A República, allegoric painting of the Brazilian republic by Manoel Lopes Rodrigues, 1896.

The Efígie da República (Portuguese for Effigy of the Republic) is used as a national personification, both, in Brazil and in Portugal, symbolizing the Republic.

Brazil[link]

The effigy is a representation of a young woman wearing a crown of bay leaves in Roman style. It is present in allegoric paintings and sculptures displayed in government buildings throughout Brazil, and engraved on Brazilian real coins and banknotes. It was first used as a pro-Republican icon in the 19th century, inspired by France's Marianne. After the proclamation of the Republic in 1889, it became an important symbol of the newly formed Republic.

Portugal[link]

The Portuguese Efígie da República is represented as a young woman wearing the phrygian cap, modeled after the Liberty of Eugène Delacroix' Liberty Leading the People. As a national distinction, the Portuguese Republic is represented wearing green and red clothes.

The Efígie da República was adopted as a Portuguese State official symbol after the 5 October 1910 revolution, when the Republic substituted the Monarchy in Portugal. Before that, it was used as a political symbol by the Portuguese republicans. Later, the sculpture of Simões de Almeida, representing the Busto da República (Bust of the Republic), became the standard for official use. A reproduction of the Bust of the Republic had to be present, in prominence, in all public buildings and was also present, as an effigy, in the escudo coins. It was considered, by the new republican regime, as a national symbol of Portugal, like the national coat of arms or the national flag.

Although the original intention was for the Efígie da República to become considered as the personification of the own Portuguese Nation, it never gained popularity in that role. Usually it remains seen only as the personification of the republican regimen, and not as a national symbol. While frequently used in the first half of the 20th century, its use today is rare.

References[link]

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This article has multiple issues. Please help improve it or discuss these issues on the talk page. This biography of a living person needs additional citations for verification. Tagged since January 2010. It may require cleanup to meet Wikipedia's quality standards. Tagged since January 2010.

Silas Malafaia (born August 20, 1962) is a Brazilian televangelist.^[1] He is a very known televangelist and is married to Elizete Malafaia.^[1] This same program is also broadcast to more than 150 countries. In the United States, it is transmitted by CTNI, and in Europe and Africa, by TV Manasat 1. In 2009, he bought a private jet to travel.^[2] He is also a creationist.^[3]

References[link]

See New York Times article of November 26, 2011 The Saturday Profile: Evangelical Leader Rises in Brazil's Culture Wars - By SIMON ROMERO

Silas Malafaia has recently attracted the most attention with his pointed verbal attacks on leaders of Brazil's movement for gay rights and proponents of abortion rights. Go to NY Times article

1. ^ ^{a b} (Portuguese) Official site
2. ^ (Portuguese) Jet
3. ^ (Portuguese) Boo

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Susana Villarán
Mayor of Lima
Incumbent
Assumed office January 1, 2011
Preceded by	Marco Parra Sánchez
Minister for Women and Social Development
In office November 22, 2000 – July 28, 2001
President	Valentín Paniagua
Preceded by	Luisa María Cuculiza
Succeeded by	Cecilia Blondet
Personal details
Born	(1949-08-16) August 16, 1949 (age 62) Lima, Peru
Political party	Fuerza Social
Profession	Journalist
Religion	Roman Catholic
Website	Susana Villarán

Susana María del Carmen Villarán de la Puente is a centre-left politician in Peru, a former presidential candidate, and in municipal elections in 2010 became the first woman to be elected Mayor of Lima.

Born in Lima on 16 August 1949, she is vice-president of the Social Force Decentralisation Party (Partido Descentralista Fuerza Social, FS) and formerly worked as a journalist and a secondary school teacher.

Political life[link]

She was a member of Lima's Metropolitan Municipality from 1983 to 1985, and co-founded with former mayor Alfonso Barrantes Lingán the Vaso de leche (glass of milk) program promoting child nutrition.

In 2000 Villarán was elected national co-ordinator of the Party for Social Democracy (Partido por la Democracia Social - Compromiso Perú, PDS). She became Minister for Women and Social Development during Valentín Paniagua's transitory government in 2001, and in 2002 she assumed the role of Police Ombudsman (Defensora de la Policía).

From 2002 to 2005, she served as a member of the Organization of American States's Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), serving as rapporteur on child rights and later on women's rights, as Second Vicepresident of the Commission in 2004, and First Vicepresident in 2005. She took part in IACHR human rights and conflict missions in Colombia and Guatemala.

In the Peruvian general election of 2006 Villarán was presidential candidate for Concertación Descentralista, an alliance of the PDS and the Peruvian Humanist Movement. She was one of three female candidates along Lourdes Flores and Martha Chávez, and came seventh with 0.62%.

In 2008, she was elected to the United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child.^{[1] [2]}

2010 campaign[link]

On 2009 she announced her candidacy for Mayor of Lima as leader of the Social Force Decentralisation Party (FS), which had been formed by the merger of the PDS and eight other centre-left parties in October 2007.^[3] Her candidature was backed by three smaller centre-left groups.

After a slow start to her campaign, in the final weeks Villarán overtook the longtime favourite candidate Lourdes Flores^[4] to win with 1,743,712 votes, representing 38.393% of the valid votes.^[5] She assumed office in January 2011.

References[link]

External links[link]

• 2010 elections campaign website
• Partido Descentralista Fuerza Social
• Personal blog

Notes[link]

Fernando Belaúnde
85th and 88th President of Peru
In office July 28, 1963 – October 3, 1968
Preceded by	Nicolás Lindley
Succeeded by	Juan Velasco
In office July 28, 1980 – July 28, 1985
Preceded by	Francisco Morales Bermúdez
Succeeded by	Alan García
Personal details
Born	(1912-10-07)October 7, 1912 Lima, Peru
Died	June 4, 2002(2002-06-04) (aged 89) Lima, Peru
Nationality	Peruvian
Political party	Acción Popular
Alma mater	University of Miami University of Texas at Austin
Profession	Architect
Religion	Roman Catholic

Fernando Belaúnde Terry (October 7, 1912 – June 4, 2002) was President of Peru for two non-consecutive terms (1963–1968 and 1980–1985). Deposed by a military coup in 1968, he was re-elected in 1980 after eleven years of military rule. He was recognized for his personal integrity and his commitment to the democratic process.

Early years[link]

The second of four children, Belaúnde was born in Lima into an upper-class family of Spanish forebears. His father, Rafael Belaúnde Diez Canseco, a teacher, served as President of the Council of Ministers; his grandfather was a finance minister; and one of his great-grandfathers was a President of the Republic.^[1]

During the dictatorship of Augusto B. Leguía, the persecution for the political activities of his father Rafael and his uncle Víctor Andrés Belaúnde prompted the family to move to France in 1924, where Fernando attended high school and received his initial University education in engineering.

From 1930 to 1935, Belaúnde studied architecture in the United States, where he first attended the University of Miami (where his father was also teaching), and in 1935 transferred to the University of Texas at Austin, where he obtained his degree as an architect. He later moved to Mexico and worked as an architect for a brief time, but returned to Peru in 1936 and started his professional career as an architect designing private homes. In 1937, he started a magazine called El Arquitecto Peruano ("Peruvian Architect"), which dealt with interior design, general urbanism and housing problems the country was facing. This also gave way to the Architects Association of Peru and the Urbanism Institute of Peru.

As a result, Belaúnde also became a government public-housing consultant throughout the country and abroad. In 1943, Belaúnde began teaching architecture and urban planning at Escuela Nacional de Ingenieros of Lima and later became the dean of the Civil Engineering and Architecture department. Belaúnde also directed the construction, along with other professors and students, of the faculty of architecture of the National University of Engineering in 1955.

Political career[link]

Belaúnde's political career began in 1944 as cofounder of the National Democratic Front party which elected José Bustamante as President in 1945; he served in the Peruvian Congress until a coup by General Manuel Odría in 1948 interrupted democratic elections.

Belaúnde would return to the political arena in 1956, when the outgoing Odría dictatorship called for elections and he led the slate submitted by the "National Front of Democratic Youth", an organization formed by reform-minded university students, some of which had studied under him; his principled support for the "La Prensa" newspaper, which had been closed down by the dictatorship in early 1956, had prompted the leadership of the National Front to approach him as to lead its slate.

"El Manguerazo"[link]

He gained notoriety on June 1 of the same year when, after the national election board refused to accept his candidacy filing, he led a massive protest that became known as the "manguerazo" or "hosedown" from the powerful water cannons used by the police to repress the demonstrators. When the confrontation looked to turn violent, Belaúnde showed the gift for symbolism that would serve him well throughout his political life; calming down the demonstrators and armed solely with a Peruvian flag, he crossed alone the gap separating the demonstrators from the police to deliver an ultimatum to the police chief that his candidacy be accepted.

The government capitulated, and the striking image of Belaúnde walking by himself with the flag was featured by the news magazine Caretas the following day, in an article entitled "Así Nacen Los Lideres" ("This is how Leaders are Born").

Belaúnde and "Acción Popular"[link]

Opposition to Manuel Prado[link]

Belaúnde's 1956 candidacy was ultimately unsuccessful, as the dictatorship-favored right-wing candidacy of Manuel Prado took first place. Claiming irregularities, he prepared to lead the opposition, and in July 1956 in Chincheros, Cuzco, founded the Acción Popular party, claiming the mantle of recapturing indigenous Inca traditions of community and cooperation in a modern social democratic context, placing itself squarely between the pro-oligarchy right-wing and the radicalism of the left-wing APRA and communist parties.

He would go on to travel extensively throughout the country, fleshing out the ideological principles of Acción Popular, while leading the opposition. During this period Belaúnde's traditionalism would manifest itself in dramatic flourishes, most notoriously when he challenged to a duel a Pradista congressman who refused to retract insulting statements in an open letter; the duel took place, with minor scratches on both sides.

In 1959, the Prado government's refusal to authorize the permits for Accion Popular annual convention led to another confrontation: Belaúnde led the opening of the convention in defiance of the prohibition, and the Prado government arrested and jailed him in the Alcatraz-like island prison of El Frontón off the Lima coast. The imprisonment lasted 12 days, during which Belaúnde engaged in a failed attempt to escape by swimming to freedom; the Prado government, facing unrelenting public pressure, was forced to release him and drop all charges.

1962 and 1963[link]

Belaúnde ran for president once again in the general elections of 1962, this time with his own party, Acción Popular. The results were very tight; he ended in second place, following Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre (APRA), by less than 14000 votes. Since none of the candidates managed to get the Constitutionally-established minimum of one third of the vote required to win outright, selection of the President would fall to Congress; the long-held antagonistic relationship between the military and APRA prompted Haya de la Torre to make a deal with former dictator Odría, who had come in third, which would result in Odría taking the Presidency in a coalition government.

However, widespread allegations of fraud prompted the Peruvian military to depose Prado and install a military junta, led by Ricardo Pérez Godoy. Pérez Godoy ran a short transitional government and held new elections in 1963, which were won by Belaúnde by a more comfortable but still narrow five percent margin.

First presidency (1963-1968)[link]

During Belaúnde's first term in office, he spurred numerous developmental projects. These included the Carretera Marginal de la Selva, a much-needed highway linking Chiclayo on the Pacific coast with then isolated northern regions of Amazonas and San Martín.

He also advanced the ambitious Santiago Antunez de Mayolo and Chira Piura irrigation projects, and the Tinajones, Jequetepeque, Majes, Chavimochic, Olmos, Chinecas hydroelectric projects. Belaúnde also oversaw the establishment of the Peruvian National Bank (Banco de la Nación). To alleviate poverty, Belaúnde also promoted a program of "social interest" homes in Lima and other cities, which benefited dozen thousands of families. However, his administration was also blamed for making bad economic decisions, and by 1967 the sol was seriously devaluated.

In August 1968, the Belaúnde Administration announced the settlement of a long-standing dispute with a subsidiary of Standard Oil of New Jersey over claims to the rich La Brea and Pariñas oil fields. However, widespread anger about Belaúnde's decision to pay the Standard Oil compensation for handing over the installation to Peru forced his cabinet to resign on October 1.

A further cause of anger was the fact that the document of agreement was given by Belaúnde to the press with the final page eleven missing and signatures were squeezed at the bottom of page ten. The missing page eleven became a cause célèbre and was later shown on television containing the contribution that Belaúnde had promised to pay. Several days later, Belaúnde himself was removed from office by a military coup.

Exile and return to democracy of dictatorial form[link]

Belaúnde spent the next decade in the United States, teaching at Harvard and George Washington University. Meanwhile, the radical military regime established by General Velasco instituted sweeping but ill-fated reforms. In April 1980, with Peru's economy in deep depression, the military administration permitted an election for the restoration of constitutional rule. Belaúnde won a five-year term, polling an impressive 45 percent of the vote in a 15-man contest.

Second presidency (1980-1985)[link]

One of his first actions as President was the return of several newspapers to their respective owners. In this way, freedom of speech once again played an important part in Peruvian politics. Gradually, he attempted to undo some of the most radical effects of the Agrarian Reform initiated by Velasco, and reversed the independent stance that the Military Government of Velasco had with the United States.

At the outbreak of the 1982 Falklands War between Argentina and Britain, Belaúnde declared that "Peru was ready to support Argentina with all the resources it needed." This included a number of fighter planes from the Peruvian Air Force, ships, and medical teams. Belaúnde's government proposed a peace settlement between the two countries, but the Argentine military junta rejected it^[2][3] and the British launched an attack on the Argentinian forces deployed around the islands. In response to Chile's support of Britain, Belaúnde called for Latin American unity.

In domestic policy, he continued with many of the projects that were planned during his first term, including the completion of what is considerated his most important legacy, the Carretera Marginal de la Selva, a much-needed roadway linking Chiclayo on the Pacific coast with then isolated northern regions of Amazonas and San Martín.

After a promising beginning, Belaúnde's popularity eroded under the stress of inflation, economic hardship, and terrorism: per capita income declined, Peru's foreign debt burgeoned, and violence by leftist insurgents (notably Shining Path) rose steadily during the internal conflict in Peru, which was launched the day before Belaúnde was elected in 1980.

Regarding Shining Path, Belaúnde personally did not pay too much attention to this: insurgent movements were already active during his first term, but without much support. In addition, some government officials and insurgents were subsequently accused of human rights violations, and a state of emergency was promulgated in the Ayacucho and Apurímac regions.

During the next years, the economic problems left over from the Military Government persisted, worsened by an occurrence of the "El Niño" weather phenomenon in 1982–83, which caused widespread flooding in some parts of the country, severe droughts in others, and sharply reduced the schools of ocean fish that are one of the country's major resources.

Later years[link]

During the national elections of 1985, Belaúnde's Party, Acción Popular, was defeated by APRA candidate Alan García. However, as established in the 1979 Constitution, he would go on to serve in the Peruvian Senate as Senador Vitalicio ("senator for life"), a privilege for former Presidents abolished by the 1993 Constitution.

Belaúnde died in Lima in 2002 at age 89 with the most spectacular funeral ever held for a former President in the country's history. Thousands of admirers flooded the streets of Lima to pay their final respects to the man many considered the father of Peru's modern democracy.

Notes[link]

Further reading[link]

• Peru's Own Conquest by Fernando Belaúnde Terry (translated by David A. Robinson)
• Inside South America by John Gunther
• Peru: A Country Study, published by the United States Library of Congress

External links[link]

• [Adelante.doc] Editorial del Diario Expreso
• [1] Página oficial de Acción Popular.
• Extended biography by CIDOB Foundation (in Spanish)
• "Peru mourns death of 'model democrat'" (BBC News)
• El Arquitecto Peruano, Belaúnde's magazine (Spanish and English)

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Bust of Clara Campoamor in Madrid (2006).

Clara Campoamor (1888–1972) was a Spanish politician and feminist best known for her advocacy for women's rights and suffrage during the writing of the Spanish constitution of 1931. A child of a working class family, Campoamor began work as a seamstress at age 13, later working in a number of government positions before securing entry to law school at the University of Madrid. She became active in a number of women's organizations before standing for election as a member of the 1931 Constituent Assembly, to which she and two other women were elected despite that Spanish women could not vote at the time. Her advocacy led to the inclusion of language in the 1931 constitution of Spain that guaranteed equality between men and women. She later lost her parliamentary seat and briefly served as a government minister before fleeing the country during the Spanish Civil War. Campoamor died in exile in Switzerland.

Biography[link]

Campoamor was born in Madrid to a working-class family. She had to begin working as a seamstress at age 13, but continued to study part-time on the side, eventually seeking to pass the test that would guarantee her entry into law school.^[1][2] In the interim, she worked her way up through a number of government positions, first with the Post Office in San Sebastian in 1909, then as a typing teacher in Madrid in 1914. As a teacher, she began to become involved in the Madrid political scene, taking a second job with a liberal newspaper.^[2]

After successfully taking the law school entrance exam and entering the University of Madrid School of Law, Campoamor continued to work multiple jobs; as a teacher, as a secretary for the newspaper, and as a typist for the government. She also began writing political commentary and joined women's organizations.^[2] After she earned her degree in 1924 at age 36 and entered practice, Campoamor began participating in debating and intellectual societies in Madrid.^[1] Her practice specialized in issues affecting women, including paternity cases and issues related to marriage. She would champion these issues in the professional organizations she became a member of, and the International Federation of Women Lawyers that she helped found in 1928.^[2]

Campoamor successfully advocated in 1927 for improvements to the child labor laws and electoral law changes. When it became legal for women to run for the Constituent Assembly that would write a new constitution in 1931, she stood for a seat and was elected despite her inability to vote in the election.^[1]

She became the first woman to address the constituent assembly of Spain that October, in a speech warning the male members of the assembly that their continued exclusion of women from voting was a violation of natural law. Her strong advocacy for women's rights was opposed not only by political conservatives and conservative Roman Catholics but by men on the left and even one of only two other woman in the assembly, Victoria Kent, who felt the time was not right to push for equality.^[1] When her own party decided to oppose women's suffrage, she left the party and continued to advocate for suffrage as an independent member of the assembly. Throughout her political career, she would insist that her main role was to be a spokesperson for women, and women's issues remained her primary concern. Despite her independent affiliation and the strong party system of the time, but with the support of women's activists throughout Spain, she was able to secure equal legal status for men and women in the new constitution.^[2]

Following the assembly's drafting of the new constitution, Campoamor became a political outcast because of her outspoken advocacy and willingness to abandon her party on principle. She lost her seat in parliament in 1933, but was appointed Director of Public Welfare from 1933-1934. In 1936, as the rumblings of the Spanish Civil War brought violence to Madrid, she fled the country in fear for her life. Settling in Lausanne, Switzerland, she was barred from returning by Spain's Franco regime unless she gave up names of allies and publicly apologized for past statements against the Catholic Church. As an exile, she continued to write about feminism and her experiences in politics.^[2]

Campoamor died in exile in 1972. Her ashes were repatriated and buried in San Sebastian.^[2]

Filmography[link]

References[link]