A pre-colonial couple belonging to the Datu or nobility caste as depicted in the Boxer Codex of the 16th Century.

Datu is the title for chiefs, sovereign princes, and monarchs^[1] in the Visayas^[2] and Mindanao^[3] Regions of the Philippines. Together with Lakan (Luzon), Apo in Central and Northern Luzon,^[4] Sultan and Rajah, they are titles used for native royalty, and are still currently used in the Philippines.^[5] Depending upon the prestige of the sovereign prince, this title of Datu could be roughly equated to the European dukes, marquesses, counts, or barons.

The word datu is akin to the Malay word Dato' or Datuk, which are royal titles of the Malay people, and to the Fijian title of Ratu. It came to be in use in the Philippines during the pre-colonial period through the migrations of Malays to what is now the Philippine Archipelago. During the 11th century several exiled datus of the collapsing empire of Srivijaya^[6] led by Datu Puti made a mass migration to the central islands of the Philippines, fleeing from Rajah Makatunao of the island of Borneo. The Malays reached the island of Panay, which in ancient times was known as the island of "Aninipay". Purchasing the island from the Negrito chieftain Marikudo, they established a confederation of polities and named it the Confederation of Madyaas, centered in Aklan.

From Panay, they settled the surrounding islands of the Visayas, bringing along with them their culture, and social structure and system of government. This confederation reached its peak under Datu Padojinog. During his reign the confederations' hegemony extended over most of the islands of Visayas. Its people consistently made piratical attacks against Chinese imperial shipping.^[7]

Proofs of Filipino royalty and nobility (Dugong Bughaw) has to be demonstrated only by blood descent, that is, one has to have Filipino blood in his veins, and has to be a descendant of ancient Filipino royal or noble families.^[8]

History[link]

Datu in Filipino Muslim and Lumad Societies in Mindanao[link]

The Spaniards took possession of most of Luzon and the Visayas, converting the lowland population to Christianity. But although Spain eventually established footholds in northern and eastern Mindanao and the Zamboanga peninsula, its armies failed to colonise the rest of Mindanao. This area was populated by Islamised peoples (‘Moros’ to the Spaniards) and by many non-Muslim indigenous groups, now known as Lumads.^[9]

The Muslim Societies of Mindanao[link]

In the traditional structure of Muslim Filipino societies, Sultans were the highest authority followed by the datus, with their rule being sanctioned by the Qur'an. Datus were supported by their tribes. In return for tribute and labor, the datu provided aid in emergencies and advocacy in disputes with other communities and warfare through the Agamat and Maratabat laws.

During the Spanish colonization of the Archipelago, the Datus of Muslim Principalities in Mindanao gave a very strong and effective resistance to the Christianization of that southern Island, and were able to successfully defend their identity and Islamic faith. However, they have surrendered their sovereignty to the United States of America some years after the fall of the Spanish dominion in the Philippine Islands, and have eventually become part of the Republic upon the Country's independence in 1946.

The Lumad Societies of Mindanao[link]

At the beginning of the 20th century, the Lumads controlled an area which now covers 17 of Mindanao’s 24 provinces, but by the 1980 census they constituted less than 6% of the population of Mindanao and Sulu. Heavy migration to Mindanao of Visayans, spurred by government-sponsored resettlement programmes, turned the Lumads into minorities. The Bukidnon province population grew from 63,470 in 1948 to 194,368 in 1960 and 414,762 in 1970, with the proportion of indigenous Bukidnons falling from 64% to 33% to 14%.^[9]

There are 18 Lumad ethnolinguistic groups: Ata, Bagobo, Banwaon, B’laan, Bukidnon, Dibabawon, Higaonon, Mamanwa, Mandaya, Manguwangan, Manobo, Mansaka, Subanon, Tagakaolo, Tasaday, T’boli, Teduray, and Ubo.^[9]

The Lumad Datus, on their part, have involved themselves in protecting their homeland forests from illegal loggers during the past decades. Some have joined the New People's Army (NPA), a communist rebel group in the Country, for this cause of their people.^[10] Others have resisted joining the Muslim and communist separatist movements.

A datu is still basic to the smooth functioning of the Lumad and Muslim Filipino societies today. They have continued to act as the community leaders in their respective tribes among a variety of Indigenous peoples in Mindanao. The Muslim tribes share with the Lumads and the Christians a homeland in Mindanao.^[11]

[edit] Datu in Pre-colonial Principalities in the Visayas^[12][13]

In more affluent and powerful Barangays in Visayas, e.g., Panay,^[14] Cebu and Leyte ^{[15] [16]}(which were never conquered by Spain but were accomplished as vassals by means of pacts, peace treaties, and reciprocal alliances),^[17] the "Datu" Class was at the top of a divinely sanctioned and stable social order in a "Sakop" (elsewhere referred to as Barangay). This social order was divided into three classes. The members of the Datu Class were compared by the Boxer Codex to the titled Lords (Señores de titulo) in Spain.^[18] As Agalon or Amo (Lords),^[19] the Datus enjoyed an ascribed right to respect, obedience, and support from their "Oripun" (Commoner) or followers belonging to the Third Order. These Datus had acquired rights to the same advantages from their legal "Timawa" or vassals (Second Order), who bind themselves to the Datu as his seafaring warriors. "Timawas" paid no tribute, and rendered no agricultural labor. They had a portion of the Datu's blood in their veins. The above-mentioned Boxer Codex calls these "Timawas": Knights and Hidalgos. The Spanish conquistador, Miguel de Loarca, described them as "free men, neither chiefs nor slaves". In the late 1600s, the Spanish Jesuit priest Fr. Francisco Ignatio Alcina, classified them as the third rank of nobility (nobleza).^[20]

To maintain purity of bloodline, Datus marry only among their kind, often seeking high ranking brides in other Barangays, abducting them, or contracting brideprices in gold, slaves and jewelry. Meanwhile, the Datus keep their marriageable daughters secluded for protection and prestige.^[21] These well-guarded and protected highborn women were called "Binokot",^[22] the Datus of pure descent (four generations) were called "Potli nga Datu" or "Lubus nga Datu",^[23] while a woman of noble lineage (especially the elderly) are addressed by the Pintados (Panay) as "Uray" (meaning: pure as gold), e.g., Uray Hilway.^[24]

Datu in Pre-colonial Principalities in the Tagalog Region[link]

The different type of culture prevalent in Luzon gave a less stable and more complex social structure to the pre-colonial Tagalog barangays of Manila, Pampanga and Laguna. Enjoying a more extensive commence than those in Visayas, having the influence of Bornean political contacts, and engaging in farming wet rice for a living, the Tagalogs were described by the Spanish Augustinian Friar Martin de Rada as more traders than warriors.^[25]

The more complex social structure of the Tagalogs was less stable during the arrival of the Spaniards because it was still in a process of differentiating. A Jesuit priest Francisco Colin made an attempt to give an approximate comparison of it with the Visayan social structure in the middle of the seventeenth century. The term Datu or Lakan, or Apo refers to the chief, but the noble class to which the Datu belonged or could come from was the Maginoo Class. One maybe born a Maginoo, but he could become a 'Datu by personal achievement. In the Visayas, if the Datu had the personality and economic means, he could retain and restrain competing peers, relatives, and offspring.^[26]

The term Timawa came into use in the social structure of the Tagalogs within just twenty years after the coming of the Spaniards. The term, however, was being applied to former Alipin (Third Class) who have escaped bondage by payment, favor, or flight. The Tagalog Timawas did not have the military prominence of the Visayan Timawa. The warrior class in the Tagalog society was present only in Laguna, and they were called the Maharlika Class. At the early part of the Spanish regime, the number of their members who were coming to rent land from their Datus was increasing.^[26]

Unlike the Visayan Datus, the Lakans and Apos of Luzon could call all non-Maginoo subjects to work in the Datu’s fields or do all sorts of other personal labor. In the Visayas, only the Oripuns were obliged to do that, and to pay tribute besides. The Tagalog who works in the Datu’s field did not pay him tribute, and could transfer their allegiance to another Datu.^[26]

The Visayan Timawa neither paid tribute nor performed agricultural labor. In a sense, they were truly aristocrats. The Tagalog Maharlika did not only work in his Datu’s field, but could also be required to pay his own rent. Thus, all non-Maginoo formed a common economic class in some sense, though this class had no designation.^[26]

In other parts of the Archipelago, even though the majority of these barangays were not large settlements, yet they had organized societies dominated by the same type of recognized aristocracy and Lordships (with birthright claim to allegiance from followers), as those found in more established, richer and more developed Principalities.^[27]

One should take into consideration that the ideas of Lordship, aristocratic rule, realms, and alliances in the Archipelago were not conceived and practiced in the same manner as it was in the West, at the time the people in this Islands had their first contact with Europeans.^[28]

Since the culture of the Pre-colonial societies in the Visayas, Northern Mindanao, and Luzon were largely influenced by Hindu and Buddhist cultures, the Datus who ruled these Principalities (such as Butuan, Cebu, Panay, Mindoro and Manila) also share the many customs of royalties and nobles in Southeast Asian territories (with Hindu and Buddhist cultures), especially in the way they used to dress and adorn themselves with gold and silk. The Boxer Codex bears testimony to this fact. The measure of the prince's possession of gold and slaves was proportionate to his greatness and nobility.^[29]

Datu during the Spanish period[link]

Costume of a family belonging to Principalía during the 19th century. Picture taken from the exhibit in Villa Escudero Museum in San Pablo Laguna, Philippines.

The Datu Class (First Estate) of the four echelons of Filipino Society at the time of contact with the Europeans (as described by Fr. Juan de Plasencia- a pioneer Franciscan missionary in the Philippines), was referred to by the Spaniards as the Principalía. Loarca,^[30] and the he Canon Lawyer Antonio Morga, who classified the Society into three estates (ruler, ruled, slave), also affirmed the usage of this term and also spoke about the preeminence of the Principales.^[31] All members of this Datu class were Principales, whether they ruled or not.^[32] San Buenaventura's 1613 Dictionary of the Tagalog Language defines three terms that clarify the concept of this Principalía:^[31]

1. Poon or Punò (chief, leader) - principal or head of a lineage.

2. Ginoo - a noble by lineage and parentage, family and descent.

3. Maguinoo - principal in lineage or parentage.

The Spanish term Seňor (Lord) is equated with all these three terms, which are distinguished from the nouveau riche imitators scornfully called Maygintao (man with gold or Hidalgo by gold, and not by lineage).^[33]

Upon the Christianization of most parts of the Philippine Archipelago, the Datus (king) of the pre-Hispanic kingdoms and principalities retained their right to govern their territory under the Spanish Empire. King Philip II of Spain, in a law signed June 11, 1594,^[34] commanded the Spanish colonial officials in the Archipelago that these native royalties and nobilities be given the same respect, and privileges that they had enjoyed before their conversion.

The Filipino royals and nobles formed part of the exclusive, and elite ruling class, called the Principalía (Noble Class) of the Philippines. The Principalía was the class that constituted a birthright aristocracy with claims to respect, obedience, and support from those of subordinate status.^[33]

With the recognition of the Spanish Monarchs came the privilege of being addressed as Don or Doña.^[35] - a mark of esteem and distinction in Europe reserved for a person of noble or royal status during the colonial period. Other honors and high regard were also accorded to the Christianized Datus by the Spanish Empire. For example, the Gobernadorcillos (elected leader of the Cabezas de Barangay or the Christianized Datus) and Filipino officials of justice received the greatest consideration from the Spanish Crown officials. The colonial officials were under obligation to show them the honor corresponding to their respective duties. They were allowed to sit in the houses of the Spanish Provincial Governors, and in any other places. They were not left to remain standing. It was not permitted for Spanish Parish Priests to treat these Filipino nobles with less consideration.^[36]

The Gobernadorcillos exercised the command of the towns. They were Port Captains in coastal towns.^[37] Their office corresponds to that of the alcaldes and municipal judges of the Iberian Peninsula. They performed at once the functions of judges and even of notaries with defined powers.^[38] They also had the rights and powers to elect assistants and several lieutenants and alguaciles, proportionate in number to the inhabitants of the town.^[38]

By the end of the 16th century, any claim to Filipino royalty, nobility, or hidalguía had disappeared into a homogenized, hispanized and Christianized nobility - the Principalía.^[39] The Principalía was larger and more influential than the pre-conquest Indigenous nobility. It helped create and perpetuate an oligarchic system in the Spanish colony for more than three hundred years.^[40][41] The Spanish colonial government's prohibition for foreigners to own land in the Philippines contributed to the evolution of this form of oligarchy. In some provinces of the Philippines, many Spaniards and foreign merchants intermarried with the rich and landed Malayo-Polynesian local nobilities. From these unions, a new cultural group was formed, the Mestizo class.^[42] Their descendants emerged later to became an influential part of the government, and the Principalía. .^[43]

Recorded list of Datus in the Philippines[link]

Datus of Pre-Hispanic Philippines (12th to 16th century)[link]

The following category is a list of leaders who governed Mindanao, the Visayas and Luzon region.

• Datu Daya - King of Daanbantayan, Cebu
• Datu Dinagandan - King of Aklan in Panay in the 12th century
• Datu Kalantiao - King of Aklan in the 14th century
• Datu Padojinog - Governed the Visayas region with his wife Ribongsapaw. According to Visayan folk tradition, about 900 years ago between the 12th century to 13th century, ten noble Malay warriors were believed to have settled in the Philippines. They migrated from the kingdom of Borneo, escaping the wrath of a wicked ruler called Rajah Makatunao. They boarded on large boats and canoes and set out to sea to find a place where they can live in peace and harmony.
• Datu Bangkaya - Settled and became King of Aklan after migrating from the kingdom of Borneo.

Datus in the Maragtas epic[link]

• Datu Kalantiaw III /Rajah Bendahara Kalantiaw, according to the local oral tradition of Panay, is said to have enacted a body of laws, which is now called the Code of Kalantiaw in 1433.
• Datu Puti - One of the 10 Bornean Datus to arrive in Iloilo before the Spanish colonization.
• Datu Sumakwel - Leader of the 10 Bornean Datus. He settled in Antique.
• Datu Bangkaya
• Datu Paiburong
• Datu Marikudo - the Ati (Aeta) Datu of Panay, from whom the 10 Bornean Datus purchased the lowlands of the Island, in exchange for a golden Salakot (Bulawan nga Saduk), and a long pearl necklace that could touch the ground (Manangyad).

Datus during the Spanish colonization[link]

• Rajah Colambu - King of Limasawa in 1521, brother of Rajah Siagu of Butuan. He befriended Portuguese explorer Ferdinand Magellan and guided him to Cebu on April 7, 1521.
• Rajah Humabon - King of Cebu who became an ally of Ferdinand Magellan and the Spaniards. Rival of Datu Lapu-Lapu. In 1521, he and his wife were baptized as Christians and given Christian names Carlos and Juana after the Spanish royalty, King Carlos and Queen Juana.
• Sultan Kudarat - Sultan of Maguindanao.
• Lakan Dula or Lakandula - King of Tondo, one of the last princes of Manila.
• Datu Lapu-Lapu - King of Mactan Island. He defeated the Spaniards on April 27, 1521.
• Datu Sikatuna - King of Bohol in 1565. He made a blood compact with Spanish explorer, Miguel López de Legazpi.
• Datu Pagbuaya - King of Bohol. He governed with his brother Datu Dailisan, a settlement along the shorelines between Mansasa, Tagbilaran and Dauis, which was abandoned years before the Spanish colonization due to Portuguese and Ternatean attacks. He founded Dapitan in the northern shore of Mindanao.
• Datu Dailisan - King of Mansasa, Tagbilaran and Dauis and governed their kingdom along with his brother Datu Pagbuaya. His death during one of the Portuguese raids caused the abandonment of the settlement.
• Datu Manooc - Christian name - Pedro Manuel Manooc, son of Datu Pagbuaya who converted to Christianity, defeated the Higaonon tribe in Iligan, Mindanao. He established one of the first Christian settlements in the country.
• Datu Macabulos - King of Pampanga in 1571.
• Rajah Siagu - King of the Manobo in 1521.
• Apo Noan - Chieftain of Mandani (present day Mandaue) in 1521.
• Apo Macarere - Famous Chieftain of the Tagbanua warrior tribe in Corong Island (Calis).
• Rajah Sulaiman III - One of the last King of Manila, was defeated by Martín de Goiti, a Spanish soldier commissioned by López de Legazpi to Manila.
• Rajah Tupas - King of Cebu, conquered by Miguel López de Legazpi.
• Datu Urduja - Female Leader in Pangasinan.
• Datu Zula - Chieftain of Mactan, Cebu. Rival of Lapu-lapu
• Datu Kalun - Ruler of the Island of the Basilan and the Yakans in Mindanao, converted his line to Christianity
• Datu Limbona - Ruler of Marawi City
• Datu Bangkaya - King of Antique
• unnamed Datu - King of Taytay Palawan. Mentioned by Pigafetta, chronicler of Magellan. The king, together with his wife were kidnapped by the remnant troops from Magellan's fleet after fleeing Cebu in order to secure provisions for their crossing to the Moluccas.

Present day Datus[link]

The present day claimants of the title and rank of Datu are of three types. The two types are found in Mindanao, and the other one is in the Christianized parts of the Philippines. Their rights are protected by certain special law in the Country, known as "The Indigenous Peoples Rights Act of 1997".^[44]

Heirs to the Rank of Datu in Christianized Parts of the Philippines[link]

In Christianized parts of the Philippines, the descendants of the Principalía are the rightful claimants of the ancient sovereign royal and noble ranks (and their corresponding rights and privileges) of the pre-conquest kingdoms, principalities, and barangays of their ancestors. These descendants of the ancient Filipino ruling class are now among the landed aristocracy, intellectual elite, merchants, and politicians in the contemporary Filipino society. These people have had ancestors holding the titles of "Don" or "Dona" during the Spanish colonial period.^[45][46]

Present day Datus in Mindanao[link]

1. Muslim Datus in Mindanao[link]

In some indigenous Lumad and Muslim societies in Mindanao, titular Datus of ancient royal and noble families still exist. Some of them are active government officials of the Republic of the Philippines, while continuing their cultural and tribal roles as community leaders of their people. Some, although do not have official duties in the Republic, exercise some leadership roles in their tribes. Still others are claimants to these titles. Some of these present day Datus are:

• Datu Pax S. Mangudadato - Present day datu and governor of Sultan Kudarat (2001–2004)
• Datu Zaldy Ampatuan - Regional Governor, Autonomous Region in Muslim Mundanao
• Datu Zamzamin Ampatuan - Undersecretary, "Department of Energy"
• The Sultanate of Sulu has a succession of titular Sultans^[47] during the past decades: Mohammad Jamalulul Kiram III (1984–1990);^[48][49] Mohammad Akijal Atti (1990–1999), who was Raja Muda to Sultan Mohammad Jamalulul Kiram III before he assumed the title as titular Sultan;^[50] and Ismael Kiram II (born 1999).^[51][52] At present, there is also a branch of the ruling house of the Sultanate (Cf. Royal Sultanate of Sulu), which considers Raja Muda Muedzul Lail Tan Kiram of Sulu as their head. Datu Muedzul Lail Tan Kiram was crowned in 1974 as Raja Muda, through an official Memorandum Order N. 427, issued by Philippine President Ferdinand E. Marcos.^[53][54] He was crowned beside his father, Sultan Moh. Mahakuttah A. Kiram, the last Philippine Government recognised Sultan of Sulu.^[55] Muedzul Lail Tan Kiram is the last Raja Muda of Sulu to receive official recognition from a Philippine President. There are also several claimants to the title of Sultan and the leadership of the Sultanate.^[56][57]
• The Sultanate of Maguindanao has an incumbent titular Sultan, Hajji Datu Amir bin Muhammad Baraguir - the 25th Sultan of Maguindanao.Son of Al-Marhum Sultan Hajji Datu Muhammad G.M. Baraguir,Llb. the 24th Sultan of Maguindanao^[58]
• The Maranaos have sixteen royal houses who rule the four principalities in what is referred to as the Confederation of Sultanates in Lanao.

[edit] 2. Lumad Datus in Mindanao

• Datu Benhur - Lumad leader of the Banuaon tribe^[10]
• Datu Viloso Suhat, also known as Datu Lipatuan - a tribal leader from the Tinananon Menuvo tribe in Arakan, North Cotabato, and the first Lumad to sit in a local legislative body in central Mindanao.^[59]

Other Present day Datus in Ancestral Domains under IPRA Law[link]

• Apo Dr. Pio Lledo - Tagbanua Tribal Chieftain of Calauit Is. Ancestral Domain^[60]

• Apo Rodolfo Aguilar - Tagbanua Paramount Tribal Chieftain of Coron Is. Ancestral Domain^[61]

The Datu class in Southern tribes of the Tagbanua people in the Province of Palawan is known as Usba.^[62]

Honorary Datus[link]

The title of "Honorary Datu" has also been conferred to certain foreigners and non-tribe members by the heads of local tribes and Principalities of ancient origin. During the colonial period, some of these titles carried with them immense legal privileges. For example, on 22 January 1878, Sultan Jamalul A'Lam of Sulu appointed the Baron de Overbeck (an Austrian who was then the Austro-Hungarian Empire's Consul-General in Hong Kong) as Datu Bendahara and as Rajah of Sandakan, with the fullest power of life and death over all the inhabitants.^[63] At present, arrangements such as this can not carry similar legal bearing under the Philippine laws.

The various tribes and claimants to the royal titles of certain indigenous peoples in the Philippines have their own particular or personal customs in conferring local honorary titles, which correspond to the specific and traditional social structures of some indigenous peoples in the Country.^[64][65]

(N.B. In unhispanized, unchristianized and unislamized parts of the Philippines, there exist other structures of society, which do not have heirarchical classes.)^[66][67]

Prohibition of New Royal and Noble Titles in the Philippine Constitution[link]

Article VI, Section 31 of the present Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines (1986), prohibits the granting of new titles of royalty or nobility.^[68] Titles of "Honorary Datu" conferred to certain foreigners and non-tribe members by local chieftains are only forms of local award or appreciation for some goods or services done to a local tribe or to the person of the chieftain, and has nothing to do with the creation of legitimate new titles of royalty or nobility. Any contrary claim is otherwise unconstitutional under the Philippine laws. However, an exception is granted by Philippine laws for members of indigenous tribes, in view of the local traditional social structure, through the IPRA Law. This special law allows among tribal members, i.e. natives, to be conferred with traditional leadership titles as specified under the Law's Implementing Rules and Guidelines (the Administrative Order No. 1 series of 1998 of the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples specifically under Rule IV, Part I, Section 2, a-c), which read:

a) Right to Confer Leadership Titles. The ICCs/IPs concerned, in accordance with their customary laws and practices, shall have the sole right to vest titles of leadership such as, but not limited to, Bae, Datu, Baylan, Timuay, Likid and such other titles to their members.

b) Recognition of Leadership Titles. To forestall undue conferment of leadership titles and misrepresentations, the ICCs/IPs concerned, may, at their option, submit a list of their recognized traditional socio-political leaders with their corresponding titles to the NCIP. The NCIP through its field offices, shall conduct a field validation of said list and shall maintain a national directory thereof.

c) Issuance of Certificates of Tribal Membership. Only the recognized registered leaders are authorized to issue certificates of tribal membership to their members. Such certificates shall be confirmed by the NCIP based on its census and records and shall have effect only for the purpose for which it was issued.

The fons honorum (source of honors) in the Philippine Republic is the Sovereign Filipino people who are all equal in dignity under a democratic form of government.^[68] The Philippine government grants State honors, through the Orders of Merit of the Republic, and through the system of awards and decorations of its Military and Police Forces. These honors accorded by the Orders of Merit do not grant or create titles of royalty or nobility, in accordance to the provisions of the Democratic Constitution. The Philippines is a rare example of having orders and decorations that are considered to be of equal rank to each other; this is a reflection of the particular circumstances surrounding the establishment of the various awards, each of which has its own purpose.

There are opinions that ancient Filipino royalties, who never relinquished their sovereign rights by voluntary means (according to opinions of some historians), of whom the sovereign powers over their territories (de facto sovereignty) passed on to the Spanish jura regalia through some disputed means, retain their "fons honorum" as part of their "de jure" sovereignty. According to many opinions, as long as the blood is alive in the veins of these royal houses, "de jure" sovereignty is alive as well which means they can still bestow titles of nobility. However, the practical implications of this claim is a subject, which does not have clear definitions, e.g., in the case of usurpation of titles by other members of the bloodline.^[69][70]

Heads of Dynasties (even the deposed ones) belong to one of the three kinds of sovereignties that has been existing in human society. The other two are: Heads of States (of all forms of government, e. g., monarchy, republican, communist, etc.), and Traditional Heads of the Church (both Roman Catholic and Orthodox). The authority that emanates from this last type is transmitted through an authentic Apostolic Succession, i.e., direct lineage of ordination and succession of Office from the Apostles (from St. Peter, in case of the Supreme Pontiff of the Roman Catholic Church - the Pope).

These sovereign authorities exercise the following sovereign rights and powers: “Ius Imperii” (the right to command and rule a territory); “Ius Gladii” (the right to impose obedience through command and also control armies);“Ius Majestatis” (the right to be honored and respected according to one's title); and “Ius Honorum” (the right to award titles, merits and rights). Considering the theory of Jean Bodin (1530–1596), a French jurist and political philosopher, that "Sovereignty is one and indivisible, it cannot be delegated, sovereignty us irrevocable, sovereignty is perpetual, sovereignty is a supreme power", one can argue about the rights of deposed dynasties, also as "fons honorum". It can be said that their "Ius Honorum" depends on their rights as a family, and does not depend on the authority of the "de facto" government of a State. This is their "de jure" right. Even though it is not a "de facto" right, it is still a right. ^[71]

But again, in case of conflict of norms on "fons honorum" in actual situations, the legislations of the "de facto" sovereign authority have precedence. All others are abrogated, unless otherwise recognized under the terms of such de facto authority.^[72]

See also[link]

• History of the Philippines
• Principalía
• Confederation of Madya-as
• Kingdom of Maynila
• Kingdom of Namayan
• Kingdom of Tondo
• Kingdom of Butuan
• Rajahnate of Cebu
• Malay styles and titles
• Sultanate of Maguindanao
• Sultanate of Sulu
• Confederation of Sultanates in Lanao

References[link]

External links[link]

• Impact of Spanish Colonialization in the Philippines
• Encyclopædia Britannica - Datu (Filipino chieftain)
• The official website of the Royal Sultanate of Sulu

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Nobility

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Nobility

Yang Berhormat Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim MP
Leader of the Opposition of Malaysia Leader of Pakatan Rakyat
Incumbent
Assumed office 28 August 2008
Monarch	Mizan Zainal Abidin Abdul Halim
Prime Minister	Abdullah Ahmad Badawi Najib Tun Razak
Preceded by	Wan Azizah Wan Ismail
Member of the Malaysian Parliament for Permatang Pauh
Incumbent
Assumed office 28 August 2008
Preceded by	Wan Azizah Wan Ismail
Majority	15,671
In office 29 March 1982 – 14 April 1999
Preceded by	Zabidi Ali
Succeeded by	Wan Azizah Wan Ismail
7th Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia
In office 1 December 1993 – 2 September 1998
Monarch	Azlan Shah Tuanku Ja'afar
Prime Minister	Mahathir bin Mohamad
Preceded by	Ghafar Baba
Succeeded by	Abdullah Ahmad Badawi
Personal details
Born	(1947-08-10) 10 August 1947 (age 64) Cherok Tok Kun, Penang, Malayan Union
Political party	Parti Keadilan Rakyat – PR (2006–present) United Malays National Organisation – BN (1982–1998)
Spouse(s)	Wan Azizah Wan Ismail
Children	Nurul Izzah Anwar Ehsan Anwar Nurul Nuha Anwar 3 others
Alma mater	University of Malaya
Profession	Politician
Religion	Sunni Islam

Dato' Seri Anwar bin Ibrahim (born 10 August 1947) is a Malaysian politician who served as Malaysian Deputy Prime Minister from 1993 to 1998.

Early in his career, Anwar was a close ally of Prime Minister Mahathir bin Mohamad but subsequently emerged as the most prominent critic of Mahathir's government.

In 1999, he was sentenced to six years in prison for corruption, and in 2000, to another nine years for sodomy. In 2004, the Federal Court reversed the second conviction and he was released. In July 2008, he was arrested over allegations he sodomised one of his male aides, but was acquitted of the charge in January 2012.^[1]

On 26 August 2008, Anwar won re-election in the Permatang Pauh by-election and returned to Parliament as leader of the Malaysian opposition. He has stated the need for liberalisation, including an independent judiciary and free media, to combat the endemic corruption that he considers pushes Malaysia close to failed state status.^[2]

Early career[link]

From 1968 to 1971, as a student, Anwar was the president of a Muslim students organisation, Persatuan Kebangsaan Pelajar Islam Malaysia (PKPIM). Around the same time, he was also the president of Persatuan Bahasa Melayu Universiti Malaya (PBMUM). He was one of the protem committee of Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM) or Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia which was founded in 1971. He was also elected President of the Malaysian Youth Council or Majlis Belia Malaysia (MBM). In 1974, Anwar was arrested during student protests against rural poverty and hunger. This came as a report surfaced stating that a family died from starvation in a village in Baling, in the state of Kedah, despite the fact that it never happened. He was imprisoned under the Internal Security Act, which allows for detention without trial, and spent 20 months in the Kamunting Detention Centre.

In 1968–1971, he was first groomed in the National Union of Malaysian Muslim Students (Persatuan Kebangsaan Pelajar Islam Malaysia, PKPIM) as the president of the Union. In 1982, Anwar, who was the founding leader and second president of a youth Islamic organisation called Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM), shocked his liberal supporters by joining the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), led by Mahathir bin Mohamad, who had become prime minister in 1981. He moved up the political ranks quickly: his first ministerial office was that of Minister of Culture, Youth and Sports in 1983; after that, he headed the agriculture ministry in 1984 before becoming Minister of Education in 1986. By then, speculation was rife about Anwar's ascent to the Deputy Prime Minister's position as it was a commonly-occurring phenomenon in Malaysia for the Education Minister to assume the position of Deputy PM in the near future.

During his tenure as Education Minister, Anwar introduced numerous pro-Malay policies in the national school curriculum. One of his major changes was to rename the national language from Bahasa Malaysia to Bahasa Melayu. Non-Malays criticised this move as it would cause the younger generation to be detached from the national language, since they would attribute it to being something that belongs to the Malays and not to Malaysians.

U.S. Secretary of Defense William Cohen (right) meets with Anwar Ibrahim (left) in his Pentagon office.

In 1991 Anwar was appointed Minister of Finance. In 1993, he became Mahathir's Deputy Prime Minister after winning the Deputy Presidency of UMNO against Ghafar Baba. There is report on Anwar using large cash payments to win support. Anwar is alleged to have resorted to money politics to secure his position as deputy president of UMNO. Anwar's followers were witnessed by even foreign journalists handing out packets of money to acquire support of UMNO division leaders. These followers are said to be working under Anwar's instructions.^[3] Anwar was being groomed to succeed Mahathir as prime minister, and frequently alluded in public to his "son-father" relationship with Mahathir; in early 1997, Mahathir appointed Anwar to be acting Prime Minister while he took a two-month holiday.

Towards the end of the 1990s, however, the relationship with Mahathir had begun to deteriorate, triggered by their conflicting views on governance. In Mahathir's absence, Anwar had independently taken radical steps to improve the country's governing mechanisms which were in direct conflict with Mahathir's capitalist policies. Issues such as how Malaysia would respond to a financial crisis were often at the forefront of this conflict.

Anwar's frontal attack against what he described as the widespread culture of nepotism and cronyism within UMNO (and the ruling coalition as a whole) angered Mahathir, as did his attempts to dismantle the protectionist policies that Mahathir had set up. "Cronyism" was identified by Anwar as a major cause of corruption and misappropriation of funds in the country.

Teaching and non-profit work[link]

Since his release from prison, Anwar has held teaching positions at St Antony's College, Oxford, where he was a visiting fellow and senior associate member, at Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies in Washington DC as a Distinguished Senior Visiting Fellow, and in 2005–2006 as a visiting professor at the Prince Alwaleed Center for Muslim–Christian Understanding in the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University, where he continues as a Senior Fellow.^[4] In March 2006 he was appointed as Honorary President of the London-based organisation AccountAbility (Institute of Social and Ethical AccountAbility).^[5]

In July 2006, Anwar was elected Chair of the Washington-based Foundation For the Future.^[6] In this capacity, he signed the 1 October 2006 letter to Robin Cleveland of the World Bank, requesting the transfer of the secondment of Shaha Riza from the US Department of State to the Foundation for the Future. This transaction led to Paul Wolfowitz's resignation as president of the organisation.^[7] He was one of the signatories of A Common Word Between Us and You in 2007, an open letter by Islamic scholars to Christian leaders, calling for peace and understanding.

Financial crisis and fall from power[link]

During the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis Anwar, as finance minister, supported the International Monetary Fund (IMF) plan for recovery. He also instituted an austerity package that cut government spending by 18%, cut ministerial salaries and deferred major projects. "Mega projects", despite being a cornerstone of Mahathir's development strategy, were greatly curtailed.

Although many Malaysian companies faced bankruptcy, Anwar declared: "There is no question of any bailout. The banks will be allowed to protect themselves and the government will not interfere." Anwar advocated a free-market approach to the crisis, including foreign investment and trade liberalisation. Mahathir blamed currency speculators like George Soros and supported currency controls and tighter regulation of foreign investment.^[8]

In 1998 Newsweek magazine named Anwar the "Asian of the Year". However, in that year, matters between Anwar and Mahathir came to a head around the time of the quadrennial UMNO General Assembly. The Youth wing of UMNO, headed by Anwar's associate Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, gave notice that it would initiate a debate on "cronyism and nepotism". At the General Assembly, a book, 50 Dalil Kenapa Anwar Tidak Boleh Jadi PM ("50 Reasons Why Anwar Cannot Become Prime Minister") was circulated containing graphic allegations as well as accusations of corruption against Anwar. The book was written by Khalid Jafri, an ex-editor of the government-controlled newspaper Utusan Malaysia and former editor-in-chief of a failed magazine, Harian National. Anwar obtained a court injunction to prevent further distribution of the book and filed a lawsuit against the author for defamation. Police charged the author of the book with malicious publishing of false news.^[9] Among the allegations in the book was that Anwar is homosexual. The police were instructed to investigate the veracity of the claims. In what the Sydney Morning Herald termed a "blatantly political fix-up",^[10] Anwar was charged with sodomy and corruption and was convicted of both and given a 15-year prison sentence.

While he was in police custody in 1998, Anwar was beaten by the then Inspector General of Police, Rahim Noor. Rahim was subsequently found guilty of assault and jailed for two months in 2000. He made a public apology to Anwar and paid undisclosed damages.^[11]

In 1999, Anwar brought suit against Prime Minister Mahathir for defamation for allegedly uttering accusations of immoral acts and calling Anwar a homosexual at a news conference in Malaysia.^[12]

Release from prison[link]

The sodomy verdict was partially overturned in 2004, resulting in Anwar's release from prison as he had already served his sentence for the corruption offence.^[13] The original author of the book died in 2005 of complications from diabetes but not before the High Court found that he had committed libel and awarded Anwar millions of ringgit in compensation.^[14] The Federal Court on 8 March 2010 ruled that the 1998 dismissal of Anwar from his Cabinet posts by Mahathir was constitutional and valid, meaning Anwar had failed in his bid to challenge his sacking.^[15][16][17]

Although the point was by now moot, an appeal on the corruption charges was heard on 6 September 2004. Under Malaysian law a person is banned from political activities for five years after the end of his sentence. Success in this appeal would have allowed him to return to politics immediately. On 7 September, the court agreed to hear Anwar's appeal. However, on 15 September, the of Court of Appeal ruled unanimously that its previous decision to uphold a High Court ruling that found Anwar guilty was in order, relegating Anwar to the sidelines of Malaysian politics until 14 April 2008. The only way for Anwar to be freed from this stricture would have been for him to receive a pardon from the Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

Return to politics[link]

In November 2006, Anwar announced he planned to run for Parliament in 2008, after his disqualification expired. Anwar has been critical of government policies since his release from prison, most notably of the controversial New Economic Policy (NEP), which provides affirmative action for the Bumiputras. The policy sets a number of quotas, such as for units of housing and initial public offerings, that must be met.^[18]

Before he became re-entitled to run for Parliament in 2008, he acted as an "advisor" of Parti Keadilan Rakyat, the party of which his wife Dr. Wan Azizah is president. He was in the forefront in organising a November 2007 mass rally, called the 2007 Bersih Rally, which took place in the Dataran Merdeka Kuala Lumpur to demand clean and fair elections. The gathering was organised by BERSIH, a coalition comprising political parties and civil society groups, and drew supporters from all over the country.

The 2008 election date, however, was set for 8 March 2008, sparking criticisms that Barisan Nasional called for early elections in a bid to deny Anwar's plans for a return to Parliament. In response, Anwar's wife, Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, declared that she would step down should she retain her Permatang Pauh parliamentary seat to force a by-election in which Anwar himself would contest.^[19]

The 'Big Three Of Pakatan Rakyat'. (From left: Lim, Anwar, Abdul Hadi)

When asked about the possibility of Anwar becoming the next Prime Minister, former leader Tun Dr. Mahathir reacted by saying, "He would make a good Prime Minister of Israel".^[20]

On 14 April 2008, Anwar celebrated his official return to the political stage, as his ban from public office expired a decade after he was fired as Deputy Prime Minister. One of the main reasons the opposition seized a third of parliamentary seats and five states in the worst ever showing for the Barisan Nasional coalition that has ruled for half a century, was due to him leading at the helm.^[21] A gathering of more than 1,000 supporters greeted Anwar in a rally welcoming his return to politics. Police interrupted Anwar after he had addressed the rally for nearly two hours and called for him to stop the gathering since there was no legal permission for the rally.^[22]

On 29 April 2008, after 10 years of absence, he returned to the Parliament, albeit upon invitation as a spouse guest of Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, People's Justice Party and the first female opposition leader in Malaysian Parliament's history.^[23]

Permatang Pauh by-election[link]

Anwar Ibrahim was victorious in the Permatang Pauh by-election held on 26 August 2008. Muhammad Muhammad Taib, information chief of the UMNO, stated: "Yes of course we have lost . . . we were the underdogs going into this race."^[24] Anwar won by a large majority against Arif Shah Omar Shah of the Barisan Nasional coalition, according to Election Commission officials.^[25] Reuters reported "Anwar Ibrahim has won with a majority of 16,210 votes"; according to news website Malaysiakini, Anwar won 26,646 votes, while the government's Arif Omar won 10,436 votes.^[26] People's Justice Party spokeswoman Ginie Lim told the BBC: "We won already. We are far ahead."^[27]

Final results announced by the Election Commission revealed that Anwar Ibrahim won 31,195 of the estimated 47,000 votes cast in the district, while Arif Shah Omar Shah received 15,524 votes and a third candidate had 92 votes.^[28][29]

On 28 August 2008, Anwar, dressed in a dark blue traditional Malay outfit and black "songkok" hat, took the oath at the main chamber of Parliament house in Kuala Lumpur, as MP for Permatang Pauh at 10.03 am before Speaker Tan Sri Pandikar Amin Mulia. He formally declared Anwar the leader of the 3-party opposition alliance. With his daughter Nurul Izzah Anwar, also a parliamentarian, Anwar announced: "I'm glad to be back after a decade. The prime minister has lost the mandate of the country and the nation."^[30][31] At that time Anwar needed 30 government lawmakers to defect to the Opposition in order to form the next government.^[32][33][34]

Member of Parliament[link]

Anwar Ibrahim speaks at an election campaign

Petition against Najib Razak[link]

Anwar continued to attack Najib first day as prime minister, stating he found inconsistencies in the latter's decision to release 13 Internal Security Act detainees. He said as long as the ISA existed, Barisan Nasional could still detain citizens at will.^[35]

Struggle to assemble a majority coalition[link]

Anwar has already missed several deadlines he himself set for the transfer of power, each of which came and went: the most recent was Tuesday 16 September 2008.^[36] Anwar said he would need more time, and the recalibration of his message has not gone unnoticed: Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak chose that day to initiate a broadband internet program Anwar opposes, saying that he had not doubted that the government would still be in office on 16 September.^[37] Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi too pointed out that Anwar had missed his own deadline, and dismissed his claim to have secured the defection of 30 MPs.^[38]

By 25 September Anwar had still not amassed enough votes, creating doubts for Malaysians about whether he was really ready to take power,^[39] particularly in light of his failure to meet his own 16 September deadline for the transition of power. In the interim, UMNO had its own party meeting^[40][41] to broker Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's step down from power in June 2009, a year earlier than previously promised^[42]

On 24 October 2008, Anwar admitted problems with his stalled bid to topple the UMNO's majority, saying that Pakatan Rakyat is running out of options to create a majority.^[43] His "credibility among ordinary Malaysians has been somewhat dented after Sept 16 and the new promise of forming the Government has not generated the sort of anticipation or excitement as before."^[44] Media within the country have taken an increasingly hostile view towards Anwar's protestations and failed threats to assemble a majority government.^[45]

On 30 March 2010, Anwar Ibrahim alleged in the Dewan Rakyat the 1Malaysia was mirrored after “One Israel” concept and designed by Mindteams Sdn Bhd, a branch in Malaysia of Apco Worldwide, an international public relations company engaged by the Malaysian government that also created the One Israel concept in 1999 for then Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak.^[46] Barisan Nasional government has claimed it was false and its lawmakers have tabled a motion to censure Anwar for misleading the Parliament over his 1Malaysia-One Israel allegations which was passed by the Parliament on 22 April 2010.^[47]

2008 allegations of sodomy[link]

­­

On 29 June 2008, online news portal Malaysiakini reported that an aide of Anwar Ibrahim had lodged a police report claiming that he had been sodomised by Anwar.^[48] Anwar said that the possibility of a prison sentence as a result of the allegations could be seen as an attempt to remove him from the leadership of the opposition following his growing support and by-election victories. He also reaffirmed his innocence and cited evidence in the form of medical reports.^[2] Anwar was found not guilty on 9 January 2012, almost two years after the trial started. The presiding judge Justice Mohamad Zabidin Mohd Diah found that the DNA evidence submitted by the prosecution was unreliable, and acquitted Anwar.^[49] Eleven days later, the prosecution filed an appeal against the acquittal.^[50]

Hidden sex tape allegation[link]

On 21 March 2011 a sex video appeared which claimed to feature Anwar Ibrahim. A day after that, Anwar Ibrahim denied his involvement in the incident and filed a police complaint.^[51] The police are currently conducting investigations against a trio of men dubbed the Datuk T trio, who screened the sex video in the first place. They are former Malacca chief minister Tan Sri Abdul Rahim Thamby Chik, businessman Datuk Shazryl Eskay Abdullah and former Perkasa treasurer Datuk Shuaib Lazim.^[52][53]