Australians for Constitutional Monarchy (ACM) is a group that aims to preserve Australia's current constitutional monarchy, with Elizabeth II as Queen of Australia. The group states that it is a non-partisan, not-for-profit organisation whose role is "To preserve, to protect and to defend our heritage: the Australian constitutional system, the role of the Crown in it and our Flag"

Past activities[link]

On 4 June 1992 Australians for Constitutional Monarchy held their first public meeting at Sydney Town Hall attended by about 450 people. The foundation council included the former Chief Justice of the High Court, Sir Harry Gibbs, the Chancellor of Sydney University, Dame Leonie Kramer, former Sydney Lord Mayor, Mr Doug Sutherland, the President of the NSW Court of Appeal, Justice Michael Kirby, former Liberal Party Federal President, Sir John Atwill and Mr Barry O'Keefe QC.^[1][2]

1999 republic referendum[link]

Australians for Constitutional Monarchy was active in challenging Australia's republican organizations in the lead-up to the 1999 referendum. The ACM played the key role in the "No Republic" campaign during the lead up to Australia's 1999 republic referendum, receiving 83.95% of the constitutional monarchist vote for the 1998 Constitutional Convention.^[3] Kerry Jones, ACM's Executive Director was appointed by the Prime Minister as Chairman of the official Vote No Committee, while Malcolm Turnbull became Chairman of the Vote Yes Committee. Over 50,000 supporters worked in the ACM campaign across the Commonwealth, with full time directors being appointed in all states and the ACT, reporting to a full time National Campaign Director. Conveners were appointed in each of the Federal divisions, 72% of which subsequently voted No, with the national Yes vote totaling 45.13%.

Government House protest[link]

The group also organized a public protest against the eviction of New South Wales Governor Gordon Samuels from Government House by Premier Bob Carr, in 1996. The march blocked Macquarie Street. The campaign was revived in 2007, with a brochure being distributed and candidates being asked their views in the state election. Active campaigning continued and in 2011, Premier Barry O'Farrell agreed to return New South Wales Governor Marie Bashir to Government House.

Current activities[link]

Today, the organisation, which describes itself as a "grassroots community organization", continues to advocate the retention of constitutional monarchy as the preferred model of governance for Australia.

Primary amongst the group's activities is the publication of news and information about Australia's constitution, government, and Crown. Such information is published largely on their official site in the form of information sheets, or by way of an opinion column from the National Convenor, and in its many publications. These include materials and books discussing a variety of topics related to Australia's Crown. During the referendum campaign, these included the Vote No papers, and Professor David Flint's Cane Toad Republic. After the referendum, Kerry Jones's story of the campaign, The People's Protest, was published.

ACM also holds events across Australia each year. The main event is an annual national conference that typically runs for three days, with many invited speakers from the Australian community. Past speakers have included Prime Minister John Howard and former official secretary to the Governor-General of Australia Sir David Smith. The last National Conference was held in Melbourne in September 2011. ACM's State Convenors are also responsible for the organisation of events that occur in each of the Australian states, and the Australian Capital Territory.

In December 2006, Tony Abbott, the then Minister for Health, launched an ACM monograph Her Majesty at 80: Impeccable Service in an Indispensable Office, with a foreword by Abbott, and written by Flint.^[4]

Arguments[link]

ACM argues against the proposal by some republicans to have a series of plebiscites and referendums to achieve a republic, while also criticizing the lack of a specific republican model. ACM also opposes the use of plebiscites, which it claims can be abused, and liken to a "blank cheque".^[5] They argue that the Constitution requires a referendum before any constitutional change, where all the details of change are given before and not after the vote. They also argue the republicans are demanding change, without having any idea of the change they want.^[6] ACM conducted an "information campaign" to inform voters of the perceived negative aspects of the plan, and during the 2004 federal election, approximately one million pamphlets on this subject were distributed in selected electorates. ACM also advises its supporters of which electoral candidates support the present constitutional monarchy.

ACM currently makes a point of fighting what Michael Kirby called "a republic by stealth," which they define as subtle removal of the Crown from Australian life. These include removals of references to the Crown from oaths and legislation, the replacement of the position of Queen's Counsel in some states with that of Senior Counsel. More recently, one of their key campaigns has been opposing the removal of the Governor of New South Wales from Government House by the Carr government. It was a campaign they won with Governor Marie Bashir being returned to Government House in 2011.

ACM also objected to the plan by organizers of the 2006 Commonwealth Games, being held in Melbourne, to not include a playing of the Australian Royal Anthem at the opening of the Games, where the Queen would be present, declaring this to be a rebuff to the monarch. Young ACM supporters distributed sheets setting out the words of the National and Royal Anthems to the crowds going into the opening ceremony. In the end, the attendees in the stadium joined Dame Kiri Te Kanawa in singing Happy Birthday as well as eight bars of the Royal Anthem. In the same year, ACM led the opposition to the campaign by the Australian Republican Movement, named "A Mate for a Head of State."

Membership[link]

The ACM does not accept ordinary paying members: those who subscribe to it are deemed 'supporters' and have no power over the executive of the organisation.

The original Foundation Council included people such as Michael Kirby (a Justice of the High Court), Justice Lloyd Waddy, Dame Leonie Kramer, Barry O'Keefe, Helen Sham-Ho, and others, including the late Neville Bonner, Dr. Margaret Olley, Sir Harry Gibbs, and Sir John Atwill. The first National Executive Director was Tony Abbott, who served between 1992 and 1994, with Justice Waddy serving as the organisations first National Convenor. During Abbott's time, a group for under 30's - Young Australians for Constitutional Monarchy - was founded by Jason Groves. When he moved to the United Kingdom in 1998, he was succeeded by Julian Leeser. Groves has been UK Convenor of ACM since that time.

When Abbott entered Australia's Federal Parliament in 1994 he was succeeded by Kerry Jones, with Justice Waddy later being succeeded by Professor David Flint, the current National Convener. In 2007, Thomas Flynn succeeded Kerry Jones as Executive Director.

See also[link]

• Australian Monarchist League
• Australian Constitution
• Australian Constitutional History
• Constitutional Monarchy
• Monarchist League
• Monarchist League of Canada
• Australian republicanism
• Australian Republican Movement

External links[link]

• Australians For Constitutional Monarchy
• Australians For Constitutional Monarchy - ACT branch

Footnotes[link]

Australian people
Australians

Donald Bradman · Hugh Jackman · Heath Ledger Kylie Minogue · Angus Young · Leigh Whannell · Nicole Kidman
Total population
23,400,000
Regions with significant populations
Australia 23,203,000
Greece 135,000+[1]  United Kingdom 96,900[2]  United States 89,210  Netherlands 78,927  New Zealand 62,700  China 51,900  Canada 42,000  Italy 30,000  Lebanon 25,000  Chile 23,305[citation needed]  El Salvador 18,000[citation needed]  Argentina 11,369  Uruguay 9,376  Brazil 7,491  Peru 6,322  Colombia 5,706

Australian people, or simply Australians, are the citizens of Australia. Australia is a multi-ethnic nation, and therefore the term "Australian" is not a racial identifier. Aside from the Indigenous Australian population, nearly all Australians or their ancestors immigrated within the past 230 years. Colloquial names used to refer to Australians include Aussies, and Antipodeans.^[3][4]

The mainstream Australian culture (occasionally defined as the Anglo-Celtic culture), is a Western culture largely derived from the traditions of Western European migrants beginning with the early settlers from England, Scotland, and Ireland. The populations of Sydney, Melbourne and the other major cities are different from the demographics of rural Australia as a result of the differing migration patterns.

Australian people can refer to:

• The citizens of Australia, as defined by Australian nationality law
• People whose ancestors lived in Australia

Indigenous Australians[link]

The earliest accepted timeline for the first arrivals of indigenous Australians to the continent of Australia places this human migration to at least 40,000 years ago most probably from the islands of Indonesia and Papua New Guinea.^[5]

These first inhabitants of Australia were originally hunter-gatherer peoples, who over the course of many succeeding generations diversified widely throughout the continent and its nearby islands. Although their technical culture remained static—depending on wood, bone, and stone tools and weapons—their spiritual and social life was highly complex. Most spoke several languages, and confederacies sometimes linked widely scattered tribal groups. Aboriginal population density ranged from one person per square mile along the coasts to one person per 35 square miles (91 km²) in the arid interior. Food procurement was usually a matter for the nuclear family, requiring an estimated 3 days of work per week. There was little large game, and outside of some communities in the more fertile south-east, they had no agriculture.

Australia may have been sighted by Portuguese sailors in 1701, and Dutch navigators landed on the forbidding coast of modern Western Australia several times during the 17th century. Captain James Cook claimed the east coast for Great Britain in 1770, the west coast was later settled by Britain also. At that time, the indigenous population was estimated to have been between 315,000 and 750,000,^[6] divided into as many as 500 tribes^{[citation needed]} speaking many different languages. In the 2006 Census, 407,700 respondents declared they were Aboriginal, 29,512 declared they were Torres Strait Islander, and a further 17,811 declared they were both Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders.^[7] After adjustments for undercount, the indigenous population as of end June 2006 was estimated to be 517,200, representing about 2.5% of the population.^[6]

Since the end of World War II, efforts have been made both by the government and by the public to be more responsive to Aboriginal rights and needs. Today, many tribal Aborigines lead a settled traditional life in remote areas of northern, central, and western Australia. In the south, where most Aborigines are of mixed descent, most live in the cities.

Australian diaspora[link]

There is an estimated 1 million Australians (approximately 5% of the population) residing outside Australia. Hundreds of thousands of young Australians traditionally spend time living in Europe, but most return to Australia. The Trans-Tasman Travel Arrangement facilitates open migration to and from New Zealand. Key factors affecting the Australian Diaspora are rise of a global labour market, more accessible and economical international transport, and increasingly sophisticated communication technologies along with a growing interest in broader global community.

Population[link]

The current Australian population is estimated at 23,203,000 (26 June 2012).^[8] This does not include an estimated 1 million Australians living overseas (see above), but it includes the estimated 24% of Australians born overseas (in various nations, but predominantly the United Kingdom, New Zealand, Italy, China, Vietnam, India, the Philippines, and Greece).^[9]

Historical[link]

The data in the table is sourced from the Australian Bureau of Statistics^[10][11] Note that population estimates in the table below do not include the Aboriginal population before 1961. Estimates of Aboriginal population prior to European settlement range from 300,000 to one million, with archaeological finds indicating a sustainable population of around 750,000.^[12]

Ancestry[link]

For generations, the vast majority of both colonial-era settlers and post-Federation immigrants came from the United Kingdom and Ireland, although the gold rushes also drew migrants from other countries. Since the end of World War II, Australia's population more than doubled, spurred by large-scale European immigration during the immediate post-war decades. At this time, the White Australia Policy discouraged non-European immigration.

Abolition of the White Australia Policy in the mid-1970s led to a significant increase in non-European immigration, mostly from Asia and the Middle East. About 90% of Australia's population is of European descent. Over 8% of the population is of Asian descent (predominantly Chinese, Vietnamese, Filipino and Indian).^[13] The total indigenous population is estimated to be about 520,000 individuals, including people of mixed descent.^[6] The population of Queensland also includes descendants of South Sea Islanders brought over for indentured servitude in the 19th century.

In the 2006 Australian Census residents were asked to describe their ancestry, in which up to two could be nominated. Proportionate to the Australian resident population, the most commonly nominated ancestries were:^[13]

At the 2006 Census 455,026 people (or 2.3% of the total Australian population) reported they were of Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander origin.^[7]

Languages[link]

English, a West Germanic language, is the de facto national language of Australia and is spoken by the majority of the population, regardless of other languages spoken. Most Australians speak Australian English, however Australian Aboriginal English and Torres Strait English, along with various creoles and pidgins, are spoken by some Indigenous Australians. Australia is home to a great number of unique but endangered Indigenous Australian languages, as well as Australian Aboriginal sign languages. Australia's hearing-impaired community primarily uses Auslan, a member of the BANZSL language family.

The diverse backgrounds of Australians lead to a great number of community languages being spoken:

Religion[link]

Australians have various religions and spiritual beliefs. The Australian Bureau of Statistics gathers information on religious belief in the national census.^[14] As in many Western countries, the level of active participation in church worship is lower than would be indicated by the proportion of the population identifying themselves as Christian; weekly attendance at church services is about 1.5 million, or about 7.5% of the population.^[15]

Nationality[link]

Australians share Australian nationality, which is governed by Australian nationality law. Since there is no national identification card, commonly accepted proofs of Australian citizenship are the Australian passport, an Australian birth certificate (prior to 1986, when jus soli was abolished), or an Australian citizenship certificate. Australia permits dual citizenship with no restriction, but a more restricted qualification is imposed on people wishing to enter Parliament (see Sue v Hill).

References[link]

See also[link]

v t e Australia History Timeline Prehistory Archaeology Exploration 1606–1787 1788–1850 1851–1900 1901–1945 Since 1945 Constitutional Diplomatic Economic Federation Immigration Indigenous Military Monarchy Railway Geography States and Territories Capitals Cities Cities by population Climate Continent Deserts Environment Flora Fauna Forests Geology Islands Mountains Regions Protected Areas Rivers Governance Government Constitution Monarchy Australian governments Parliament Foreign relations Military Law Law Enforcement Courts Electoral system Public Service Intelligence and Security Federal Budget National debt Politics Political parties Elections Political donations Economy Agriculture Companies Energy Home ownership Homelessness Manufacturing Media Mining Poverty Taxation Telecommunications Tourism Transportation Australian dollar Reserve Bank Stock Exchange Household income Gross state product Welfare system Superannuation Society Crime Demographics Education Health care Human rights Immigration LGBT rights Culture Australians Architecture Arts Australian English Cinema Cuisine Wine Dance Indigenous Literature Music Public holidays Religion Sport Television Theatre Art Symbols Coat of arms Flags Honours States and Territories Other Australian of the Year Award Environmental issues Overviews Index Outline Book Category Portal WikiProject

v t e Ethnic groups in Australia Australia Australian · Anglo-Celtic · Australian Aboriginal · Torres Strait Islander · White Europe Northern Danish · Norwegian · Swedish Western English · Anglo-Celtic (Cornish · Scottish · Welsh) · Belgian · Dutch · French · Irish · Manx Central Austrian · Czech · German · Hungarian · Polish · Swiss Southern Gibraltarian · Greek · Italian · Maltese · Portuguese · Spanish Balkan Albanian · Bosnian · Bulgarian · Croatian · Kosovan · Macedonian · Montenegrin · Romanian · Serbian · Slovene Eastern Russian · Ukrainian Asia East Chinese (Hong Kong) · Japanese · Korean · Taiwanese South Afghan (Pashtun) · Bangladeshi · Indian (Malayali · Tamil) · Nepali · Pakistani (Pashtun) · Sri Lankan (Sinhalese · Tamil) Southeast Cambodian · Filipino · Indonesian · Laotian · Malaysian · Singaporean · Thai · Vietnamese West Arab · Armenian · Assyrian · Iranian · Iraqi · Israeli · Jewish · Jordanian · Lebanese · Palestinian · Saudi · Turkish Americas North American · Canadian Caribbean Jamaican · Trinidadian and Tobagonian Latin Argentine · Brazilian · Chilean · Colombian · Ecuadorian · Peruvian · Salvadoran · Uruguayan Africa Egyptian · Ethiopian · Somali · South African · Sudanese · Ugandan · Zimbabwean Oceania Fijian · Maori · New Zealander · Samoan (according to 2006 Australian census data: 20680 - Ancestry by Country of Birth of Parents)

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v t e

Constitutional monarchy (or limited monarchy) is a form of government in which a monarch acts as head of state within the parameters of a constitution, whether it be a written, uncodified, or blended constitution. This form of government differs from absolute monarchy in which an absolute monarch serves as the source of power in the state and is not legally bound by any constitution and has the powers to regulate his or her respective government.

Most constitutional monarchies employ a parliamentary system in which the monarch may have strictly ceremonial duties or may have reserve powers, depending on the constitution. Under most modern constitutional monarchies there is also a prime minister who is the head of government and exercises effective political power. There also exist today several federal constitutional monarchies. In these countries, each subdivision has a distinct government and head of government, but all subdivisions share a monarch who is head of state of the federation as a united whole.

Contemporary constitutional monarchies include the United Kingdom and Commonwealth realms, Belgium, Bhutan, Bahrain, Cambodia, Denmark, Japan, Jordan, Kuwait, Liechtenstein, Lesotho, Luxembourg, Malaysia, Monaco, Morocco, the Netherlands, Norway, Spain, Swaziland, Sweden, and Thailand.

The latest country that was completely transformed from an absolute monarchy to a constitutional democratic monarchy is Bhutan.

Constitutional and absolute monarchy[link]

Constitutional monarchy in the European tradition[link]

In Britain, the Glorious Revolution of 1688 led to a constitutional monarchy restricted by laws such as the Bill of Rights 1689 and the Act of Settlement 1701, although limits on the power of the monarch ('a limited monarchy') are much older than that (see Magna Carta). With the Hanoverian accession in Britain onwards, monarchs saw their powers pass further to their ministers, and Royal neutrality in politics became cemented from around the start of the reign of Queen Victoria (though she had her personal favorites) and enlargements to the franchise. Today, the role is by convention effectively ceremonial.^[1] Instead, the British Parliament and the Government - chiefly in the office of Prime Minister - exercise their powers under 'Royal (or Crown) Prerogative': on behalf of the Monarch and through powers still formally possessed by the Monarch.^[2][3] No person may accept significant public office without swearing an oath of allegiance to the Queen.^[4]

Constitutional monarchy occurred first in continental Europe, briefly in the early years of the French revolution, but much more widely afterwards. Napoleon Bonaparte is considered the first monarch proclaiming himself as an embodiment of the nation, rather than as a divinely-appointed ruler; this interpretation of monarchy is germane to continental constitutional monarchies. G.W.F. Hegel, in his Elements of the Philosophy of Right (1820), gave it a philosophical justification that concurred with evolving contemporary political theory and the Protestant Christian view of natural law. Hegel's forecast of a constitutional monarch with very limited powers whose function is to embody the national character and provide constitutional continuity in times of emergency was reflected in the development of constitutional monarchies in Europe and Japan. His forecast of the form of government suitable to the modern world may be seen as prophetic: the largely ceremonial offices of president in some modern parliamentary democracies in Europe and e.g. Israel can be perceived as elected or appointed versions of Hegel's constitutional monarch; the Russian and French presidents, with their stronger powers, may also be regarded in Hegelian terms as wielding powers suitable to the embodiment of the national will.^{[citation needed]}

Modern constitutional monarchy[link]

As originally conceived, a constitutional monarch was quite a powerful figure, head of the executive branch even though his or her power was limited by the constitution and the elected parliament. Some of the framers of the US Constitution may have conceived of the president as being an elected constitutional monarch, as the term was understood in their time, following Montesquieu's account of the separation of powers.^[5]

The present concept of constitutional monarchy developed in the United Kingdom, where it was the democratically elected parliaments, and their leader, the prime minister, who had become those who exercised power, with the monarchs voluntarily ceding it and contenting themselves with the titular position. In many cases even the monarchs themselves, while still at the very top of the political and social hierarchy, were given the status of "servants of the people" to reflect the new, egalitarian view. In the course of France's July Monarchy, Louis-Philippe I was styled "King of the French" rather than "King of France".

Following the Unification of Germany, Otto von Bismarck rejected the British model. In the kind of constitutional monarchy established under the Constitution of the German Empire which Bismarck inspired, the Kaiser retained considerable actual executive power, and the Prime Minister needed no parliamentary vote of confidence and ruled solely by the imperial mandate. However, this model of constitutional monarchy was discredited and abolished following Germany's defeat in the First World War. Later on, Fascist Italy could also be considered as a "constitutional monarchy" of a kind, in the sense that there was a king as the titular head of state while actual power was held by Benito Mussolini under a constitution. This eventually discredited the Italian monarchy and led to its abolition in 1946. After the Second World War, surviving European monarchies almost invariably adopted some variant of the constitutional monarchy model originally developed in Britain.

In present terms, the difference between a parliamentary democracy that is a constitutional monarchy and one that is a republic is sometimes considered more one of detail than of substance. In both cases, the titular head of state - monarch or president - serves the traditional role of embodying and representing the nation, while the actual governing is carried out by a cabinet composed predominantly of elected Members of Parliament. In some cases, constitutional monarchies have been dubbed "crowned republics".^[6]

However, there are three important factors that set aside monarchies such as the United Kingdom from systems where greater power might otherwise rest with Parliament. These are the issue of Royal Prerogative where the reigning monarch may continue to exercise power under certain very limited circumstances, Sovereign Immunity where they are considered to have done no wrong under the law, and may avoid both taxation and planning permission for example, and considerable ceremonial power where the executive, judiciary, police and armed forces owe allegiance to the Crown.

Today constitutional monarchies are mostly associated with Western European countries such as the United Kingdom, Netherlands, Belgium, Norway, Denmark, Spain, Luxembourg, Monaco, Liechtenstein, and Sweden. However, the two most populous constitutional monarchies in the world are in Asia: Japan and Thailand. In such cases it is the prime minister who holds the day-to-day powers of governance, while the King or Queen (or other monarch, such as a Grand Duke, in the case of Luxembourg, or Prince in the case of Monaco and Liechtenstein) retains only residual (but not always minor) powers. The powers of the monarch differ between countries. In the Netherlands, Denmark and in Belgium, for example, the Monarch formally appoints a representative to preside over the creation of a coalition government following a parliamentary election, while in Norway the King chairs special meetings of the cabinet.

In nearly all cases, the monarch is still the nominal chief executive, but is bound by constitutional convention to act on the advice of the Cabinet. Only a few monarchies (most notably Japan and Sweden) have amended their constitutions so that the monarch is no longer even the nominal chief executive.

The most significant family of constitutional monarchies in the world today are the sixteen Commonwealth realms under Elizabeth II.^[7] Unlike some of their continental European counterparts, the Monarch and her Governors-General in the Commonwealth realms hold significant "reserve" or "prerogative" powers, to be wielded in times of extreme emergency or constitutional crises usually to uphold parliamentary government. An instance of a Governor General exercising his power was during the 1975 Australian constitutional crisis, when the Australian Prime Minister of the time, Gough Whitlam, was dismissed by the Governor-General. The Australian senate had threatened to block the Government's budget by refusing to pass the associated appropriation bills. On 11 November 1975, Whitlam intended to call a half-Senate election in an attempt to break the deadlock. When he went to seek the Governor-General's approval of the election, the Governor-General instead dismissed him as Prime Minister, and shortly thereafter installed leader of the opposition Malcolm Fraser in his place. Acting quickly before all parliamentarians became aware of the change of government, Fraser and his allies were able to secure passage of the appropriation bills, and the Governor-General dissolved Parliament for a double dissolution election. Fraser and his government were returned with a massive majority. This led to much speculation among Whitlam's supporters as to whether this use of the Governor-General's reserve powers was appropriate, and whether Australia should become a republic. Among supporters of constitutional monarchy however, the experience confirmed the value of the monarchy as a source of checks and balances against elected politicians who might seek powers in excess of those conferred by their respective constitutions, and ultimately as a safeguard against dictatorship.

In Thailand's constitutional monarchy, the monarch is recognized as the Head of State, Head of the Armed Forces, Upholder of the Buddhist Religion, and Defender of the Faith. The current King, Bhumibol Adulyadej, is the longest reigning current monarch in the world and in all of Thailand's history.^[8] Bhumibol has reigned through several political changes in the Thai government. He has played an influential role in each incident, often acting as mediator between disputing political opponents. (See Bhumibol's role in Thai Politics.) While the monarch retains some powers from the constitution, most particular is lèse majesté which protects the image and ability of the monarch to play a role in politics and carries modest criminal penalties for violators. Generally, the Thai people are reverent of Bhumibol. Much of his social influence comes from that and the fact that the royal family is often involved in socio-economic improvement efforts.

In both the United Kingdom and elsewhere, a common debate centres around when it is appropriate for a monarch to use his or her political powers. When a monarch does act, political controversy can often ensue, partially because the neutrality of the crown is seen to be compromised in favour of a partisan goal, while some political scientists champion the idea of an "interventionist monarch" as a check against possible illegal action by politicians. There are currently 44 monarchies, and most of them are constitutional monarchies.

• 

  Constitutional monarchies with representative parliamentary systems are shown in green. Other constitutional monarchies are shown in light green.

List of current reigning monarchies[link]

The following is a list of reigning monarchies. Except where noted, monarch selection is hereditary as directed by the state's constitution.

State	Last constitution established	Type of monarchy	Monarch selection
Antigua and Barbuda	1981	Kingdom	Hereditary succession.
Andorra	1993	Co-Principality	Selection of Bishop of La Seu d'Urgell and election of French President
Australia	1901	Constitutional Monarchy and Parliamentary Democracy.	Hereditary succession.
The Bahamas	1973	Kingdom	Hereditary succession.
Barbados	1966	Kingdom	Hereditary succession.
Bahrain	2002	Kingdom
Belgium	1831	Kingdom; popular monarchy[9]
Belize	1981	Kingdom	Hereditary succession.
Bhutan	2007	Kingdom	Hereditary succession.
Cambodia	1993	Kingdom	Chosen by throne council
Canada	1867 (last updated 1982)	Constitutional Monarchy and Federal Parliamentary Democracy.	Hereditary succession.
Denmark	1953
Greenland	2009	Parliamentary Democracy and Constitutional Monarchy.	Hereditary succession.
Grenada	1974	Kingdom	Hereditary succession.
Jamaica	1962	Kingdom	Hereditary succession.
Japan	1946	Empire	Hereditary succession
Jordan	1952	Kingdom
Kuwait	1962	Emirate	Hereditary succession, with directed approval of the House of Al-Sabah and majority of National Assembly
Lesotho	1993	Kingdom	Hereditary succession directed approval of College of Chiefs[citation needed]
Liechtenstein	1862	Principality
Luxembourg	1868	Grand duchy
Malaysia	1957	Elective monarchy; Federal monarchy	Selected from nine hereditary Sultans of the Malay states
Monaco	1911	Principality
Morocco	1666	Kingdom
Netherlands	1815	Kingdom
Norway	1814	Kingdom
New Zealand	1907	Constitutional Monarchy and Parliamentary Democracy.	Hereditary succession.
Papua New Guinea	1975	Kingdom	Hereditary succession.
Saint Kitts and Nevis	1983	Kingdom	Hereditary succession.
Saint Lucia	1979	Kingdom	Hereditary succession.
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines	1979	Kingdom	Hereditary succession.
Solomon Islands	1978	Kingdom	Hereditary succession.
Spain	1978	Kingdom
Swaziland	1968	Kingdom; Mixture of absolute and constitutional monarchy	Hereditary succession
Sweden	1974	Kingdom	Switched from semi-constitutional monarchy to constitutional monarchy
Thailand	2007	Kingdom
Tonga	1970	Kingdom
Tuvalu	1978	Kingdom	Hereditary succession.
United Arab Emirates	1971	Federal Union of Emirate Elective monarchy	President elected by the seven absolute monarchs constituting the Federal Supreme Council
United Kingdom	1688	Constitutional Monarchy and Parliamentary Democracy.	Hereditary succession.

Former monarchies[link]

• The Chinese Empire - last Imperial Chinese rule was by the Qing Dynasty 清朝 1644–1912 - During its reign, the Qing Dynasty became highly integrated with Chinese culture. However, its military power weakened during the 19th century, and faced with international pressure, massive rebellions and defeats in wars, the Qing Dynasty declined after the mid-19th century. The Qing Dynasty was overthrown following the Xinhai Revolution, when the Empress Dowager Longyu abdicated on behalf of the last emperor, Puyi, on February 12, 1912.
• The Korean Empire (Korean: 대한제국, Hanja: 大韓帝國) from 1897 to 1910 - was an empire of Korea that succeeded the Joseon Dynasty that ruled the nation over the past 500 years. On August 22, 1910, the Korean Empire was annexed by Japan with the Japan-Korea Annexation Treaty, beginning a 35-year period of Korea under Japanese rule.
• The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, formed after the Union of Lublin in 1569 and lasting until the final partition of the state in 1795, operated much like many modern European constitutional monarchies (into which it was officially changed by the establishment of the Constitution of May 3, 1791, which historian Norman Davies calls "the first constitution of its kind in Europe"^[10]). The legislators of the unified state truly did not see it as a monarchy at all, but as a republic under the presidency of the King. Poland-Lithuania also followed the principle of "Rex regnat et non gubernat", had a bicameral parliament, and a collection of entrenched legal documents amounting to a constitution along the lines of the modern United Kingdom. The King was elected, and had the duty of maintaining the people's rights.
• The Anglo-Corsican Kingdom was a brief period in the history of Corsica (1794–1796) when the island broke with Revolutionary France and sought military protection from Great Britain. Corsica became an independent kingdom under George III of England, but with its own elected parliament and a written constitution guaranteeing local autonomy and democratic rights.
• France, several times during the 19th century. Napoléon Bonaparte proclaimed himself Emperor of the French in what was ostensibly a constitutional monarchy, though modern historians often class his reign as a military dictatorship. The Bourbon Restoration (under Louis XVIII and Charles X), the July Monarchy (under Louis-Philippe), and the Second Empire (under Napoleon III) were also constitutional monarchies, although the power of the monarch varied considerably between them.
• The German Empire from 1871 to 1918, (as well as earlier confederations, and the monarchies it consisted of) was also a constitutional monarchy—see Constitution of the German Empire.
• Prior to the Iranian Revolution in 1979, Iran was a constitutional monarchy under Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, which had been originally established during the Persian Constitutional Revolution in 1906.
• Portugal between 1822-1823, 1826-1828 and finally from 1834 until 1910, when Manuel II was overthrown by a military coup.
• Kingdom of Serbia, until 1918, when it merged with the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs into the unitary Yugoslav Kingdom, that was led by the Serbian dynasty of Karadjordjevic
• Mexico was twice an Empire. First from July 21, 1822, to March 19, 1823, with Agustín de Iturbide serving as emperor. Then, with the help of the Austrian and Spanish crowns, Napoleon III of France installed Maximilian of Habsburg as Emperor of Mexico. This attempt to create a European-style monarchy lasted three years, from 1864 to 1867.
• Brazil from 1815 (United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and Algarves) until 1822, with the proclamation of independence and rise of the Empire of Brazil by Pedro I of Brazil. The empire ended in 1889, when Pedro II was deposed by a military coup.
• Hawaiʻi was a constitutional monarchy from the unification of the smaller independent chiefdoms of Oʻahu, Maui, Molokaʻi, Lānaʻi, and the Hawaiʻi (or the "Big Island") in 1810 until the overthrow of Queen Liliʻuokalani in 1893 by conspirators from United States.
• The Grand Principality of Finland was a constitutional monarchy though its ruler, Alexander I, was simultaneously an autocrat and absolute ruler in Russia.
• The Kingdom of Laos was a constitutional monarchy until 1975, when Sisavang Vatthana was forced to abdicate by the communist, the Pathet Lao.
• The Kingdom of Hungary. In 1848–1849 and 1867–1918 as part of Austria-Hungary. In the interwar period (1920–1944) Hungary remained a constitutional monarchy without a reigning monarch.
• Montenegro until 1918 when it merged with Serbia and other areas to form Yugoslavia.
• Yugoslavia until 1945 when Peter II was deposed by the communist government.
• Kingdom of Romania until 1947 when Michael I was forced to abdicate at gunpoint by the communists.
• Kingdom of Bulgaria until 1946 when Tsar Simeon was deposed by the communist assembly.
• Greece until 1967 when Constantine II was deposed by the military government. The decision was formalised by a plebiscite in 05/04/1974.
• Italy until June 2, 1946, when a referendum proclaimed the end of the Kingdom and the beginning of the Republic.
• Many Commonwealth republics were constitutional monarchies for some period after their independence.
• Nepal until May 28, 2008, when King Gyanendra was deposed, and the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal was declared.
• Iceland The Act of Union, a 1 December 1918 agreement with Denmark, established Iceland as a sovereign kingdom united with Denmark under a common king. Iceland abolished the monarchy and became a republic on 17 June 1944 after the Icelandic constitutional referendum, 24 May 1944.
• Kingdom of Mysore

Other situations[link]

• Andorra is the only monarchy where the head of state is vested jointly in two individuals: co-princes (Bishop of Urgell, President of France)
• Andorra, Monaco and Liechtenstein are the only countries with a reigning Prince.
• Japan is the only country with a reigning Emperor.
• Luxembourg is the only country with a reigning Grand Duke.

See also[link]

• Figurehead
• Australian Monarchist League

Notes[link]

References[link]

This includes a list of references, but its sources remain unclear because it has insufficient inline citations. Please help to improve this article by introducing more precise citations. (August 2007)

• G. W. F. Hegel, Elements of the Philosophy of Right (Allen W. Wood, ed., H.B. Nisbet, trans.) Cambridge University Press, 1991. ISBN 0-521-34438-7 (originally published as Georg Friedrich Wilhelm Hegel, Philosophie des Rechts, 1820).
• John Locke, Two Treatises of Government and A Letter Concerning Toleration. (Ian Shapiro, ed., with essays by John Dunn, Ruth W. Grant and Ian Shapiro.) New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003 (Two Treatises first pub. 1690). ISBN 0-300-10017-5.

The Honourable John Howard OM AC SSI
25th Prime Minister of Australia Elections: 1996, 1998, 2001, 2004, 2007
In office 11 March 1996 – 3 December 2007
Monarch	Elizabeth II
Governor General	Sir William Deane Peter Hollingworth Michael Jeffery
Deputy	Tim Fischer John Anderson Mark Vaile
Preceded by	Paul Keating
Succeeded by	Kevin Rudd
29th Treasurer of Australia
In office 19 November 1977 – 11 March 1983
Prime Minister	Malcolm Fraser
Preceded by	Phillip Lynch
Succeeded by	Paul Keating
22nd Leader of the Opposition
In office 5 September 1985 – 9 May 1989
Deputy	Neil Brown Andrew Peacock
Preceded by	Andrew Peacock
Succeeded by	Andrew Peacock
In office 30 January 1995 – 11 March 1996
Deputy	Peter Costello
Preceded by	Alexander Downer
Succeeded by	Kim Beazley
Member of the Australian Parliament for Bennelong
In office 18 May 1974 – 24 November 2007
Preceded by	John Cramer
Succeeded by	Maxine McKew
Personal details
Born	(1939-07-26) 26 July 1939 (age 72) Earlwood, New South Wales, Australia
Political party	Liberal Party
Other political affiliations	Coalition
Spouse(s)	Janette Parker
Children	3
Alma mater	University of Sydney
Signature

John Winston Howard, OM, AC, SSI, (born 26 July 1939) was the 25th Prime Minister of Australia, from 11 March 1996 to 3 December 2007. He was the second-longest serving Australian Prime Minister after Sir Robert Menzies.

Howard was a member of the House of Representatives from 1974 to 2007, representing the Division of Bennelong, New South Wales. He served as Treasurer in the Fraser government of from 1977 to 1983. He was Leader of the Liberal Party and Coalition Opposition from 1985 to 1989, which included the 1987 federal election against Bob Hawke. He was re-elected as Leader of the Opposition in 1995.

Howard led the Liberal-National coalition to victory at the 1996 federal election, defeating Paul Keating's Labor government and ending a record 13 years of Coalition opposition. The Howard Government was re-elected at the 1998, 2001 and 2004 elections, presiding over a period of strong economic growth and prosperity.^[1] Major issues for the Howard Government included taxation, industrial relations, immigration, the Iraq war, and Aboriginal relations. Howard's coalition government was defeated at the 2007 election by the Labor Party led by Kevin Rudd. Howard also lost his own parliamentary seat at the election; he was the second Australian Prime Minister, after Stanley Bruce in 1929, to do so.

Early life[link]

John Howard as a boy

John Howard is the fourth son of Mona (née Kell) and Lyall Howard. His parents were married in 1925. His eldest brother Stanley was born in 1926, followed by Walter in 1929, and Robert (Bob) in 1936. Lyall Howard was an admirer of Winston Churchill,^[2] and a sympathiser with the New Guard.^[3]

Howard grew up in the Sydney suburb of Earlwood in a Methodist family.^[4] His mother had been an office worker until her marriage. His father and his paternal grandfather, Walter Howard, were both veterans of the First AIF in World War I. They also ran two Dulwich Hill petrol stations where John Howard worked as a boy.^[5] Lyall Howard died in 1955 when John was sixteen, leaving his mother to take care of John^[6] (or "Jack" as he was also known).^[7]

Howard suffered a hearing impairment in his youth, leaving him with a slight speech impediment,^[8] and he continues to wear a hearing aid. It also influenced him in subtle ways, limiting his early academic performance; encouraging a reliance on an excellent memory; and in his mind ruling out becoming a barrister as a likely career.^[9]

Howard attended the publicly funded state schools Earlwood Primary School and Canterbury Boys' High School.^[7] Howard won a citizenship prize in his final year at Earlwood (presented by local politician Eric Willis), and subsequently represented his secondary school at debating as well as cricket and rugby.^[10] Cricket remained a life-long hobby.^[4] In his final year at school he took part in a radio show hosted by Jack Davey, Give It a Go broadcast on the commercial radio station, 2GB, and a recording of the show survives.^[11] After gaining his Leaving Certificate, he studied law at the University of Sydney, graduating in 1961,^[7] and subsequently practising as a solicitor for twelve years.^[12]

Howard married fellow Liberal Party member Janette Parker in 1971, with whom he had three children: Melanie (1974), Tim (1977) and Richard (1980).^[13]

Early political career[link]

Howard joined the Liberal Party in 1957. He held office in the New South Wales Liberal Party on the State Executive and served as President of the Young Liberals (1962–64), the party youth organisation.^[14] Howard supported Australia's involvement in the Vietnam War, although has since said there were "aspects of it that could have been handled and explained differently".^[15]

At the 1963 federal election, Howard acted as campaign manager in his local seat of Parkes for the successful candidacy of Tom Hughes who defeated the 20 year Labor incumbent.

In 1967 with the support of party power brokers, John Carrick and Eric Willis, he was endorsed as candidate for the marginal suburban state seat of Drummoyne, held by ALP member Reg Coady. Howard's mother sold the family home in Earlwood and rented a house with him at Five Dock, a suburb within the electorate. At the election in February 1968, in which the incumbent state Liberal government was returned to office, Howard narrowly lost to Coady, despite campaigning vigorously.^[16] Howard and his mother subsequently returned to Earlwood, moving to a house on the same street where he grew up.

At the 1974 federal election, Howard successfully contested the Sydney suburban seat of Bennelong and became a Member of Parliament in the House of Representatives during the Gough Whitlam-led Labor Government. Howard backed Malcolm Fraser for the leadership of the Liberal Party against Billy Snedden following the 1974 election.^[17] When Fraser won office in December 1975, Howard was appointed Minister for Business and Consumer Affairs, a position in which he served until 1977.^[12] At this stage, he followed the protectionist and pro-regulation stance of Fraser and the Liberal Party.^[18]

Federal Treasurer (1977–1983)[link]

In December 1977, at the age of 38, Howard was appointed Treasurer.^[12] During his five years in the position, he became an adherent of free-market economics,^[19] which was challenging economic orthodoxies in place for most of the century.^[20] He came to favour tax reform including broad-based taxation (later the GST), a freer industrial system including the dismantling of the centralised wage-fixing system, the abolition of compulsory trade unionism, privatisation and deregulation.^[4]

In 1978, the Fraser government instigated a committee of inquiry, the Campbell Committee, to investigate financial system reforms. The impetus for the commission came, not from Howard, but from the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet.^[21] Howard supported the Campbell report, but adopted an incremental approach with Cabinet, as there was wide opposition to deregulation within the government and the treasury.^[21][22] The process of reform began before the committee reported 2½ years later, with the introduction of the tender system for the sale of Treasury notes in 1979, and Treasury bonds in 1982. Ian Macfarlane (Governor of the Reserve Bank of Australia, 1996–2006) described these reforms as "second only in importance to the float of the Australian dollar in 1983."^[23] In 1981 he proposed a broad-based indirect tax with compensatory cuts in personal rates; however, cabinet rejected it citing both inflationary and political reasons.^[24] After the free-marketeers or "drys" of the Liberals challenged the protectionist policies of Minister for Industry and Commerce Phillip Lynch, they shifted their loyalties to Howard. Following an unsuccessful leadership challenge by Andrew Peacock to unseat Fraser as prime minister, Howard was elected deputy leader of the Liberal Party in April 1982. His election depended largely on the support of the "drys", and he became the champion of the growing free-market lobby in the party.^[25]

Fraser's negotiations with the ACTU saw him lose control of a wages explosion in 1982 just as the mining boom had ended. The economic crises of the early 1980s brought Howard into conflict with the economically conservative Fraser. As the economy headed towards the worst recession since the 1930s, Keynesian Fraser pushed an expansionary fiscal position much to Howard's and Treasury's horror. With his authority as treasurer being flouted, Howard considered resigning in July 1982, but, after discussions with his wife and senior advisor John Hewson (Liberal Party leader himself from 1990 to 1994), he decided to "tough it out".^[20] The 1982 wages explosion—wages rose 16 per cent across the country—resulted in stagflation; unemployment touched double-digits and inflation peaked at 12.5% (official interest rates peaked at 21%).^[26]

The Fraser Government with Howard as Treasurer lost the 1983 election to the Labor Party led by Bob Hawke. Over the course of the 1980s, the Liberal party came to accept the free-market policies that Fraser had resisted and Howard had espoused; namely low protection, decentralisation of wage fixation, financial deregulation, a broadly-based indirect tax, and the rejection of counter-cyclical fiscal policy.^[27]

Opposition years (1983–1996)[link]

Following the 1983 defeat of the Fraser government and Fraser's subsequent resignation from parliament, Howard contested the Liberal leadership but was defeated by Andrew Peacock. Remaining Deputy Leader of the parliamentary party, Howard became Deputy Leader of the Opposition and the Liberal Party were defeated by Hawke and Labor at the 1984 election. In 1985, as Labor's position in opinion polls improved, Peacock's popularity sank, and Howard's profile rose, leadership speculation persisted. Peacock said he would no longer accept Howard as deputy unless he offered assurances that he would not challenge for the leadership. Following Howard's refusal to offer such an assurance, Peacock sought, in September 1985, to replace him with John Moore as Deputy Leader.^[28] The party room re-elected Howard as Deputy on 5 September (38 votes to 31), and, believing his position untenable, Peacock immediately resigned the leadership. With Peacock not contesting the ensuing Liberal Party leadership ballot, Howard defeated Jim Carlton 57 votes to 6, and became Leader of the Opposition.^[29][30]

Leader of the opposition and new economic policy

Howard was in effect the Liberal party's first pro-market leader in the conservative coalition and spent the next two years working to revise Liberal policy away from that of Fraser's.^[31] In his own words he was an "economic radical" and a social conservative.^[32] Referring to the pro-market liberalism of the 1980s, Howard, famously said in July 1986 that "The times will suit me".^[33] That year the economy was seen to be in crisis with a 40% devaluation of the Australian dollar, a marked increase in the current account deficit and the loss of the Federal Government's triple A rating.^[33] In response to the economic circumstances, Howard persistently attacked the Labor government and offered his free-market reform agenda.^[33] Despite the economic news, support for the Labor Party and Hawke strengthened in 1985 and 1986. Howard's approval ratings dropped in the face of infighting between Howard and Peacock supporters, a "public manifestation of disunity" over policy positions, and questions over Howard's leadership.^[34]

To capitalise on Coalition disunity, Hawke called the 1987 election six months early. In addition to the Howard–Peacock rivalry, Queensland National Party criticism of the federal Liberal and National leadership led to a split in the Coalition whereby Nationals ran against Liberals,^[35] and culminated in the "Joh for Canberra" campaign. Keating successfully campaigned against John Howard's proposed tax changes forcing Howard to admit a double-counting in the proposal,^[36] and emphasising to the electorate that the package would mean at that stage undisclosed cuts to government services. The Hawke Government was re-elected with an increased majority.

Howard's social agenda

In his social agenda, Howard promoted the traditional family and was antipathetic to the promotion of multiculturalism at the expense of a shared Australian identity.^[37] The immigration policy, One Australia, outlined a vision of "one nation and one future" and opposed multiculturalism.^[32] In a radio interview discussing multiculturalism Howard suggested that to support "social cohesion" the rate of Asian immigration be "slowed down a little".^[38] The comments divided opinion within the Coalition, and undermined Howard's standing amongst Liberal party figures including federal and state Ministers, intellectual opinion makers, business leaders, and within the Asia Pacific. Prime Minister Hawke moved a motion to affirm that race or ethnicity would not be used as immigrant selection criteria to which three Liberal MPs crossed the floor and two abstained. Many Liberals later nominated the issue as instrumental in Howard subsequently losing the leadership in 1989.^[39]

In line with "One Australia's" rejection of Aboriginal land rights, Howard said the idea of an Aboriginal treaty was "repugnant to the ideals of One Australia"^[32] and commented "I don't think it is wrong, racist, immoral or anything, for a country to say 'we will decide what the cultural identity and the cultural destiny of this country will be and nobody else."^[40]

Loss of the leadership

As the country's economic position worsened in 1989, public opinion moved away from Labor, but Howard was unable to translate this into a firm opinion poll lead for himself and the Coalition.^[41] In February, Liberal Party president and prominent businessman, John Elliott, said confidentially to Andrew Peacock that he would support him in a leadership challenge against Howard.^[36] Following months of plotting by Elliot, Peacock and supporters, in May a surprise leadership coup was launched, ousting Howard as Liberal leader. When asked that day whether he could become Liberal leader again, Howard famously likened it to "Lazarus with a triple bypass".^[42] The loss of the Liberal Party leadership to Peacock deeply affected Howard, who admitted he would occasionally drink too much.^[43] Declining Peacock's offer of Shadow Education, Howard went to the backbench and a new period of party disunity ensued. Howard served as Shadow Minister for Industry, Technology and Communications, Shadow Minister Assisting the Leader on the Public Service, Chairman of the Manpower and Labour Market Reform Group, Shadow Minister for Industrial Relations and Manager of Opposition Business in the House.

Following the Coalition's 1990 election loss, Peacock was replaced with former Howard staffer Dr. John Hewson. Howard was a supporter of Hewson's economic program, with a Goods and Services Tax (GST) as its centrepiece. After Hewson lost the "unloseable" 1993 election to Paul Keating, Howard unsuccessfully challenged Hewson for the leadership. In 1994, he was again passed over for the leadership, which went to Alexander Downer. In a 7 January 1995 newspaper article (and in 2002 as Prime Minister), Howard recanted his 1988 remarks on curbing Asian immigration.^[44][45]

Opposition leader again

In January 1995, leaked internal Liberal Party polling showed that with gaffe-prone Downer as leader, the Coalition had slim chance of holding its marginal seats in the next election, let alone of winning government. Media speculation of a leadership spill ended when, on 26 January 1995, Downer resigned as Liberal Leader and Howard was elected unopposed to replace him.^[45] The Coalition subsequently opened a large lead over Labor in most opinion polls, and Howard overtook his old nemesis Paul Keating as preferred Prime Minister.

Hoping to avoid a repeat of 1993, Howard revised his earlier statements against Medicare and Asian immigration, describing Australia as "a unique intersection between Europe, North America and Asia".^[15][44] This allowed Howard to focus on the economy and memory of the early 1990s recession, and on the longevity of the Labor government, which in 1996 had been in power for 13 years.

Prime minister[link]

John Howard in the United States in 1997

Election win and first term[link]

By the time the writs were dropped for the 1996 election, the Coalition had been well ahead of Labor in opinion polls for over a year. The consensus of most opinion polls was that Howard would be the next Prime Minister.

With the support of many traditionally Labor voters—dubbed "Howard battlers"—Howard and the Liberal-National Coalition swept to power on the back of a 29-seat swing. This was the second-worst defeat of an incumbent government since Federation. With a 45-seat majority—the second-biggest majority in Australian history (behind only Fraser's 55-seat majority in 1975)--Howard came into office in a strong position. By this time, as he put it, he had "very clear views on where I wanted to take the country".^[46] At the age of 56, he was sworn in as Prime Minister on 11 March 1996, ending a record 13 years of Coalition opposition.^[12] Howard departed from tradition and made his primary residence Kirribilli House in Sydney rather than The Lodge in Canberra.^[47]

Early in the term Howard had championed significant new restrictions on gun ownership following the Port Arthur massacre in which 35 people had been shot dead. Achieving agreement in the face of immense opposition from within the Coalition and some State governments, was credited with significantly elevating John Howard’s stature as Prime Minister despite a backlash from core Coalition rural constituents.^[48]

Howard's initial silence on the views of Pauline Hanson—a disendorsed Liberal Party candidate and later independent MP—was criticised in the press as an endorsement of her views.^[49] Howard said that she was entitled to express her opinion, that many others would share it, and that to denounce her would "elevate it".^[50] Howard repudiated her views seven months after Hanson's controversial maiden parliamentary speech.^[49]

Following the Wik Decision of the High Court in 1996, John Howard's government moved swiftly to legislate limitations on its possible implications through the so-called Ten-Point Plan.

John Howard and US Secretary of Defense William Cohen in 1997

From 1997, Howard spear-headed the Coalition push to introduce a Goods and Services Tax (GST) at the 1998 election. Before winning the Prime Ministership, Howard said that he considered the Coalition's defeat in 1993 to be a rejection of the GST, and as a result it would "never ever" be part of Coalition policy.^[51] A long held conviction of Howard’s, his tax reform package was credited with "breaking the circuit" of party morale—boosting his confidence and direction, which had appeared to wane early in the Government’s second term.^[52] The 1998 election was dubbed a "referendum on the GST", and the tax changes—including the GST—were implemented in the government's second term after amendments to the legislation were negotiated with the Australian Democrats to ensure its passage through the Senate.

Through much of its first term, opinion polling was disappointing for the government and its members at times feared being a "one-term wonder".^[53] The popularity of Pauline Hanson, and the new restrictions on gun ownership drew many traditionally Coalition voters away from the Howard government. Also unpopular with voters were large spending cuts aimed at eliminating the budget deficit (and Howard's distinction between "core" and "non-core" election promises when cutting spending commitments), industrial changes and the 1998 waterfront dispute, the partial sale of government telecommunications company Telstra, and the Government's commitment to a GST.

Howard called a snap election for October 1998, three months sooner than required. The Coalition actually lost the national two-party preferred vote to Labor, suffering a 14-seat swing. However, the uneven nature of the swing allowed Howard to win a second term in government, with a considerably reduced majority (from 45 seats to 12). Howard himself finished just short of a majority on the first count in his own seat, and was only assured of reelection on the ninth count. He ultimately finished with a fairly comfortable 56 percent of the two-party preferred vote.

Second term[link]

In 1998, Howard convened a Constitutional Convention which decided in principle that Australia should become a Republic. At the convention Howard confirmed himself as a monarchist, and said that of the Republican options, he preferred the minimalist model. Howard outlined his support for retaining the status quo on the basis that it had provided a long period of stability and whilst he said there was no question that Australia was a fully independent nation, he believed that the "separation of the ceremonial and executive functions of government" and the presence of a neutral "defender of constitutional integrity" was an advantage in government and that no republican model would be as effective in providing such an outcome as the Australian constitutional monarchy.^[54] Despite opinion polls suggesting Australians favoured a republic, a 1999 referendum rejected the model chosen by the convention.

Australian peacekeepers and East Timorese civilians in Dili during 2000

Although new Indonesian President B.J. Habibie had some months earlier agreed to grant special autonomy to Indonesian-occupied East Timor, his subsequent snap decision for a referendum on the territory's independence was triggered by a Howard and Downer orchestrated shift in Australian policy. In September 1999, Howard organised an Australian-led international peace-keeping force to East Timor (INTERFET), after pro-Indonesia militia launched a violent "scorched-earth" campaign in retaliation to the referendum's overwhelming vote in favour of independence. The successful mission was widely supported by Australian voters, but the government was criticised^[who?] for "foreign policy failure" following the violence and collapse of diplomatic relations with Indonesia. By Howard's fourth term, relations with Indonesia had recovered to include counter-terrorism cooperation and Australia's $1bn Boxing Day Tsunami relief efforts, and were assisted by good relations between Howard and Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.^[55][56]

Throughout his prime-ministership, Howard was resolute in his refusal to provide a parliamentary "apology" to Indigenous Australians as recommended by the 1997 “Bringing Them Home” Report. Howard argued this was inappropriate, because "Australians of this generation should not be required to accept guilt and blame for past actions and policies."^[57] Howard did offer this personal apology before the release of the Report: "I feel deep sorrow for those of my fellow Australians who suffered injustices under the practices of past generations towards indigenous people. Equally, I am sorry for the hurt and trauma many here today may continue to feel, as a consequence of these practices”.^[58]

In 1999 Howard negotiated a "Motion of Reconciliation" with Aboriginal Senator Aden Ridgeway. Eschewing use of the word "sorry", the motion recognised mistreatment of Aborigines as the "most blemished chapter" in Australia's history; offered "deep and sincere regret" for past injustices.^[59] Following his 2007 loss of the Prime Ministership, Howard was the only living former Prime Minister who declined to attend the February 2008 apology made by Kevin Rudd with bi-partisan support.^[60]

Howard did not commit to serving a full term if he won the next election; on his 61st birthday in July 2000 he said he would consider the question of retirement when he turned 64.^[61] This was interpreted as boosting Costello’s leadership aspirations, and the enmity over leadership and succession resurfaced publicly when Howard did not retire at the age of 64.^[62] In the first half of 2001, rising petrol prices, voter enmity over the implementation of the GST, a spike in inflation and economic slowdown led to bad opinion polls and predictions the Government would lose office in the election later that year.^[63] With Howard telling Cabinet he would not be "sacrificed on the pyre of ideological purity", the government announced a series of policy reversals and softenings which boosted the government's fortunes, as did news that the economy had avoided recession. Following the Liberal Party win at the Aston by-election, Howard said that the Coalition was "back in the game".^[63] The government's position on "border protection", in particular the Tampa affair where Howard refused the landing of asylum seekers rescued by a Norwegian freighter, consolidated the improving polls for the government, as did the 11 September 2001 attacks.^[64] Howard led the government to victory in the 2001 federal election with an increased majority.^[65]

Third term[link]

Howard with Russian President Vladimir Putin during the 2007 APEC Summit

Howard had first met US President George W. Bush in the days before the 11 September terrorist attacks and was in Washington the morning of the attacks.^[66] In response to the attacks, Howard invoked the ANZUS Treaty and said that the invocation of the treaty "demonstrates Australia's steadfast commitment to work with the United States.” In October, he committed Australian military personnel to the war in Afghanistan. Howard developed a strong personal relationship with the president,^[67] and they shared often similar ideological positions – including on the role of the United States in world affairs and their approach to the "War on Terror". In May 2003, Howard made an overnight stay at Bush's Prairie Chapel Ranch in Texas, after which Bush said that Howard "...is not only a man of steel, he's showed the world he's a man of heart."^[68]

Howard responded to the 2002 Bali bombing, in which 88 Australian citizens were killed, by calling on Australians to "wrap their arms around the people of Indonesia" and said that, while affected, Australia remained "strong and free and open and tolerant".^[69] Howard re-dedicated his government to the "War on Terror", saying the Bali bombing was proof that no country was "immune" to the effects of terrorism.

In March 2003, Australia joined the US-led "Multinational force in Iraq" in sending 2,000 troops and naval units to support in the invasion of Iraq. Howard said that the invasion to "disarm Iraq...is right, it is lawful, and it is in Australia’s national interest." He later said that the decision to go into Iraq was the most difficult he made as Prime Minister.^[70] In response to the Australian participation in the invasion, there were large protests in Australian cities during March 2003, and Prime Minister Howard was heckled from the public gallery of Parliament House.^[71] While opinion polls showed that opposition to the war without UN backing was between 48 and 92 per cent,^[72] Howard remained preferred prime-minister over opposition leader, Simon Crean, and his approval dropped compared to before the war.^[73][74]

Throughout 2002 and 2003 Howard had increased his opinion poll lead over Labor leader, Simon Crean. In December 2003, Crean resigned after losing party support and Mark Latham was elected leader. Howard called an election for 9 October 2004. While the government was behind Labor in the opinion polls, Howard himself had a large lead over Latham as preferred Prime Minister. In the lead up to the election, Howard again did not commit to serving a full term.^[75] Howard campaigned on the theme of trust, asking: "Who do you trust to keep the economy strong, and protect family living standards? Who do you trust to keep interest rates low?"^[76] Howard attacked Latham's economic record as Mayor of Liverpool City Council and attacked Labor's economic history saying: "It is an historic fact that interest rates have always gone up under Labor governments over the last 30 years, because Labor governments spend more than they collect and drive budgets into deficit ... So it will be with a Latham Labor government... I will guarantee that interest rates are always going to be lower under a Coalition government."^[77] The election resulted in a five-seat swing to the Coalition, netting it a majority almost as large as in 1996. It also resulted the first, albeit slim, government majority in the Senate since 1981. For the second time since becoming Prime Minister, Howard came up short of a majority in the first count for his own seat. He was assured of reelection on the third count, ultimately winning 53.3 percent of the two-party preferred vote.^[78] On 21 December 2004, Howard became the second-longest serving Australian Prime Minister after Sir Robert Menzies.^[79]

Fourth term[link]

In 2006, with the government now controlling both houses of parliament for the first time since the Fraser era, industrial relations changes were enacted. Named “WorkChoices” and championed by Howard, they were intended to fundamentally change the employer-employee relationship. Opposed by a broad trade union campaign and antipathy within the electorate, WorkChoices was subsequently seen as a major factor in the government’s 2007 election loss.^[80]

In April 2006, the government announced it had completely paid off the last of $96 billion of Commonwealth net debt inherited when it came to power in 1996.^[81] By 2007, Howard had been in office for 11 of the 15 years of consecutive annual growth enjoyed by the Australian economy. Unemployment had fallen from 8.1% at the start of his term to 4.1% in 2007,^[82] and average weekly earnings grew 24.4% in real terms.^[1] Howard often cited economic management as a strong point of the government, and during his Prime Ministership, opinion polling consistently showed that a majority of the electorate thought his government were better to handle the economy than the Opposition.^[83]

In 2006, Ian McLachlan and Peter Costello said that under a 1994 deal between Howard and Costello, Howard would serve one and half terms as Prime Minister if the Coalition won the next election before stepping aside to allow Costello to take over. Howard denied that this constituted a deal;^[84] and there were calls for Costello to either challenge or quit.^[85] Citing strong party room support for him as leader, Howard stated later that month that he would remain to contest the 2007 election.^[86] Six weeks before the election, Howard said that, if elected, he would stand down during the next term, and anointed Costello as his successor.^[87] Peter Costello commented, in 2007 whilst still in government, that "The Howard treasurership was not a success in terms of interest rates and inflation... he had not been a great reformer," and questioned Howard's account of his conflicts with the Prime Minister Fraser.^[88]

The Coalition trailed Labor in opinion polls from mid-2006 onward, but Howard still consistently led Labor leader Kim Beazley on the question of preferred Prime Minister – and was even described as a "revolutionary" in his opposition to unionism.^[89] In December 2006, after Kevin Rudd became Labor leader, the two-party preferred deficit widened even further and Rudd swiftly overtook Howard as preferred Prime Minister. Howard chaired APEC Australia 2007, culminating in the APEC Economic Leaders Meeting in Sydney during September.^[90] The meeting was at times overshadowed by further leadership speculation following continued poor poll results.^[91]

2007 election defeat[link]

Electioneering balloons from the Liberal and Labor parties in Bennelong during the 2007 federal election.

Leading up to the 24 November election, the Coalition trailed Labor in the polls since the Labor party elected Kevin Rudd as party leader in late 2006. In the election, Howard and his government were defeated, suffering a 23-seat swing to Labor, which was almost as large as the 29-seat swing that propelled him to power in 1996. Howard lost his seat of Bennelong to former journalist Maxine McKew by 44,685 votes (51.4 percent) to Howard's 42,251 (48.6 percent).^[92] The final tally indicated that McKew defeated Howard on the 14th count due to a large flow of Green preferences to her; 3,793 (78.84 percent) of Green voters listed McKew as their second preference.^[93] Howard told a former colleague that losing Bennelong was a "silver lining in the thunder cloud of defeat" as it spared him the ignominy of opposition.^[94] Howard is the second Australian Prime Minister, after Stanley Bruce, to lose his seat in an election.^[95] He remained in office as caretaker Prime Minister until the formal swearing in of Rudd's government on 3 December.^[96]

Federal Liberal Party director Brian Loughnane said "it was the failure of Kim Beazley's leadership that had masked voter concerns about Howard".^[97] Media analysis of The Australian Election Study, a postal survey of 1873 voters during the 2007 poll, found that although respondents respected Howard and thought he had won the 6-week election campaign, Howard was considered "at odds with public opinion on cut-through issues", his opponent had achieved the highest "likeability" rating in the survey's 20-year history, and a majority had decided their voting intention prior to the election campaign.^[98]

After politics[link]

In January 2008, John Howard signed with a prominent speaking agency called the Washington Speakers Bureau, joining Tony Blair, Colin Powell, Madeleine Albright, and others. He will be available for two speeches, Leadership in the New Century and The Global Economic Future.^[99]

The Australian and New Zealand cricket boards jointly nominated Howard as their candidate for president of the International Cricket Council. However, his nomination was rejected by the ICC's executive board in Singapore after members from six countries signalled their intention to block the appointment.^[100] Howard is currently the chairman of the International Democrat Union, a body of international conservative political parties,^[101] and in 2008 was appointed a Director of the Foundation established to preserve the legacy of Donald Bradman.^[102]

As a result of an anaphylactic reaction to an anaesthetic used during dental surgery, Howard was rushed to hospital in 2009 and spent two nights under observation in the hospital before being released.^{[103][importance?]}

Howard's autobiography Lazarus Rising: A Personal and Political Autobiography was released on 26 October 2010.^[104]

Honours[link]

Howard (left) being awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom by President George W. Bush

Bust of John Howard by political cartoonist, caricaturist and sculptor Peter Nicholson located in the Prime Minister's Avenue in the Ballarat Botanical Gardens

• Recognised as Australian Father of the Year in 1997
• Received the Woodrow Wilson Award from the Woodrow Wilson Center of the U.S. Smithsonian Institution on 22 August 2005 in Sydney
• B'nai B'rith International bestowed its Presidential Gold Medal on Howard in May 2006^[105]
• Irving Kristol Award, the highest award of the American Enterprise Institute, 5 March 2008^[106]
• Common Wealth Award of Distinguished Service in Government, 6 April 2008^[107]

Appointments[link]

• On 26 January 2008, he was appointed a Companion of the Order of Australia (AC) "for distinguished service to the Parliament of Australia, particularly as Prime Minister and through contributions to economic and social policy reform, fostering and promoting Australia's interests internationally, and the development of significant philanthropic links between the business sector, arts and charitable organisations".^[108]
• On 1 January 2012 Howard was invested as a Member of the Order of Merit (OM) by Her Majesty, Queen Elizabeth II.^[109]

Medals[link]

• On 1 January 2001, he was awarded the Centenary Medal.^[110]
• On 15 June 2005, he was awarded the Star of the Solomon Islands (SSI).^[111][112]
• On 13 January 2009, he was awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom by the President of the United States George W. Bush.^[113]

Honorary degrees[link]

Queensland

• On 14 February 2009, he was awarded an Honorary doctorate from Bond University^[114]

New South Wales

• In April 2012, he was awarded an Honorary Doctor of Letters from Macquarie University^[115]

Israel

• In December 2008, he was awarded an Honorary Doctorate from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem for "outstanding statesmanship and leading role on the world stage in promoting democracy and combating international terrorism" and his "remarkable understanding of, and exceptional support for, the State of Israel and his deep friendship with the Australian Jewish community"^[116]

See also[link]

• First Howard Ministry
• Second Howard Ministry
• Third Howard Ministry
• Fourth Howard Ministry

References[link]