A document related to the Carter Doctrine

The Carter Doctrine was a policy proclaimed by President of the United States Jimmy Carter in his State of the Union Address on January 23, 1980, which stated that the United States would use military force if necessary to defend its national interests in the Persian Gulf region. The doctrine was a response to the 1979 invasion of Afghanistan by the Soviet Union, and was intended to deter the Soviet Union—the Cold War adversary of the United States—from seeking hegemony in the Gulf. After stating that Soviet troops in Afghanistan posed "a grave threat to the free movement of Middle East oil," Carter proclaimed:

The region which is now threatened by Soviet troops in Afghanistan is of great strategic importance: It contains more than two-thirds of the world's exportable oil. The Soviet effort to dominate Afghanistan has brought Soviet military forces to within 300 miles of the Indian Ocean and close to the Straits of Hormuz, a waterway through which most of the world's oil must flow. The Soviet Union is now attempting to consolidate a strategic position, therefore, that poses a grave threat to the free movement of Middle East oil.

This situation demands careful thought, steady nerves, and resolute action, not only for this year but for many years to come. It demands collective efforts to meet this new threat to security in the Persian Gulf and in Southwest Asia. It demands the participation of all those who rely on oil from the Middle East and who are concerned with global peace and stability. And it demands consultation and close cooperation with countries in the area which might be threatened.

Meeting this challenge will take national will, diplomatic and political wisdom, economic sacrifice, and, of course, military capability. We must call on the best that is in us to preserve the security of this crucial region.

Let our position be absolutely clear: An attempt by any outside force to gain control of the Persian Gulf region will be regarded as an assault on the vital interests of the United States of America, and such an assault will be repelled by any means necessary, including military force.

This last, key sentence of the Carter Doctrine, was written by Zbigniew Brzezinski, President Carter's National Security Adviser. Brzezinski modeled the wording of the Carter Doctrine on the Truman Doctrine,^[1] and insisted that the sentence be included in the speech "to make it very clear that the Soviets should stay away from the Persian Gulf."^[2]

In The Prize: The Epic Quest for Oil, Money, and Power, author Daniel Yergin notes that the Carter Doctrine "bore striking similarities" to a 1903 British declaration, in which British Foreign Secretary Lord Landsdowne warned Russia and Germany that the British would "regard the establishment of a naval base or of a fortified port in the Persian Gulf by any other power as a very grave menace to British interests, and we should certainly resist it with all the means at our disposal."^[3]

Background[link]

The Persian Gulf region was first proclaimed to be of national interest to the United States during World War II. Petroleum is of central importance to modern armies, and the United States—as the world's leading oil producer at that time—supplied most of the oil for the Allied armies. Many American strategists were concerned that the war would dangerously reduce the U.S. oil supply, and so they sought to establish good relations with Saudi Arabia, a kingdom with large oil reserves. On February 16, 1943, President Franklin D. Roosevelt said, "the defense of Saudi Arabia is vital to the defense of the United States."^[4] On February 14, 1945, while returning from the Yalta Conference, Roosevelt met with King Ibn Saud of Saudi Arabia on the Great Bitter Lake in the Suez Canal, the first time a U.S. president had visited the Persian Gulf region. (During Operation Desert Shield in 1990, this landmark meeting between Roosevelt and King Ibn Saud was cited by Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney as one of the justifications for sending troops to protect Saudi Arabia's border.)^[5]

The Persian Gulf region continued to be regarded as an area of vital importance to the United States during the Cold War. Three Cold War United States Presidential doctrines—the Truman Doctrine, the Eisenhower Doctrine, and the Nixon Doctrine—played roles in the formulation of the Carter Doctrine. The Truman Doctrine, which stated that the United States would send military aid to countries which were threatened by Soviet communism, was used to strengthen the security of Iran and Saudi Arabia. In October 1950, President Harry Truman wrote to King Ibn Saud that "the United States is interested in the preservation of the independence and territorial integrity of Saudi Arabia. No threat to your Kingdom could occur which would not be a matter of immediate concern to the United States."^[6] The Eisenhower Doctrine in turn called for U.S. troops to be sent to the Middle East to defend U.S. allies against their Soviet-backed adversaries. Finally, application of the Nixon Doctrine provided military aid to Iran and Saudi Arabia so that these U.S. allies could ensure peace and stability in the region. In 1979, the Iranian Revolution and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan prompted the restatement of U.S. interests in the region in the form of the Carter Doctrine.^[7]

In July 1979, in response to a national energy crisis, President Carter delivered his "Crisis of Confidence" speech urging Americans to reduce their use of energy to help lessen American dependence on foreign oil supplies.^[8] Recently, some scholars have questioned whether Carter's energy plan, if it had been fully enacted, would have prevented some of the current economic difficulties caused by American dependency on foreign oil.^[9]

Implementation[link]

Because the United States did not have significant military capabilities in the Persian Gulf region at the time the Carter Doctrine was proclaimed, the doctrine was criticized^[who?] for being not backed by sufficient force. The Carter administration began to build up the Rapid Deployment Force, which would eventually become CENTCOM. In the interim, the administration expanded the U.S. naval presence in the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean.^{[citation needed]}

Carter's successor, President Ronald Reagan, extended the policy in October 1981 with what is sometimes called the "Reagan Corollary to the Carter Doctrine", which proclaimed that the United States would intervene to protect Saudi Arabia, whose security was threatened after the outbreak of the Iran–Iraq War. Thus, while the Carter Doctrine warned away outside forces from the region, the Reagan Corollary pledged to secure internal stability. According to diplomat Howard Teicher, "with the enunciation of the Reagan Corollary, the policy ground work was laid for Operation Desert Storm."^[10] Some analysts^[who?] have argued that the implementation of the Carter Doctrine and the Reagan Corollary also played a role in the outbreak of the 2003 Iraq War.

See also[link]

• US-Iran relations

Notes[link]

1. ^ Brzezinski, Zbigniew. Power and Principle: Memoirs of the National Security Adviser, 1977-1981. New York: Farrar, Strauss, Giroux, 1983. ISBN 0-374-23663-1. pg. 444.
2. ^ A Cold War Legacy of Persian Gulf Conflict, Artsandmedia.net, March 19, 2003, http://www.artsandmedia.net/cgi-bin/dc/newsdesk/2003/03/18_centcom_1, retrieved 2008-10-16 
3. ^ (Yergin 1991, pp. 140, 702)
4. ^ (Klare 2004, p. 33)
5. ^ (Klare 2004, p. 36)
6. ^ (Yergin 1991, p. 428)
7. ^ (Klare 2004, pp. 33–45)
8. ^ Carter, Jimmy, Crisis of Confidence, The Carter Center, http://www.cartercenter.org/news/editorials_speeches/crisis_of_confidence.html, retrieved 2008-07-27 
9. ^ Wheelan, Joseph (2008-07-15), "Second Hearing for Carter", Atlanta Journal-Constitution, http://www.ajc.com/search/content/opinion/stories/2008/07/15/energyed.html, retrieved 2008-07-27 
10. ^ Teicher, Howard and Gayle Radley Teicher. Twin Pillars to Desert Storm: America's Flawed Vision in the Middle East from Nixon to Bush. New York: Morrow, 1993. pp. 145-6

References[link]

Wikisource has original text related to this article: Jimmy Carter's Third State of the Union Address

Further reading[link]

• Meiertöns, Heiko (2010): The Doctrines of US Security Policy - An Evaluation under International Law, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-76648-7.

External links[link]

This section may contain lists of external links, quotations or related pages discouraged by Wikipedia's Manual of Style. Please help integrate this content into the body of the article using in-text citations.

• National Security Directive-63 (PDF), a policy outline written by Brzezinski and signed by Carter, giving an overview of the goals of the Carter Doctrine.
• Carter Doctrine and the Gulf War from the Dean Peter Krogh Foreign Affairs Digital Archives
• 1980 State of the Union Address, from the American Presidency Project.
• Department of the Navy—Naval Historical Center
• Straits, Passages and Chokepoints, A Maritime Geostrategy byJean-Paul Rodriguez
• Carter Doctrine in Perspective, US Air Force’s College of Aerospace Doctrine, Research and Education (CADRE) at Maxwell Air Force Base
• Nuclear Strategy and the Modern Middle East
• Interview with Michael Klare, in which he cites the Carter Doctrine as one of the causes of the 2003 Iraq War.
• "President Roosevelt and King Abdulaziz - The Meeting at Great Bitter Lake"
• "Crisis of Confidence" Speech, the speech delivered by then-President Jimmy Carter urging Americans to reduce their use of energy.
• "Ancient History": U.S. Conduct in the Middle East Since World War II and the Folly of Intervention. CATO Institute Policy Analysis no. 159

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Michael T. Klare is a Five Colleges professor of Peace and World Security Studies, whose department is located at Hampshire College, defense correspondent of The Nation magazine, and author of Resource Wars and Blood and Oil: The Dangers and Consequences of America's Growing Petroleum Dependency (Metropolitan). Klare also teaches at Amherst College, Smith College, Mount Holyoke College, and the University of Massachusetts Amherst.

Klare also serves on the boards of directors of Human Rights Watch, and the Arms Control Association. He is a regular contributor to many publications including The Nation, TomDispatch, Mother Jones, and is a frequent columnist for Foreign Policy In Focus. He also was the narrator of the movie, Blood and Oil which was produced by the Media Education Foundation.

He lives in Northampton, Massachusetts.

Analysis of US threats against Iraq[link]

In November 2005, Klare alleged that a major factor motivating the George W. Bush administration to attack Iraq would be its desire to distract attention from domestic political difficulties and to increase popularity for the President. US popular support for Bush increased by about 10% when the US invaded Iraq in 2003 and only dropped back to its previous level several months later.^[1]

Extreme energy[link]

Klare originated the concept of extreme energy. Extreme energy is a range of techniques for the production of energy from unconventional resources which share characteristics of being environmentally damaging or risky. Examples include exploitation of oil sands and shale oil, deepwater drilling, hydraulic fracturing, mountaintop removal mining, petroleum exploration in the Arctic, and natural gas hydrates.^[2][3]

The International Energy Agency predicted in 2011 that production of unconventional oil, mostly from heavy oil or oil sands in Venezuela and Canada would reach 10 million barrels a day by 2035. The degree to which production is economically viable remains uncertain as only high prices resulting from high demand can support the increased cost of production from unconventional sources.^[4]

Oil as an instrument of national policy[link]

This movie, Blood and Oil, which came out before the end of the Bush Administration explains Klare's view on oil as an instrument of national policy. Using sources including statements from official government sources and statements by media commentators, Klare pushes for alternative energy and warns that energy will be hard to get in the next century. The website for the movie describes the movie as follows:

"The notion that oil motivates America's military engagements in the Middle East has long been dismissed as nonsense or mere conspiracy theory. Blood and Oil, a new documentary based on the critically-acclaimed work of Nation magazine defense correspondent Michael T. Klare, challenges this conventional wisdom to correct the historical record. The film unearths declassified documents and highlights forgotten passages in prominent presidential doctrines to show how concerns about oil have been at the core of American foreign policy for more than 60 years – rendering our contemporary energy and military policies virtually indistinguishable. In the end, Blood and Oil calls for a radical re-thinking of US energy policy, warning that unless we change direction, we stand to be drawn into one oil war after another as the global hunt for diminishing world petroleum supplies accelerates."^[5]

The future of oil[link]

In an number of articles, Klare has commented on the future of oil. In an article published on March 13th, 2012 he discussed "the principal cause of higher oil prices."^[6] He concluded that "a fundamental shift in the structure of the oil industry" has occurred because of "the disappearance of relatively accessible and inexpensive petroleum," and that countries will have to grasp for the harder oil in the future. In another article he continues this thesis noting that of this he notes that sanctions on Iran make not only Iranians suffer, but also those that buy oil from Iran.^[7] That same month Klare notes the sensitive spots of conflict in the "Geo-energy era." They include the Strait of Hormuz, East and South China Seas, Caspian Sea basin and Arctic polar region.^[8] In another article last year, Klare expanded his thesis to something more radical. He noted that America and oil were falling together.^[9]

Notes[link]

Bibliography[link]

• War Without End: American Planning for the Next Vietnams (New York: Knopf, 1972). (Translations in Italian, Norwegian, and Spanish.)
• Supplying Repression (New York: Field Foundation, 1978). (2nd ed., with Cynthia Arnson, Institute for Policy Studies, Washington, D.C., 1981.)
• Beyond the 'Vietnam Syndrome': U.S. Interventionism in the 1980s (Washington, D.C.: Institute for Policy Studies, 1981).
• American Arms Supermarket (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1984).
• Low-Intensity Warfare: Counterinsurgency, Proinsurgency and Anti-terrorism in the Eighties, co-editor and contributor (New York: Pantheon, 1988).
• Peace and World Security Studies: A Curriculum Guide, 6th ed., editor and contributor (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1994). (5th ed., co-editor and contributor, 1991).
• Lethal Commerce: The Global Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons, co-editor and contributor (Cambridge, MA: American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1995).
• Rogue States and Nuclear Outlaws: America's Search for a New Foreign Policy (New York: Hill & Wang, 1995).
• A Scourge of Guns: The Diffusion of Small Arms and Light Weapons in Latin America, with David Andersen (Washington, D.C.: Federation of American Scientists, 1996).
• World Security: Challenges for a New Century, 3rd ed., co-editor and contributor (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998). (1st ed., co-editor and contributor, 1991; 2nd ed., co-editor and contributor, 1994.)
• Light Weapons and Civil Conflict, co-editor and contributor (Lanham, MD.: Rowman and Littlefield, 1999).
• Resource Wars: The New Landscape of Global Conflict (New York: Owl Books, reprint edition 2002).
• Blood and Oil: The Dangers and Consequences of America’s Growing Dependency on Imported Petroleum (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2004; paperback, Owl Books, 2005).
• (with Peter Kornbluh) Low Intensity Warfare: How the USA Fights Wars Without Declaring Them (Methuen Publishing Ltd, 1989, ISBN 0-413-61590-1).
• Rising Powers, Shrinking Planet: The New Geopolitics of Energy (Henry Holt & Company, Incorporated, 2008, ISBN 978-0-8050-8064-3).
• The Race for What's Left: The Global Scramble for the World's Last Resources, Metropolitan Books; First Edition edition (March 13, 2012), hardcover, 320 pages, ISBN-10: 0805091262 ISBN 978-0805091267 ^[1]

Published articles[link]

• Shopaholic China: chinadialogue July 2, 2010
• Russia and Georgia: All About Oil
• Michael Klare on the Carter Doctrine
• New Geopolitics
• "Michael Klare interviewed by Creel Commission" February 21, 2006. also at Jackalope Recordings
• "A Scourge of Small Arms," from Scientific American, June 2000 (with Jeffrey Boutwell).
• "New Korean War Peace Accord Spells Disaster for Pentagon War Planners," from Pacific News Service, June 22, 2000.
• "Quest for Oil Drives Aid to Colombia," from Alternet, May 4, 2000.
• Archive of Michael Klare's articles in The Nation (1999–2006).
• "New James Bond Thriller Foreshadows Real Dangers in Caucasus," from Pacific News Service, November 24, 1999.
• Klare, Michael (January 1999). "The Kalashnikov age". "Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists" 55 (1): 18–22. DOI:10.2968/055001009. http://thebulletin.metapress.com/content/v46450v181582n96/?p=893e5297038341128a2b8a6e942cb6ea&pi=8. Retrieved 2009-08-05. 
• "Small Arms and Light Weapons: Controlling the Real Instruments of War," from Arms Control Today, August/September 1998 (with Jeffrey Boutwell).
• "The Sole Superpower Syndrome," from In These Times, March 1998.
• Klare, Michael (January/February 1997). "East Asia's militaries muscle up". "Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists" (Educational Foundation for Nuclear Science, Inc.) 53 (1): 56–61. ISSN 0096-3402. http://books.google.com/?id=owwAAAAAMBAJ&pg=PA56. Retrieved 2009-08-05. 
• "Rogue States and ‘Peer Competitors' - A New Military Strategy for Washington?" from Le Monde Diplomatique, November 1997.

External links[link]

• PAWSS biography of Michael Klare
• Conversation with Klare
• Klare's articles published in Whole Terrain
• Five Colleges Program in Peace and World Security Studies
• Pulse Berlin / Stone Gossard
• Booknotes interview with Klare on Rogue States and Nuclear Outlaws, April 30, 1995.

Notes[link]

v t e Peak oil Core issues Peak oil Mitigation of peak oil Predicting the timing of peak oil Hubbert peak theory Olduvai theory Results/responses Hirsch report Rimini protocol Price of petroleum 2000s energy crisis Energy crisis Export Land Model Food vs. fuel Oil reserves Pickens Plan Simple living Swing producer Transition Towns People Albert Bartlett Colin J. Campbell David Goodstein John Michael Greer Richard Heinberg M. King Hubbert James Kunstler Jeremy Leggett Dale Allen Pfeiffer Richard Rainwater Matthew Simmons Richard C. Duncan Kenneth S. Deffeyes Books The End of Oil The Long Emergency Out of Gas The Party's Over Power Down Beyond Oil Films A Crude Awakening Collapse The End of Suburbia Oil Factor PetroApocalypse Now? How Cuba Survived Peak Oil What a Way to Go Gashole Organizations ASPO The Oil Drum Energy Watch Group ODAC OPEC OAPEC IEA Post Carbon Institute Other "peaks" Peak car Peak coal Peak copper Peak phosphorus Peak gas Peak uranium Peak water Peak wheat Peak wood

Brent R. Carter (born September 28, 1948^[1]) is an American professional poker player from Oak Park, Illinois who has won two World Series of Poker bracelets. He now lives in Treasure Island, Florida.

Poker Career[link]

Carter first finished in the money of a World Series of Poker (WSOP) event in 1991 in the $1,500 seven-card stud event. He won his first bracelet the same year in the $1,500 No Limit Texas hold 'em event, defeating O'Neil Longson in the final heads-up confrontation. He won a second bracelet in 1994 at the $1,500 limit Omaha event. Carter also won a Hall of Fame tournament bracelet in Ace-to-Five Lowball Draw.

Carter finished in the money of the WSOP $10,000 No Limit Texas Hold'em main event in 1991 (15th), 1992 (31st) and 1995 (3rd).

In 1995, Carter won the Best All-Around Player Award at the Four Queens Poker Classic.

On September 10 2008, Carter, who uses the name '92848' on PokerStars, won a World Championship of Online Poker bracelet in event #11, a $320 buyin Pot-Limit Omaha Hi/Lo tournament. He bested a field of 1,733 to win the $88,383 first prize.^[2]

As of 2009, his total live tournament winnings exceed $2,900,000.^[3] His 46 cashes at the WSOP account for $1,286,821 of those winnings.^[4]

World Series of Poker bracelets[link]

Notes[link]

1. ^ Hartness, John (2008-09-18). "Brent "92848" Carter picks up a WCOOP Bracelet for his Birthday in Event #11!". pokerstarsblog.com. http://www.pokerstarsblog.com/wcoop/2008/brent-92848-carter-picks-up-a-wcoop-brac-034594.html. Retrieved 2010-07-14. 
2. ^ Pokerstarsblog.com: Brent "92848" Carter picks up a WCOOP Bracelet for his Birthday
3. ^ Hendon Mob tournament results
4. ^ World Series of Poker Earnings, worldseriesofpoker.com

Andrew J. Bacevich, Sr. (born 1947 in Normal, Illinois) is a professor of international relations at Boston University and a retired career officer in the United States Army. He is a former director of Boston University's Center for International Relations (from 1998 to 2005), and author of several books, including American Empire: The Realities and Consequences of US Diplomacy (2002), The New American Militarism: How Americans are Seduced by War (2005) and The Limits of Power: The End of American Exceptionalism (2008). He has been "a persistent, vocal critic of the US occupation of Iraq, calling the conflict a catastrophic failure."^[1] In March 2007, he described George W. Bush's endorsement of such "preventive wars" as "immoral, illicit, and imprudent."^[1][2] His son, also an Army officer, died fighting in the Iraq War in May 2007.^[1]

Biography[link]

Bacevich graduated from the United States Military Academy at West Point in 1969 and served in the United States Army during the Vietnam War, serving in Vietnam from the summer of 1970 to the summer of 1971. Later he held posts in Germany, including the 11th Armored Cavalry Regiment, the United States, and the Persian Gulf up to his retirement from the service with the rank of Colonel in the early 1990s. He holds a Ph.D. in American Diplomatic History from Princeton University, and taught at West Point and Johns Hopkins University prior to joining the faculty at Boston University in 1998.

On May 13, 2007, Bacevich's son, 1LT Andrew J. Bacevich, Jr., was killed in action in Iraq by an improvised explosive device south of Samarra in Salah ad Din Governate.^[3] The younger Bacevich, 27, was a First Lieutenant in the U.S. Army,^[4] assigned to the 3rd Battalion, 8th U.S. Cavalry Regiment, 1st Cavalry Division.

Bacevich also has three daughters, and is of Lithuanian origin.^[4]

Writings[link]

Bacevich has described himself as a "Catholic conservative"^{[Need quotation to verify]} and initially published writings in a number of politically oriented magazines, including The Wilson Quarterly. His recent writings have professed a dissatisfaction with the Bush Administration and many of its intellectual supporters on matters of American foreign policy.

On August 15, 2008, Bacevich appeared as the guest of Bill Moyers Journal on PBS to promote his book, The Limits of Power. As in both of his previous books, The Long War (2007) and The New American Militarism: How Americans are Seduced by War (2005), Bacevich is critical of American foreign policy in the post Cold War era, maintaining the United States has developed an over-reliance on military power, in contrast to diplomacy, to achieve its foreign policy aims. He also asserts that policymakers in particular, and the American people in general, overestimate the usefulness of military force in foreign affairs. Bacevich believes romanticized images of war in popular culture (especially movies) interact with the lack of actual military service among most of the U.S. population to produce in the American people a highly unrealistic, even dangerous notion of what combat and military service are really like.

Bacevich conceived The New American Militarism not only as "a corrective to what has become the conventional critique of U.S. policies since 9/11 but as a challenge to the orthodox historical context employed to justify those policies."

Finally, he attempts to place current policies in historical context, as part of an American tradition going back to the Presidency of Woodrow Wilson, a tradition (of an interventionist, militarized foreign policy) which has strong bi-partisan roots. To lay an intellectual foundation for this argument, he cites two influential historians from the 20th century: Charles A. Beard and William Appleman Williams.

Ultimately, Bacevich eschews the partisanship of current debate about American foreign policy as short-sighted and ahistorical. Instead of blaming only one President (or his advisors) for contemporary policies, Bacevich sees both Republicans and Democrats as sharing responsibility for policies which may not be in the nation's best interest.

In March 2003, at the time of the U.S. invasion of Iraq, Bacevich wrote in The Los Angeles Times that "if, as seems probable, the effort encounters greater resistance than its architects imagine, our way of life may find itself tested in ways that will make the Vietnam War look like a mere blip in American history."^[1]

An editorial about the Bush Doctrine was published by the Boston Globe in March 2007.^[2]

In an article of The American Conservative dated March 24, 2008, Bacevich depicts Democratic Presidential candidate Barack Obama as the best choice for conservatives in the fall. Part of his argument includes the fact that "this liberal Democrat has promised to end the U.S. combat role in Iraq. Contained within that promise, if fulfilled, lies some modest prospect of a conservative revival."^[5] He also goes on to mention that "For conservatives to hope the election of yet another Republican will set things right is surely in vain. To believe that President John McCain will reduce the scope and intrusiveness of federal authority, cut the imperial presidency down to size, and put the government on a pay-as-you-go basis is to succumb to a great delusion."^[5]

In the October 11, 2009 issue of The Boston Globe,^[6] he wrote that the decision to commit more troops to Afghanistan may be the most fateful choice of the Obama administration. "If the Afghan war then becomes the consuming issue of Obama’s presidency — as Iraq became for his predecessor, as Vietnam did for Lyndon Johnson, and as Korea did for Harry Truman — the inevitable effect will be to compromise the prospects of reform more broadly," Bacevich wrote.

In his article "Non Believer" in the 7 July 2010 issue of The New Republic, Bacevich compared President George W. Bush, whom he characterizes as wrong-headed but sincere, with President Obama, whom he says has no belief in the Afghanistan war but pursues it for his own politically cynical reasons: "Who is more deserving of contempt? The commander-in-chief who sends young Americans to die for a cause, however misguided, in which he sincerely believes? Or the commander-in-chief who sends young Americans to die for a cause in which he manifestly does not believe and yet refuses to forsake?"^[7]

In an October 2010 interview with Guernica Magazine, Bacevich addressed his seemingly contradictory stance on Obama. While Bacevich supported Obama during the 2008 presidential race in which Obama repeatedly said he believed in the Afghanistan War, Bacevich has become increasingly critical of Obama's decision to commit additional troops to that war: "I interpreted his campaign rhetoric about Afghanistan as an effort to insulate him from the charge of being a national security wimp. His decision to escalate was certainly not a decision his supporters were clamoring for." ^[8]

His papers are currently housed at the Howard Gotlieb Archival Research Center at Boston University.

Bibliography[link]

Books[link]

• Washington Rules: America's Path to Permanent War (Macmillan, USA, 2010) ISBN 0-8050-9141-6 ^[9][10]
• The Limits of Power: The End of American Exceptionalism (Macmillan, USA, 2008) ISBN 0-8050-8815-6
• The Long War: A New History of U.S. National Security Policy Since World War II (Columbia University Press, USA, 2007) ISBN 0-231-13158-5
• The New American Militarism: How Americans Are Seduced by War (Oxford University Press Inc, USA, 2005) ISBN 0-19-517338-4
• American Empire: The Realities and Consequences of US Diplomacy (Harvard University Press, 2004) ISBN 0-674-01375-1

Journal Articles[link]

• "America Decides: Is Change in the Heir?". The Diplomat 7 (3): 28–30. Sep/Oct 2008. 
• "Breaking Washington's Rules". The American Conservative 10 (1): 23–26. January 2011. 

See also[link]

	Biography portal
	United States Army portal

• Republican and conservative support for Barack Obama in 2008
• The Imperial Presidency

References[link]

External links[link]

Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Andrew Bacevich

• "Is the war in Afghanistan worth fighting?" Great Debate at Boston University, November 4, 2009
• "Moral Obligations in the Global War on Terror: Who Owes What?" Talk given at Boston University, March 21, 2009
• Prophets and Poseurs: Niebuhr and Our Times, World Affairs
• Illusions of Victory By Andrew Bacevich
• Is Perpetual War Our Future? By Andrew Bacevich
• I Lost My Son to a War I Oppose, Washington Post, May 27, 2007
• Andrew Bacevich webpage at Boston University
• Interview with Andrew Bacevich in Bostonia, alumni magazine of Boston University, Seduced by War
• Extensive excerpts from The New American Militarism
• Conversations with Andrew Bacevich
• Archive of Bacevich's writings for The Nation
• Andrew Bacevich bloggings at HuffPo
• Iraq panel's real agenda: damage control for The Christian Science Monitor
• Sycophant Savior General Petraeus wins a battle in Washington—if not in Baghdad.
• Bill Moyers Journal interview of Andrew Bacevich
• Amy Goodman interviews Andrew Bacevich about his book The Limits of Power: The End of American Exceptionalism
• Online book discussion of Andrew Bacevich's "The Limits of Power"
• The Camp Doha Incident Report
• Video discussion between Bacevich and Heather Hurlburt on Bloggingheads.tv
• Andrew Bacevich on Afghanistan War: The President Lacks the Guts to Get Out on Democracy Now!
• Jake Whitney in Guernica Magazine interviews Bacevich