JOURNAL [+PDF] Lucien van der Walt, 2007, “The First Globalisation and Transnational Labour Activism in Southern Africa: White Labourism, the IWW and the ICU, 1904-1934”

Lucien van der Walt, 2007, “The First Globalisation and Transnational Labour Activism in Southern Africa: White Labourism, the IWW and the ICU, 1904-1934”, African Studies, volume 66, number 2/3, special issue ‘Transnational and Comparative Perspectives on Southern African Labour History’, pp. 223-251.

pdflogosmallPDF is online here

In this article, I argue that the history of labour and the working class in southern Africa in the first half of the twentieth century cannot be adequately understood within an analytical framework that takes the nation-state as the primary unit of analysis.

The literature has, with very few exceptions (notably Bond, Miller and Ruiters 2001:4 – 5), generally presented the history of labour in the region in this period as a set of discrete national labour histories for Namibia (South West Africa), South Africa, Zambia (Northern Rhodesia), Zimbabwe (Southern Rhodesia), Swaziland, and so forth. Each national labour history is presented as taking place within a distinctively national context where organisational and political boundaries correspond with the administrative borders of the state, with labour politics developing inside these boundaries in response to national conditions, culminating in the emergence of national working-class movements.

Such approaches project postcolonial borders onto the period of imperial rule, ignoring the way in which international labour markets, regional political economies, and networks of activists and propaganda operated both across, and beyond, the British Empire and southern Africa to create a transnational southern African working class in which activists, ideas and organisational models circulated. Transnational influences played a critical role in shaping working-class movements, which straddled borders and formed sections across the region and beyond it. Furthermore, ideological, ethnic and racial divides within the working class across southern Africa played a more important role in constituting divisions than state borders.

This article explores these issues by examining three moments of transnational labour activism in southern Africa in the first three decades of the twentieth century.

Firstly, there was the tradition of ‘White Labourism’: rather than being a peculiarly South African phenomenon, it originated in Australia, spread to South Africa in the early 1900s, and subsequently developed into a significant factor in labour politics in the Rhodesias by the 1920s. Secondly, there was the tradition of revolutionary syndicalism, which stressed interracial working-class solidarity. As developed by the Industrial Workers of the World (the IWW or ‘Wobblies’) in the United States in 1905, this tradition came to South Africa via Scotland, where it spread from radical white labour circles to workers of colour in the 1910s, and then spilt over into the Australian IWW. Thirdly, there was the tradition of the Industrial and Commercial Workers’ Union (ICU), whose politics were an amalgam of two transcontinental currents: Garveyism and IWW syndicalism. The ICU operated regionally, spreading from South Africa in 1919 to South West Africa and the Rhodesias in the 1920s and 1930s.

Set against the backdrop of regional waves of labour activism, the history of these transnational labour currents provides important insights into the social character of southern African labour movements in the period of the ‘first’ modern globalisation, lasting from the 1880s into the 1920s. The analysis presented here is influenced by, and makes a contribution to, the new transnational labour history that ‘relativizes’ and ‘historicizes’ the nation-state as a unit of analysis, stressing the ‘need to go beyond national boundaries’ and avoid ‘methodological nationalism’ in understanding working-class formation (Van der Linden 1999:1080 – 1081). A transnational labour history yields important insights into labour and working-class history, provides a new synthesis that goes beyond old labour history, with its stress on formal organisation, and new labour history, with its stress on lived experience, and stresses the interconnections between labour worldwide.

JOURNAL [+PDF] Lucien van der Walt, 2001, “Revolutionärer Syndikalismus, Rasse und Klasse in Südafrika: die ‘International Socialist League’ und die ‘Industrial Workers of Africa’ 1915 bis 1920”, Archiv für die Geschichte des Widerstandes und der Arbeit, number 16, (Germany), pp. 213-246.

This article appeared in German in the Archiv für die Geschichte des Widerstandes und der Arbeit (AGWA), of which more can be read here.

pdflogosmallGet the PDF here

REPORT: van der Walt, 2012, "Anarchism’s historical role: a global view"

T.W. Thibedi, syndicalist militant of the International Socialist League and the Industrial Workers of Africa

It discusses South African revolutionary syndicalism, with particular reference to the International Socialist League (a syndicalist political group, later merged into the Communist Party of South Africa), and the Industrial Workers of Africa (a syndicalist union amongst black Africans – and the first black African trade union in the country).  The latter body later merged into the semi-syndicalist Industrial and Commercial Workers’ Union of Africa (ICU),  which was a mass movement in the 1920s, not just in South Africa but in neighbouring colonies as well.

Lucien van der Walt, 2001, “Revolutionärer Syndikalismus, Rasse und Klasse in Südafrika: die ‘International Socialist League’ und die ‘Industrial Workers of Africa’ 1915 bis 1920”, Archiv für die Geschichte des Widerstandes und der Arbeit, number 16, (Germany), pp. 213-246.

[Analysis + PDF] Lucien van der Walt, 2004, “Perspectives on Race and Anarchism in South Africa, 1904-2004″

Lucien van der Walt, 2004, “Perspectives on Race and Anarchism in South Africa, 1904-2004,” Perspectives on Anarchist Theory, volume 8 number 1, pp. 1, 14-16.

pdflogosmall Correct PDF is here

This short analysis, looking at both the South African anarchist / syndicalist movement of the 1880s-1920s, and the revived movement that emerged from the 1990s, examined how local anarchists/ syndicalists sought to develop an approach to national/ racial oppression distinct from nationalism, and Marxism-Leninism. It rejected the “two-stage” theory of the mainstream Marxist-Leninists (resolving the national question through an independent capitalist state as first stage; socialism deferred to later), and the statist (use a nation-state) and cross-class (unite the nation / race across classes, in a democratic/ anti-colonial Popular Front) nationalist solutions.

In its most sophisticated form the anarchist/ syndicalist current sought to fuse class struggle with national liberation in a simultaneously  anti-capitalist, anti-statist and anti-national oppression framework. This typically entailed creating One Big Union that was against racism/ national oppression, as well as against capitalism and the state. This would prefigure a racially integrated and egalitarian ‘workers republic’ built from below, through syndicalism. Examines current implications and experiences.

Core conclusions included

1. “First, the not too-uncommon view that race is the historic blindspot of anarchism is indefensible. If, for example, within white dominion, within the British Empire, within colonial Africa, anarchists and revolutionary syndicalists could play a path-breaking role in organizing workers of color, in defending African labour, in civil rights activities, and do so on the basis of a class struggle and anti-capitalist analysis and strategy, there is much that to be learned from the anarchist past. Their analyses may be context-bound but represent a larger position on the race issue: Cuba, Mexico and Peru are other examples.”

2. “Secondly, whilst the anarchist tradition in South Africa has generally been anti-racist, it has best succeeded in incorporating people of color when anti-racist principle has become anti-racist strategies and activism. The bridge between the two was an analysis rooted in the architecture of classical anarchist theory: class struggle, internationalism, anti-statism, anti-capitalism, and opposition to hierarchy. Such tools bear use, if some sharpening; rather than leap to incorporate ‘whiteness studies,’ postmodernism, nationalism and so on into anarchist analyses, the richness of classical anarchist theory rewards examination.”

Follow

Get every new post delivered to your Inbox.