist member of the International Socialists from 1969 to 1975 (In 2010 he dismissed the "cruel revolutionary rubbish" he promoted as a Trotskyist as "poison"^[37]) and joined the British Labour Party in 1977. Hitchens left the Labour Party in 1983 when he became a political reporter at the Daily Express, thinking it wrong to carry a party card when directly reporting politics.^[8] The period also coincided with a culmination of growing personal disillusionment with the Labour movement;^[38] in 2009 Hitchens wrote of this time, "Against the Labour Party, which I knew to be penetrated by all manner of Marxists, and soaked in the ideas of the revolutionaries, it was increasingly necessary to support the Tories. This was partly because of the strikers' lies, but much more because of Poland and Czechoslovakia. On the Cold War, I knew she [Thatcher] was right and the Left were wrong".^[39] He joined the Conservative Party in 1997, but left in 2003. Hitchens challenged Michael Portillo for the Conservative Party nomination in the Kensington and Chelsea seat in 1999, accusing Portillo of "washy moderation".^[40]

Hitchens believes that no party he could support will be created until the Conservative Party disintegrates, an event he first began calling for in 2006.^[41] From 2008, he claimed that what would facilitate such a collapse would be for the Conservative Party to lose the 2010 general election.^[42] In 2012, Hitchens announced he was once more considering standing as a member of parliament^[43][44] and called for British citizens to form "small exploratory committees in existing constituencies, under the ‘Justice and Liberty’ motto".^[45]

Public image[link]

In The Guardian, James Silver describes Hitchens as "the Mail on Sunday's fulminator-in-chief"^[8] and his columns as "molten Old Testament fury shot through with visceral wit".^[8] Hitchens has said of his reputation: "I know a lot of people consider me to be disreputable or foaming at the mouth, but you have to learn not to care, or at least not to mind. I don't like being called 'bonkers' and I think to some extent it demeans people who use phrases like that. But I take comfort from the fact that most totalitarian regimes tend to classify their opponents as mentally disordered."^[8]

Core beliefs[link]

Hitchens mainly commentates on political and religious issues, and generally espouses a social conservative viewpoint. In 2010 Michael Gove, writing in The Times, asserted that, for Hitchens, what is more important than the split between the Left and the Right is "the deeper gulf between the restless progressive and the Christian pessimist",^[46] and in 2010 Hitchens himself wrote "in all my experience in life, I have seldom seen a more powerful argument for the fallen nature of man, and his inability to achieve perfection, than those countries in which man sets himself up to replace God with the State".^[47]

Morality and religion[link]

Hitchens, a former atheist,^[48] is a member of the Church of England and an advocate of moral virtues founded on Christian faith and institutions such as marriage,^[49] which he argues have since the 1960s been undermined by social liberals and cultural Marxists.^[50] Hitchens defends the use of the Church of England's 1662 Book of Common Prayer and King James Bible. Of the latter, he has written "it is not simply a translation, but a poetic translation, written to be read out loud...to lodge in the mind and to disturb the temporal with the haunting sound of the eternal".^[51]

Labour and Conservative parties[link]

Hitchens contends the modern Labour Party was formed by struggles in the 1980s and a programme of "social liberalism, egalitarian education and the sexual revolution" envisaged in the 1950s by figures such as Anthony Crosland and Roy Jenkins.^[52] Hitchens criticised New Labour for "attacks on the constitution", and described its Prime Minister Tony Blair's constitutional reforms as a "slow-motion coup d'état".^[53] Hitchens believes the most significant changes introduced by New Labour concentrated power in the hands of the executive, with Blair effectively Chief Executive,^[54] and Orders in Council installing Alastair Campbell and Jonathan Powell in Whitehall.^[55] Hitchens described Blair's successor, Gordon Brown, as a "dismal Marxoid",^[56] but criticised what he saw as "prejudiced, shallow" attempts by the media to destroy Brown after he became Prime Minister in 2007.^[57]

Hitchens is dismissive of the modern British Conservative Party, frequently deriding the party's leadership as the "useless Tories".^[58] He has also expressed ambivalence towards conservative icon Margaret Thatcher.^[59]

Liberty, security, crime, drugs[link]

Hitchens advocates a society governed by conscience and the rule of law, which he sees as the best guarantee of liberty. He believes that capital punishment is a key element of a strong justice system.^[60][61][62] Hitchens is critical of the British government's desire for identity cards,^[63] its attempts to abolish jury trial,^[64] and its creation of the national law enforcement body the Serious Organised Crime Agency.^[65] Hitchens views these developments both as an attack on English liberty and facets of a constitutional revolution.^[66] Hitchens is opposed to the decriminalisation of recreational drugs. He argues that the legal prohibition of drug use is an essential counterweight to "pro-drug propaganda".^[67][68] He has stated that attempts to combat drug use by restricting supply and persecuting drug dealers are futile, unless possession and use are also punished.^[69] In 2012, Hitchens gave evidence to the Parliamentary Home Affairs Select Committee as part of its inquiry into drugs policy,^[70] and called for the British government to introduce a more hardline policy on drugs.^[71]

Foreign wars and Europe[link]

Hitchens opposed the Kosovo and 2003 Iraq Wars, on the grounds that neither was in the interests of either Britain or the United States,^[72] and opposes the British military presence in Afghanistan, arguing that it is has no achievable aim.^[73]

On Europe, Hitchens argues that the United Kingdom should negotiate an amicable departure from the European Union, whose laws and traditions he regards as incompatible with the laws and liberties of England,^[74] and with the national independence of the United Kingdom as a whole.^[75]

Education[link]

Hitchens views comprehensive education, the Plowden reforms, and modern child-centred teaching methods as misguided egalitarian political projects that have diluted educational standards and decreased social mobility.^[76][77] In order to address these issues, Hitchens advocates a return to academically selective grammar schools.^[78] Hitchens devotes Chapter 11 of his book The Broken Compass to these developments and themes.^[79] Hitchens opposes sex education in schools, which he argues has led to increased sexual activity among the young and a rise in teenage pregnancies and abortions.^[80]

Relationship with brother Christopher[link]

Hitchens's elder brother was the writer and antitheist Christopher Hitchens. Christopher said that the main difference between the two is a belief in the existence of God.^[81] Hitchens has stated "We're different people, we have different lives, we have entirely different pleasures, we live in different continents. If we weren't brothers we wouldn't know each other."^[82]

The brothers fell out after Hitchens wrote an article in 2001 in The Spectator alleging Christopher had said he "didn't care if the Red Army watered its horses at Hendon"—a claim denied by Christopher.^[81] After the birth of Hitchens's third child, the two brothers reconciled, although Christopher stated, "There is no longer any official froideur, but there's no official—what's the word?—chaleur, either."^[83] Hitchens's review of God Is Not Great led to public argument between the brothers but to no renewed estrangement.^[84] In the review, Hitchens claimed his brother's book made a number of incorrect assertions.^[85]

In 2007 the brothers appeared as panellists on BBC TV's Question Time, where they clashed on a number of issues.^[86] In 2008, in the US, they debated the invasion of Iraq and the existence of God.^[87] Hitchens stated it would be the last time he would debate his brother in public;^[88] however, in 2010 at the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life, the pair debated the nature of God in civilisation.^[89]

Christopher Hitchens died in 2011 and at a memorial service held for him in New York his brother read a passage from St Paul's Epistle to the Philippians.^[90]

Publications[link]

Hitchens is the author of The Abolition of Britain (1999, ISBN 978-0-7043-8140-7) and A Brief History of Crime (2003, ISBN 978-1-84354-148-6), both critical of changes in British society since the 1960s. A compendium of his Daily Express columns was published under the title Monday Morning Blues in 2000.

An updated edition of A Brief History of Crime (2003 ISBN 978-1-84354-148-6), re-titled The Abolition of Liberty: The Decline of Order and Justice in England (ISBN 978-1-84354-149-3) and featuring a new chapter on identity cards, was published in April 2004. The Broken Compass: How British Politics Lost its Way (Continuum ISBN 978-1-84706-405-9), was published in May 2009, and The Rage Against God (Continuum ISBN 978-1-4411-0572-1), was published in Britain in March 2010, and in the US (Zondervan ISBN 978-0-310-32031-9) in May.

In January 2011 Hitchens announced he was working on a new book entitled The War We Never Fought, about what he sees as the non-existent war on drugs.^[91]

Bibliography[link]

Sole Author:

• Hitchens, Peter (2000). The Abolition of Britain. Quartet Books; New edition (1 April 2000). ISBN 978-0-7043-8140-7. 
• Hitchens, Peter (2003). A Brief History of Crime. Atlantic Books. ISBN 978-1-84354-148-3. 
• Hitchens, Peter (2009). The Broken Compass: How British Politics Lost its Way. Continuum international Publishing Group Ltd. ISBN 978-1-84706-405-9. 
• Hitchens, Peter (2010). The Rage Against God. Continuum international Publishing Group Ltd. ISBN 978-1-4411-0572-1. 

Co-Written:

• Hitchens, Peter (2011). Articles On Converts To Anglicanism From Atheism Or Agnosticism, including: C. S. Lewis, Enoch Powell, Peter Hitchens, Alister McGrath, Arthur Peacocke, Michael Reiss. Hephaestus Books. ISBN 978-1-242-72845-7. 

See also[link]

• Paleoconservatism
• Social conservatism

References[link]

External links[link]

• Booknotes interview with Hitchens on The Abolition of Britain, December 31, 2000
• Christopher Hitchens debates Peter Hitchens
• Peter Hitchens's address to City New Year Service, The Parish Church of St. Michael's Cornhill, London, January 2005