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A company town is a town or city in which much or all real estate, buildings (both residential and commercial), utilities, hospitals, small businesses such as grocery stores and gas stations, and other necessities or luxuries of life within its borders are owned by a single company. The term is used in the US and UK to refer to a town or city where loyalty to the company that is perceived to be responsible for its success is expected and that company is, or was, a major employer in the area.

Overview[link]

Traditional settings for company towns were where extractive industries — coal, metal mines, lumber — had established a monopoly franchise. Dam sites and war-industry camps founded other company towns. Since company stores tend to have a monopoly in company towns, it was not uncommon for truck systems to emerge in isolated company towns.

Typically, a company town will be isolated from neighbors and centered (figuratively, if not literally) around a large production factory such as a lumber or steel mill or an automobile plant; and the citizens of the town will either work in the factory, work in one of the smaller businesses, or be a family member of someone who does. The company may also operate parks, host cultural events such as concerts, and so on. If the owning company cuts back or goes out of business, the economic effect on the company town is devastating, and often fatal.

Company towns sometimes become regular public cities and towns as they grow. Other times, a town may not officially be a company town, but it may be a town where the majority of citizens are employed by a single company, thus creating a similar situation to a company town (especially in regard to the town's economy).

United States[link]

At their peak there were more than 2,500 company towns, housing 3% of the US population.^[1][2]

One of the first company towns in the United States was Pullman, Chicago, developed in the 1880s just outside the Chicago city limits. The town, entirely company-owned, provided housing, markets, a library, churches and entertainment for the 6,000 company employees and an equal number of dependents. Employees were required to live in Pullman, despite the fact that cheaper rentals could be found in nearby communities. In 1898 the Illinois Supreme Court required Pullman to dissolve their ownership of the town.

Another famous company town was McDonald, Ohio, which was created by the Carnegie Steel Company to house and serve the needs of its employees in the Youngstown, Ohio area.

In the present day United States, it is relatively rare for any place in which a single company owns all the property to be granted status as an incorporated municipality. Rather, companies will normally prefer their wholly owned communities to remain unincorporated as this permits administration of the community to be carried out by appointed company officers rather than elected officials. However, there are incorporated municipalities that are heavily dependent upon a single industry or organization and may be loosely considered a "company town", even though the company does not technically own the town.

A different type of company town has appeared in the U.S. since the 1960s, where real estate companies started developing uninhabited tracts of unincorporated lands into huge master-planned communities. These can be called company towns since they were not developed as part of a city, but completely on their own. Often these towns then grow into full fledged cities and then become incorporated, such as Irvine, California.

The adjacent cities of Bay Lake and Lake Buena Vista, near Orlando, Florida in the Reedy Creek Improvement District, are most widely known as the location of Walt Disney World Resort. Being company towns, they are entirely owned by Disney-related companies. A few token persons reside on the site; all are either employees of Disney or their immediate family members.

Outside the United States[link]

The French city of Le Creusot, the German city of Ludwigshafen and the Japanese City of Kitakyushu are said to be company-towns. In Spain the boom of industrial factories propelled "colonias" like Sedó or Guell.

Paternalism[link]

Paternalism, a subtle form of social engineering, refers to the control of workers by their employers who sought to force middle-class ideals upon their working-class employees. Paternalism was considered by many nineteenth century businessmen as a moral responsibility, or often a religious obligation, which would advance society whilst furthering their own business interests. Accordingly, the company town offered a unique opportunity to achieve such ends.

Although many prominent examples of company towns portray their founders as "capitalists with a conscience", for example George Cadbury's Bournville, if viewed cynically the company town was often an economically viable ploy to attract and retain workers. Additionally, for-profit shops within company towns were usually owned by the company which were unavoidable to its isolated workers thus resulting in a monopoly for the owners.^[3]

Although economically successful, company towns sometimes failed politically due to a lack of elected officials and municipally owned services.^[4] Accordingly, workers often had no say in local affairs and therefore felt dictated to. Ultimately, this political climate caused resentment amongst workers and resulted in many residents eventually losing long-term affection for their towns; such was the case at Pullman.

The Pullman lesson[link]

Pullman, Chicago was a model company town founded by the Pullman Palace Car Company in the 1880s. The town operated successfully until the economic panic of 1893 when demands for the company’s products declined and employee wages had to be lowered accordingly. Despite this the company refused to lower rents in the town or the price of goods at its shops, thus resulting in the Pullman Strike of 1894.^[5] A national commission formed to investigate the causes of the strikes found that Pullman’s paternalism was partly to blame and labelled it ‘un-American’.^[6]

However, government observers maintained that Pullman’s principles were accurate, in that he provided his employees with a quality of life otherwise unattainable to them, but recognised that his excessive paternalism was inappropriate for a large-scale corporate economy and thus caused the town’s downfall. Accordingly, government observers and social reformers alike saw the need for a balance between control and well-designed towns concluding that a model company town would only succeed if independent professionals, acting as a buffer between employers and employees, took a role in conception, planning, and management of these towns.^[7]

Thus the Pullman Strike did not kill the concept of a company town but rather initiated a new chapter in their existence. Over the next thirty years the old model of paternalism was abandoned in favour of new professionally designed company towns with architects, landscape architects, and planners translating “new concepts of industrial relations and social welfare into new physical forms”.^[8] This suited capitalists of the day who were obviously keen to avoid the experiences of Pullman. The first real example of this occurred at Indian Hill-North Village, Massachusetts in 1915.^[9]

Model company towns[link]

During the late nineteenth century, model company towns materialised as enlightened industrialists recognised that many poor workers were living in appalling conditions.^[10] These industrialists wished to combat the unsanitary and congested conditions common to working class districts in order to create better living conditions for workers.^[11] Model company towns such as Port Sunlight (1888) and Bournville (1895) were influential in regards to their building and planning innovation.^[12] The ideas generated from these model towns are regarded as having a significant influence on the Garden City movement.^[13]

The model company town is concerned with creating a productive and prosperous company.^[14] Enlightened industrialists believed this could be achieved by providing a healthier residential environment for their employees.^[15] Planning a model company town involved the fusion of new notions of house design and layout.^[16] The paternalism of the enlightened industrialist was exhibited in his desire to provide an environment for his employees that was aesthetically appealing and which included well-designed residences, parks, schools, libraries and meeting halls.^[17] The industrialist also wished to contribute to his workers’ wellbeing by providing social programs such as sporting events and functions.^[18] This however, highlights the power and immense control possessed by the company owner who could shape the lifestyle and activities of his employees to serve his own interests and those of the company.^[19]

The creation of model company towns was particularly evident in Britain during the latter half of the nineteenth century with the creation of Saltaire, Bournville, Port Sunlight, Creswell and New Earswick, and coincided with the housing reform movement which emphasised the improvement of housing for the working class.^[20] These model towns contrasted with the overcrowded conditions in British working class districts which were often characterised by congested housing, unsanitary conditions, poor provision of open space and facilities.^[21] Model company towns promoted the idea of orderly, planned town development as well as the notion of planning for the needs of the community in order to provide healthier living conditions.^[22]

Model company towns in Britain[link]

Model company towns around the mid-nineteenth century such as Copley (1849) near Halifax, and Saltaire (1853) close to Bradford were characterised by improved dwellings for workers which contrasted with working-class housing in other industrial villages and cities.^[23] These model company towns prompted the creation of others such as Port Sunlight, Bourneville and Creswell within an environment of reform.^[24]

Port Sunlight (1888) in Cheshire, was established by William Hesketh Lever (later Lord Leverhulme) of Lever Brothers – a soap and tallow manufacturer.^[25] The earlier layout of this model company town was planned to suit the undulating topography of the site.^[26] Port Sunlight catered for the Lever Brothers employees through the provision of improved housing (cottages of varying designs and materials) and gardens, as well as social and community facilities including an auditorium, school, tennis courts and bowling greens.^[27] Port Sunlight combined the use of formal and informal planning elements such as straight streets close to the town centre and curved streets in the residential areas.^[28] This combination of the formal and informal represented a new feature of British town planning.^[29]

Bournville (1895) near Birmingham, was established by the Cadbury brothers, George and Richard.^[30] George and Richard Cadbury chose to transfer the Cadbury factory to this new site in order to provide their employees with improved living conditions and a country environment that they could enjoy - a far cry from the busy, smoky city centre of Birmingham.^[31] The firm provided education in the form of a compulsory academic course and workers were given the opportunity to complete commercial or technical training.^[32] Cadburys also encouraged their workers to get involved in the social life of Bournville through the provision of sports facilities, athletic and cultural clubs, as well as social events such as summer parties.^[33] George Cadbury, a Quaker, preached Christian values such as respectability, thrift and sobriety and sought to unify the Bournville community through rituals such as gift giving between employer and employee.^[34] The firm also established work councils such as the Women’s Works Council and supported trade unions.^[35]

Bournville represented the union of industry and nature as the company town boasted the attractiveness of the countryside and low-density development characterised by well-built and visually appealing dwellings.^[36] Unlike Port Sunlight, Bournville catered for a mixed community where residences were not restricted to the workforce only.^[37] Bournville illustrated how, towards the end of the nineteenth century, low-density development was being emphasised along with the provision of open air, space and sunlight.^[38] Bournville’s gardens, parks, tree-lined streets, its sense of spaciousness and country setting enhanced its aesthetic appeal and demonstrated George Cadbury’s endeavour to provide workers with a healthy, beautiful and well-ventilated environment.^[39]

The Bolsover Company developed two exemplary mining communities in Derbyshire during the late nineteenth century, Bolsover (1891) and Creswell (1896).^[40] The Bolsover Company aimed to provide improved living conditions for the miners and their families in these model industrial villages.^[41] The houses at Creswell were built in concentric circles, and within these circles was large open parkland and a bandstand.^[42] Not only did the Bolsover Company aim to provide better housing, but they also wished to improve workers’ moral fibre, believing that the provision of facilities and the promotion of workers’ welfare would discourage drunkenness, gambling and bad language.^[43] The Bolsover Company provided facilities deemed beneficial for employees at both villages including clubhouses, bowling greens, cooperative society stores, cricket pitches and schools.^[44] During the early years of these model industrial villages, the Bolsover Company organised various events intended to enhance community life such as flower shows, lectures, sporting events, concerts, teas and dances.^[45]

The decline of American company towns[link]

By the 1920s the need for company towns had declined significantly due to increased national affluence. Despite income inequalities and a relatively low standard of living conditions amongst factory labourers, the prosperity of the 1920s saw workers’ material well-being improve significantly. A strong post-war American economy meant instalment buying was accessible to low-wage earners who could now purchase previously unattainable goods like automobiles and radios. Moreover, workers were no longer dependent on employers for healthcare and education.

By the 1920s the widespread nature of the automobile meant workers no longer needed to live near their work places and now had access to more employment opportunities. A combination of the freedom that came with private transport and the mass communication of radio saw the isolation of company towns lessen and the social basis of the company town become less necessary.

Furthermore, the accessibility of the working class to private transport also marked a step of equality as they had previously only been accessible to the wealthy. As access to surrounding municipalities increased, residents of company towns gained access to an increasing amount of government-funded public resources such as schools, libraries, and parks. Accordingly, there was no longer a need for the amenities of company towns which, prior to welfare capitalism, had previously been unattainable to the working class.^[46]

This new found freedom saw a change in the mindset of workers who began to look on welfare capitalism as demeaning rather than an incentive. Accordingly, many employees began to request additional pay in lieu of welfare programs. This was well received by some employers as the idea of ‘laissez-faire’ individualism, which promoted entrepreneurial virtues of hard-work being rewarded rather than direct charity, began to shape new-age paternalism.^[47]

Modernisation and the increase in material well-being had also lessened the perceived need for paternalism and moral reform. Accordingly, the economic downturn of the early 1930s saw some businesses do away with employee welfare schemes to reduce costs. However, the Roosevelt Administration’s New Deal dealt the final blow to end American company towns by raising minimum wages, encouraging industrial self-governance, and pushing for the owners of company towns to “consider the question of plans for eventual employee ownership of homes”.^[48] To a lesser extent the New Deal also reduced the need for employee housing by transforming housing finance to a lower-interest, lower-deposit system making home ownership more accessible to the working class.

See also[link]

• List of company towns
• College town
• Commission on Industrial Relations
• Corporate republic
• Ghost town
• Industrial paternalism
• Mill town
• Monotown, a similar phenomenon in Russia
• Railway town

References[link]

Further reading[link]

• Carlson, L. (2003). Company Towns of the Pacific Northwest, ISBN 0-295-98332-9 [1]
• Crawford, M (1995). Building the Workingman's Paradise: The Design of American Company Towns. London & New York: Verso. ISBN 0-86091-695-2. 
• Cherry, G.E. (1979). The town planning movement and the late Victorian city. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 4, 306-319.
• Dellheim, C. (1987). The creation of company culture: Cadburys, 1861-1931. The American Historical Review, 92, 13-44.
• Garner, J.S. (1982). The model company town. Massachusetts: The University of Massachusetts Press.
• Garner, J.S. (1992). The company town: Architecture and society in the early industrial age. New York: Oxford University Press, Inc.
• Gaskell, M. (1979). Model industrial villages in S. Yorkshire/N. Derbyshire and the early town planning movement. The Town Planning Review, 50, 437-458.
• Hebblethwaite, R. (1987). The municipal housing programme in Sheffield before 1914. Architectural History, 30, 143-179.
• Jackson, F. (1985). Sir Raymond Unwin: Architect, planner and visionary. London: A. Zwemmer Ltd.
• Parsons, K.C. (1985). Review of the model company town: Urban design through private enterprise in nineteenth-century New England. The New England Quarterly, 58, 639-643.

Katherine Dunham
Katherine Dunham in 1956
Born	Katherine Mary Dunham (1909-06-22)June 22, 1909 Chicago, Illinois, USA
Died	May 21, 2006(2006-05-21) (aged 96) New York City, USA
Influenced by	Robert Redfield, Melville J. Herskovits
Spouse	Jordis W. McCoo (m.1931-1938; divorced) John Pratt (m.1951-1986; his death)

Katherine Dunham wearing dance costume

Katherine Dunham (June 22, 1909 – May 21, 2006) was an American dancer, choreographer, and company director as well as an author, educator, and social activist. Dunham had one of the most successful dance careers in American and European theater of the 20th century and has been called the "matriarch and queen mother of black dance."^[1]

During her heyday in the 1940s and 1950s, Dunham was renowned throughout Europe and Latin America and was widely popular in the United States, where the Washington Post called her "dance's Katherine the Great." For almost thirty years she maintained the Katherine Dunham Dance Company, the only self-supported American black dance troupe at that time, and over her long career she choreographed more than ninety individual dances.^[2] Dunham was an innovator in African-American modern dance as well as a leader in the field of dance anthropology, or ethnochoreology.

Early Years[link]

Katherine Mary Dunham was born in June 1909 in a Chicago hospital and taken as an infant to her parents' home in Glen Ellyn, Illinois, a village about fifteen miles west of Chicago. Her father, Albert Millard Dunham, was a descendant of slaves from West Africa and Madagascar. Her mother, Fanny June Dunham (née Taylor), who was of mixed French-Canadian and Native American heritage, died when Katherine was four years old. After her father's remarriage a few years later, the family moved to a predominately white neighborhood in Joliet, Illinois, where Mr. Dunham ran a dry cleaning business.^[3]

Katherine became interested in both writing and dance at a young age, displaying talent in both fields. In high school she joined the Terpsichorean Club and began to learn a kind of modern dance based on ideas of Jaques-Dalcroze and Rudolf von Laban. At the age of 15, she organized the Blue Moon Café, a fund-raising cabaret for Brown's Methodist Church in Joliet, where she gave her first public performance. While still a high-school student, she opened a private dance school for young black children.

Academic Anthropologist[link]

Upon completing her studies at Joliet Junior College, Katharine Dunham moved to Chicago to join her brother Albert, who was attending the University of Chicago as a student of philosophy. In a lecture by Robert Redfield, a professor of anthropology, she learned that much of black culture in modern America had begun in Africa. She consequently decided to major in anthropology and to focus on dances of the African diaspora. Besides Redford, she studied under some of the great anthropologists of the day, including A.R. Radcliffe-Brown, Edward Sapir, and Bronisław Malinowski. Under their tutelage, she showed great promise in her ethnographic studies of dance.^[4]

In 1935, Dunham was awarded travel fellowships from the Julius Rosenwald and Guggenheim foundations to conduct ethnographic study of the dance forms of the Caribbean, especially as manifested in the Vodun of Haiti, a path also followed by fellow anthropology student Zora Neale Hurston. She also received a grant to work with Professor Melville Herskovits of Northwestern University, whose ideas of African retention would serve as a platform for her research in the Caribbean. Herskovits provided her with invaluable information in preparation for her voyage.

Her stay in the Caribbean began in Jamaica, where she went to live several months in the remote Maroon village of Accompong, deep in the mountains of Cockpit Country. (She later wrote a book, Journey to Accompong, describing her experiences there.) Then she traveled on to Martinique and to Trinidad and Tobago for short stays, primarily to do an investigation of Shango, the African god who remained an important presence in West Indian heritage. Early in 1936 she arrived at last in Haiti, where she remained for several months, the first of her many extended stays in that country throughout the rest of her life.

While in Haiti, Dunham investigated Vodun rituals and made extensive notes on her research, particularly on the dance movements of the participants. Years later, after extensive studies and initiations, she became a mambo (priestess) in the Vodun religion. She also became friends with, among others, Dumarsais Estimé, then a high-level politician, who became president of Haiti in 1949. Somewhat later, she assisted him, at considerable risk to her life, when he was persecuted for his progressive policies and sent in exile to Jamaica after a coup d'état.

Dunham returned to Chicago in late spring of 1936 and in August was awarded a bachelor's degree, a Ph.B. (bachelor of philosophy), with her principal area of study named as "social anthropology." In 1938, using materials collected during her research tour of the Caribbean, Dunham submitted a thesis, "The Dances of Haiti: A Study of Their Material Aspect, Organization, Form, and Function," to the Department of Anthropology at the University of Chicago in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a master's degree, but she never completed her course work or took examinations to qualify for the degree. Devoted to dance performance as well as to anthropological research, she realized that she had to choose between them. Although she was offered another grant from the Rockefeller Foundation to pursue her academic studies, she chose dance, gave up her graduate studies, and departed for the bright lights of Broadway and Hollywood.^[5]

Dancer and Choreographer[link]

In 1928, while still an undergraduate, Dunham began to study ballet with Ludmilla Speranzeva, a Russian dancer who had settled in Chicago, having come to the United States with the Franco-Russian vaudeville troupe Le Théâtre de la Chauve-Souris directed by impresario Nikita Balieff. She also studied ballet with Mark Turbyfill and Ruth Page, who became prima ballerina of the Chicago Opera. Through her ballet teachers, she was also exposed to Spanish, East Indian, Javanese, and Balinese dance forms. In 1930, when she was only 21, Dunham formed a group called Ballets Nègres, one of the first black ballet companies in the United States. After a single, well-received performance in 1931, the group was disbanded. Encouraged by Speranzeva to focus on modern dance instead of ballet, Dunham opened her first real dance school in 1933. Called the Negro Dance Group, it was a venue for Dunham to teach young black dancers about their African heritage.

In 1934–36 Dunham performed as a guest artist with the ballet company of the Chicago Opera. Ruth Page had written a scenario and choreographed La Guiablesse ("The Devil Woman"), based on a Martinican folk tale in Lafcadio Hearne's Two Years in the French West Indies. It opened in Chicago in 1933, with a black cast and with Page dancing the title role. The next year it was repeated with Katherine Dunham in the lead and with students from Dunham's Negro Dance Group in the ensemble. Her dance career was then interrupted by her anthropological research in the Caribbean.

Having completed her undergraduate work at the University of Chicago and having made the decision to pursue a career as a dancer and choreographer rather than as an academic, Dunham revived her dance ensemble and in 1937 journeyed with them to New York to take part in "A Negro Dance Evening" organized by Edna Guy at the 92nd Street YMHA. The troupe performed a suite of West Indian dances in the first half of the program and a ballet entitled Tropic Death, with Talley Beatty, in the second half. Upon returning to Chicago, the company performed at the Goodman Theater and at the Abraham Lincoln Center. Dunham's well-known works Rara Tonga and Woman with a Cigar were created at this time. With choreography characterized by exotic sexuality, both became signature works in the Dunham repertory. After successful performances of her company, Dunham was named dance director of the Chicago Negro Theater Unit of the Federal Theater Project. In this post, she choreographed the Chicago production of Run Li'l Chil'lun, performed at the Goodman Theater, and produced several other works of choreography including The Emperor Jones and Barrelhouse.

At this time Dunham first became associated with designer John Pratt, whom she later married. Together, they produced the first version of her dance composition L'Ag'Ya, which premiered on January 27, 1938, as a part of the Federal Theater Project in Chicago. Based on her research in Martinique, this three-part performance integrated elements of a Martinique fighting dance into American ballet to achieve a remarkable degree of syncretism. This blending of cultures also appeared in the way that Dunham skillfully and stylistically employed choreographic techniques to evoke images of Afro-Caribbean customs and art.

In 1939, Dunham's company gave further performances in Chicago and Cincinnati and then went back to New York, where Dunham had been invited to stage a new number for the popular, long-running musical revue Pins and Needles 1940, produced by the International Ladies' Garment Workers Union. As this show continued its run at the Windsor Theater, Dunham booked her own company in the theater for a Sunday performance. This concert, billed as Tropics and Le Hot Jazz, included not only her favorite partners Archie Savage and Talley Beatty but her principal Haitian drummer, Papa Augustin. Initially scheduled for a single performance, the show was so popular that the troupe repeated it for another ten Sundays.

This success led to the entire company being engaged in the Broadway production Cabin in the Sky, staged by George Balanchine and starring Ethel Waters. With Dunham in the sultry role of temptress Georgia Brown, the show ran for twenty weeks in New York before moving to the West Coast for an extended run of performances there. The show created a minor controversy in the press over whether the torrid dance numbers with bare-midriffed and bare-torsoed performers represented "art" or "sex appeal." Most critics called it a draw.

After the national tour of Cabin in the Sky, the Dunham company stayed in Los Angeles, where they appeared in the Warner Brothers short film Carnival of Rhythm (1941). The next year Dunham appeared in the Paramount musical film Star Spangled Rhythm (1942) in a specialty number, "Sharp as a Tack," with Eddie "Rochester" Anderson. Other movies she appeared in during this period included the Abbott and Costello comedy Pardon My Sarong (1942) and the famous break-through black musical Stormy Weather (1943).^[6]

Later that year, they returned to New York, and in September 1943, under the management of the renowned impresario Sol Hurok, her troupe opened in Tropical Review at the Martin Beck Theater. Featuring lively Latin American and Caribbean dances, plantation dances, and American social dances, the show was an immediate success. The original two-week engagement was extended by popular demand into a three-month run, after which the company embarked on an extensive tour of the United States and Canada. In Boston, the bastion of conservatism, the show was banned in 1944 after only one performance. Although it was well received by the audience, local censors feared that the revealing costumes and provocative dances might compromise public morals. After the tour, in 1945, the Dunham company appeared in the short-lived Blue Holiday at the Belasco Theater in New York and in the more successful Carib Song at the Adelphi Theatre. The finale to the first act of this show was Shango, a staged interpretation of a Vodun ritual that would become a permanent part of the company's repertory.

In 1946 Dunham returned to Broadway for a revue entitled Bal Nègre, which received glowing notices from theater and dance critics. Early in 1947 Dunham choreographed the musical play Windy City, which premiered at the Great Northern Theater in Chicago, and later in the year she opened a cabaret show in Las Vegas, marking the first year that the city became a popular entertainment destination. Later that year she went with her troupe to Mexico, where their performances were so popular that they remained for more than two months. After Mexico, Dunham began touring in Europe, where she was an immediate sensation. In 1948 she opened A Caribbean Rhapsody first at the Prince of Wales Theatre in London, then swept on to the Théâtre des Champs-Élysées in Paris, where the company took the city by storm. She and her dancers were treated as members of the jet set, mixing with nobility and celebrities such as famous French actor Maurice Chevalier.

This was the beginning of more than twenty years of performing almost exclusively outside America. During these years, the Dunham company appeared in some thirty-three countries in Europe, North Africa, South America, Australia, and East Asia. Dunham continued to develop dozens of new productions during this period, and the company met with enthusiastic audiences wherever they went. Despite these successes, the company frequently ran into periods of financial difficulties, as Dunham was required to support all of the thirty to forty dancers and musicians.

In 1948, Dunham and her company appeared in the Hollywood movie Casbah, with Tony Martin, Yvonne de Carlo, and Peter Lorre, and in the Italian film Botta e Risposta, produced by Dino de Laurentiis. Also that year they appeared in the first ever hour-long American spectacular televised by NBC when television was first beginning to spread across America. This was followed by television spectaculars filmed in London, Buenos Aires, Toronto, Sydney, and Mexico City.

In 1950, Sol Hurok presented Katherine Dunham and Her Company in a dance revue at the Broadway Theater in New York, with a program composed of some of Dunham's best works. It closed after only thirty-eight performances, and the company soon thereafter embarked on a tour of venues in South America, Europe, and North Africa. They had particular success in Denmark and France. In the mid-1950s, Dunham and her company appeared in three films: Mambo (1954), made in Italy; Die Grosse Starparade (1954), made in Germany; and Música en la Noche (1955), made in Mexico City.

The Dunham company's international tours ended in Vienna in 1960, when it was stranded without money because of bad management by their impresario. Dunham saved the day by arranging for the company to appear in a German television special, Karaibishe Rhythmen, after which they returned to America. Dunham's last appearance on Broadway was in 1962 in Bamboche!, which included a few former Dunham dancers in the cast and a contingent of dancers and dummers from the Royal Troupe of Morocco. It was not a success, closing after only eight performances.

A highlight of Dunham's later career was the invitation from New York's Metropolitan Opera to stage dances for a new production of Aida starring Leontyne Price. Thus, in 1963, she became the first African-American to choreograph for the Met since Hemsley Winfield set the dances for The Emperor Jones in 1933. The critics acknowledged the historical research she did on dance in ancient Egypt but did not particularly care for the results they saw on the Met stage.^[7] Subsequently, Dunham undertook various choreographic commissions at several venues in the United States and in Europe. In 1967 she officially retired after presenting a final show at the famous Apollo Theater in Harlem, New York. Even in retirement Dunham continued to choreograph: one of her major works was directing Scott Joplin's opera Treemonisha in 1972 at Morehouse College in Atlanta.

In 1978 Dunham was featured in the PBS special, Divine Drumbeats: Katherine Dunham and Her People, narrated by James Earl Jones, as part of the Dance in America series. Alvin Ailey later produced a tribute for her in 1987-8 with his American Dance Theater at Carnegie Hall entitled The Magic of Katherine Dunham.

Educator and Writer[link]

In 1945, Dunham opened and directed the Katherine Dunham School of Dance and Theatre near Times Square in New York City after her dance company was provided with rent-free studio space for three years by an admirer, Lee Shubert; it had an initial enrollment of 350 students.

The program included courses in dance, drama, performing arts, applied skills, humanities, cultural studies, and Caribbean research, and in 1947 it was expanded and granted a charter as the Katherine Dunham School of Cultural Arts. The school was managed in Dunham's absence by one of her dancers, Syvilla Fort, thrived for about ten years, and was considered one of the best learning centers of its type at the time. Schools inspired by it later opened in Stockholm, Paris, and Rome by dancers trained by Dunham.

Her alumni included many future celebrities, such as Eartha Kitt, who, as a teenager, won a scholarship to her school and later became one of her dancers before moving on to a successful singing career. Others who attended her school included James Dean, Gregory Peck, Jose Ferrer, Jennifer Jones, Shelley Winters, Sidney Poitier, Shirley MacLaine, Doris Duke, and Warren Beatty. Marlon Brando frequently dropped in to play the bongo drums, and jazz musician Charles Mingus held regular jam sessions with the drummers. Known for her many innovations, Dunham developed a dance pedagogy, later named the Dunham Technique, that won international acclaim and that is now taught as a modern dance style in many dance schools.

By 1957, Dunham was under severe personal strain that was affecting her health, and she decided to live for a year in relative isolation in Kyoto, Japan, where she worked on writing autobiographies of her youth. The first work, entitled A Touch of Innocence: Memoirs of Childhood, was published in 1959. A continuation based on her experiences in Haiti, Island Possessed, was published in 1969, and a fictional work based on her African experiences, Kasamance: A Fantasy, was published in 1974. Throughout her career, she occasionally published articles about her anthropological research (sometimes under the pseudonym of Kaye Dunn) and sometimes lectured on anthropological topics at universities and scholarly societies.^[8]

In 1964, Dunham settled in East St. Louis and took up the post of artist-in-residence at Southern Illinois University in nearby Edwardsville. There she was able to bring anthropologists, sociologists, educational specialists, scientists, writers, musicians, and theater people together to create a liberal arts curriculum that would be a foundation for further college work. One of her fellow professors with whom she collaborated was renowned architect Buckminister Fuller, who has been called the "planet's friendly genius."

The following year, 1965, President Lyndon Johnson nominated Dunham to be technical cultural adviser—that is, a sort of cultural ambassador—to the government of Senegal in West Africa. Her mission was to help train the Senegalese National Ballet and to assist President Leopold Senghor with arrangements for the First Pan-African World Festival of Negro Arts in Dakar (1965–66). Later she established a second home in Senegal and occasionally returned there to scout for talented African musicians and dancers.

In 1967, Dunham opened the Performing Arts Training Center (PATC) in East St. Louis as an attempt to use the arts to combat poverty and urban unrest. It served as a catharsis after the 1968 riots, during which she encouraged gang members in the ghetto to vent their frustrations with drumming and dance. The PATC drew on former members of Dunham's touring company as well as local residents for its teaching staff. While trying to help the young people in the community she was even jailed herself, making international headlines which quickly embarrassed local police officials to release her. She also continued refining and teaching the Dunham Technique to transmit that knowledge to succeeding generations of dance students, and lecturing at annual Masters' Seminars in St. Louis that attracted dance students from around the world every summer until her death. She also established the [Katherine Dunham Centers for Arts and Humanities] in East St. Louis to preserve Haitian and African instruments and artifacts from her own personal collection.

In 1976 Dunham was guest artist-in-residence and lecturer for Afro-American studies at the University of California, Berkeley. A photographic exhibit honoring her achievements, entitled "Kaiso! Katherine Dunham," was mounted a the Women's Center on the campus. In 1978, an anthology of writings by and about her, also entitled Kaiso! Katherine Dunham, was published in a limited, numbered edition of 130 copies by the Institute for the Study of Social Change.

Social Activist[link]

The Katherine Dunham Company toured throughout North America in the mid-1940s, even performing in the then-segregated South, where Dunham once refused to hold a show after finding out that the city's black residents had not been allowed to buy tickets for the performance. On another occasion, in October 1944, after getting a rousing standing ovation in Louisville, Kentucky, she told the all-white audience that she and her company would not return because "your management will not allow people like you to sit next to people like us," and she expressed a hope that time and the "war for tolerance and democracy" would bring a change.^[9] One historian noted that "during the course of the tour, Dunham and the troupe had recurrent problems with racial discrimination, leading her to a posture of militancy which was to characterize her subsequent career."

In Hollywood, Dunham refused to sign a lucrative studio contract when the producer said she would have to replace some of her darker-skinned company members. She and her company frequently had difficulties finding adequate accommodations while on tour because in many regions of the country, black Americans were not allowed to stay at hotels. This was also true elsewhere in the world.

While Dunham was recognized as "unofficially" representing American cultural life in her foreign tours, she was given very little assistance of any kind by the U.S. State Department. She had incurred the displeasure of departmental officials when her company performed Southland, a ballet that dramatized the lynching of a black man in the racist American South, in Santiago, Chile, in 1951.^[10] The State Department was dismayed by the negative view of American society that the ballet presented to foreign audiences. As a result, Dunham would later experience some diplomatic "difficulties" on her tours. The State Department regularly subsidized other less well-known groups, but it consistently refused to support her company (even when it was entertaining U.S. Army troops), although at the same time it did not hesitate to take credit for them as "unofficial artistic and cultural representatives."

The Afonso Arinos Law in Brazil[link]

In 1950, while visiting Brazil, Dunham and her group were refused rooms at a first-class hotel in São Paulo, the Hotel Esplanada, frequented by many American businessmen. Understanding that the fact was due to racial discrimination, she made sure the incident was publicized. The incident was widely discussed in the Brazilian press and became a hot political issue. In response, the Afonso Arinos law was passed in 1951 that made racial discrimination in public places a felony in Brazil.^{[11][12][13][14][15][16]}

Hunger Strike[link]

In 1992, at age 82, Dunham went on a highly publicized hunger strike to protest the discriminatory U.S. foreign policy against Haitian boat-people. Time reported that, "she went on a 47-day hunger strike to protest the U.S.'s forced repatriation of Haitian refugees. "My job", she said, "is to create a useful legacy."^[17] During her protest, Dick Gregory led a non-stop vigil at her home, where many disparate personalities came to show their respect, such Debbie Allen, Jonathan Demme, and Louis Farrakhan, leader of the Nation of Islam.

This initiative drew international publicity to the plight of the Haitian boat-people and U.S. discrimination against them. Dunham ended her fast only after exiled Haitian president Jean-Bertrand Aristide and Jesse Jackson came to her and personally requested that she stop risking her life for this cause. After it ended, ABC News nominated her as Person of the Week.^{[citation needed]} In recognition of her stance, President Aristide later awarded her a medal of Haiti's highest honor and called her the "Spiritual Mother of Haiti".^{[citation needed]}

Private Life[link]

Dunham married Jordis McCoo, a black postal worker, in 1931, but he did not share her interests and they gradually drifted apart, finally divorcing in 1938. About that time Dunham met and began to work with John Thomas Pratt, a Canadian who had become one of America's most renowned costume and theatrical set designers. Pratt, who was white, shared Dunham's interests in African-Caribbean cultures and was happy to put his talents in her service. After he became her artistic collaborator, they became romantically involved, despite the difference in their races. In the summer of 1941, after the national tour of Cabin in the Sky ended, they went to Mexico, where inter-racial marriages were less controversial than in the United States, and engaged in a commitment ceremony on 20 July, which thereafter they gave as the date of their wedding.^[18] In fact, that ceremony was not recognized as a legal marriage in the United States, a point of law that would come to trouble them some years later. In any case, from the beginning of their association, around 1938, Pratt designed every costume Dunham ever wore. He continued as her artistic collaborator and manager of her career until his death in 1986.

When she was not performing, Dunham and Pratt often visited Haiti for extended stays. On one of these visits during the late 1940s she purchased a large property of more than seven hectares in the Carrefours suburban area of Port-au-Prince. Reputed to have once belonged to General Charles Leclerc, husband of Pauline Bonaparte, Napoleon's sister, it was known as Habitation Leclerc and was famous for its tropical forest and flowing spring, a major source of drinking water for the city and a sacred site in the Vodun religion. Dunham used Habitation Leclerc as a private retreat for many years, frequently bringing members of her dance company to recuperate from the stress of touring and to work on developing new dance productions. After running it as a tourist spot, with Vodun dancing as entertainment, in the early 1960s, she sold it to a French entrepreneur in the early 1970s. There was once talk of turning Habitation Leclerc into a botantical garden named in honor of Dunham, but all such hopes were abandoned when the property was virtually destroyed by the great earthquake of 2011.

In 1949 Dunham returned from international touring with her company for a brief stay in the United States, where she suffered a temporary nervous breakdown after the premature death of her beloved brother Albert. He had been a promising philosophy professor at Howard University and a protégé of Alfred North Whitehead. During this time, she developed a warm friendship with famous psychologist and humanistic philosopher Erich Fromm, whom she had known in Europe. He was only one of a number of international celebrities who were Dunham's friends. In December 1951, a photo of Dunham dancing with Ismaili Muslim leader Prince Ali Khan at a private party he had hosted for her in Paris appeared in a popular magazine and fueled rumors that the two were romantically linked.^[19] Both Dunham and the prince denied the suggestion. The prince was then married to glamorous Hollywood actress Rita Hayworth, and Dunham was, at long last, legally married to John Pratt, having wedded him in a quiet ceremony in Las Vegas earlier in the year.^[20] The couple had then officially adopted their foster daughter, a four-year-old girl they had found as an infant in a Roman Catholic convent nursery in Fresnes, France. Named Marie-Christine Dunham Pratt, she was their only child.

Among Dunham's closest friends and colleagues was Julie Robinson, formerly a performer with the Katherine Dunham Company, and her husband, singer and later political activist Harry Belafonte. Both remained close friends of Dunham for many years, until her death. Glory Van Scott and Jean-Léon Destiné were among other former Dunham dancers who remained her lifelong friends.^[21]

Death[link]

Katherine Dunham died in her sleep in New York City from old age on May 21, 2006, aged ninety-six.^[22]

Legacy[link]

Anna Kisselgoff, a dance critic for the New York Times, called Dunham "a major pioneer in Black theatrical dance . . . ahead of her time." "In introducing authentic African dance-movements to her company and audiences, Dunham—perhaps more than any other choreographer of the time—exploded the possibilities of modern dance expression."

As one of her biographers, Joyce Aschenbrenner, wrote: "Today, it is safe to say, there is no American black dancer who has not been influenced by the Dunham Technique, unless he or she works entirely within a classical genre", and the Dunham Technique is still taught to anyone who studies modern dance.

The highly respected Dance magazine did a feature cover story on Dunham in August 2000 entitled "One-Woman Revolution." As Wendy Perron wrote, "Jazz dance, 'fusion,' and the search for our cultural identity all have their antecedents in Dunham's work as a dancer, choreographer, and anthropologist. She was the first American dancer to present indigenous forms on a concert stage, the first to sustain a black dance company. . . . She created and performed in works for stage, clubs, and Hollywood films; she started a school and a technique that continue to flourish; she fought unstintingly for racial justice."

Scholar of the arts Harold Cruse wrote in 1964: "Her early and life-long search for meaning and artistic values for black people, as well as for all peoples, has motivated, created opportunities for, and launched careers for generations of young black artists ... Afro-American dance was usually in the avant-garde of modern dance ... Dunham's entire career spans the period of the emergence of Afro-American dance as a serious art."

Black writer Arthur Todd described her as "one of our national treasures." Regarding her impact and effect he wrote: "The rise of American Negro dance commenced . . . when Katherine Dunham and her company skyrocketed into the Windsor Theater in New York, from Chicago in 1940, and made an indelible stamp on the dance world. . . . Miss Dunham opened the doors that made possible the rapid upswing of this dance for the present generation." "What Dunham gave modern dance was a coherent lexicon of African and Caribbean styles of movement—a flexible torso and spine, articulated pelvis and isolation of the limbs, a polyrhythmic strategy of moving—which she integrated with techniques of ballet and modern dance." "Her mastery of body movement was considered 'phenomenal.' She was hailed for her smooth and fluent choreography and dominated a stage with what has been described as 'an unmitigating radiant force providing beauty with a feminine touch full of variety and nuance."

Richard Buckle, ballet historian and critic, wrote: "Her company of magnificent dancers and musicians . . . met with the success it has and that herself as explorer, thinker, inventor, organizer, and dancer should have reached a place in the estimation of the world, has done more than a million pamphlets could for the service of her people."

"Dunham's European success led to considerable imitation of her work in European revues . . . it is safe to say that the perspectives of concert-theatrical dance in Europe were profoundly affected by the performances of the Dunham troupe."

While in Europe, she also influenced hat styles on the continent as well as spring fashion collections, featuring the Dunham line and Caribbean Rhapsody, and the Chiroteque Française made a bronze cast of her feet for a museum of important personalities."

The Katherine Dunham Company became an incubator for many well known performers, including Archie Savage, Talley Beatty, Janet Collins, Lenwood Morris, Vanoye Aikens, Lucille Ellis, Pearl Reynolds, Camille Yarbrough, Lavinia Williams, and Tommy Gomez.

Alvin Ailey, who stated that he first became interested in dance as a professional career after having seen a performance of the Katherine Dunham Company as a young teenager of 14 in Los Angeles, called the Dunham Technique "the closest thing to a unified Afro-American dance existing."

For several years Dunham's personal assistant and press promoter was Maya Deren, who later also became interested in Vodun and wrote The Divine Horseman: The Voodoo Gods of Haiti (1953). Deren is now considered to be a pioneer of independent American filmmaking. Dunham herself was quietly involved in both the Voodoo and Orisa communities of the Caribbean and the United States, in particular with the Lucumi tradition.

Not only did Dunham shed light on the cultural value of black dance, but she clearly contributed to changing perceptions of blacks in America by showing society that as a black woman, she could be an intelligent scholar, a beautiful dancer, and a skilled choreographer. As Julia Foulkes pointed out, "Dunham's path to success lay in making high art in the United States from African and Caribbean sources, capitalizing on a heritage of dance within the African Diaspora, and raising perceptions of African American capabilities."^[23]

Awards and Honors[link]

Over the years Katherine Dunham has received scores of special awards, including more than a dozen honorary doctorates from various American universities.

• In 1971 she received the Heritage Award from the National Dance Association.
• In 1979 at Carnegie Hall, she received the Albert Schweitzer Music Award "for a life's work dedicated to music and devoted to humanity."
• In 1987 she was received the Samuel H. Scripps American Dance Festival Award, and was also inducted into the National Museum of Dance C.V. Whitney Hall of Fame in Saratoga Springs, New York.
• In 1983 she was a recipient of one of the highest artistic awards in the United States, the Kennedy Center Honors.
• In 1986 the American Anthropological Association gave her a Distinguished Service Award.
• In 1989 she was awarded a National Medal of Arts, an honor shared by only two other University of Chicago alumni, Saul Bellow and Philip Roth.
• Dunham has her own star on the St. Louis Walk of Fame.
• In 2000 she was named one of the first one hundred of "America's Irreplaceable Dance Treasures" by the Dance Heritage Coalition.
• In 2002 Molefi Kete Asante included her in his book entitled 100 Greatest African Americans.^[24]
• In 2005, she was awarded "Outstanding Leadership in Dance Research" by the Congress on Research in Dance.

References[link]

1. ^ Joyce Aschenbenner, Katherine Dunham: Dancing a Life (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2002).
2. ^ VèVè A. Clark and Sara E. Johnson, editors, Kaiso!: Writings by and about Katherine Dunham (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2005). This anthology of writings also contains an abbreviated chronology of Dunham's life and career as well as a selected bibliography, a filmography of her commercial works, and a glossary.
3. ^ Claude Conyers, compiler, Katherine Dunham Timeline (2005), Library of Congress website: http://lcweb2.loc.gov/cocoon/ihas/html/dunham/dunham-timeline.html. This online document comprises notes on all major biographical and artistic events in Dunham's life and career and provides brief essays on all her major choreographic works.
4. ^ Ira E. Harrison and Faye V. Harrison, African-American Pioneers in Anthropology (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1999). p. 139.
5. ^ Conyers, Katharine Dunham Timeline (2005).
6. ^ Claude Conyers, "Film Choreography by Katherine Dunham, 1939–1964," in Clark and Johnson, Kaiso! (2005), pp. 639–42.
7. ^ Conyers, Katherine Dunham Timeline (2005).
8. ^ See "Selected Bibliography of Writings by Katherine Dunham" in Clark and Johnson, Kaiso! (2005), pp. 643–46.
9. ^ Clark and Johnson, Kaiso! (2005), p. 252.
10. ^ Constance Valis Hill, "Katherine Dunham's Southland: Protest in the Face of Repression," reprinted in Clark and Johnson, Kaiso! (2005), pp. 345–63.
11. ^ Edward E. Telles, Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Color in Brazil (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2004), p. 37.
12. ^ Paulina L. Alberto, Terms of Inclusion: Black Intellectuals in Twentieth-Century Brazil (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2011), p. 176-8.
13. ^ George Reid Andrews, Blacks and Whites in São Paulo: 1888-1988 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991), p.184-6.
14. ^ Ronald W. Walters, Pan Africanism in the African Diaspora: An Analysis of Modern Afrocentric (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1993), p. 287.
15. ^ Carl N. Degler, Neither Black not White: Slavery and Racial Relations in Brazil and United States (New York: Macmillan, 1971), p.278.
16. ^ Florestan Fernandes, "The Negro Problem in a Class Society: 1951-1960 Brazil," in Arlene Torres and Norman E. Whitten Jr., editors, Blackness in Latin American and Caribbean (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988), p.117.
17. ^ Time magazine article
18. ^ Katherine Dunham, The Minefield (manuscript, c.1980–1985), book II, 122–123, Box 20, Katherine Dunham Papers, Missouri History Museum Library and Research Center, St. Louis.
19. ^ Jet: The Weekly Negro News Magazine, vol. 1, no. 9 (27 December 1951).
20. ^ Katherine Dunham, The Minefield (manuscript, c.1980-1985).
21. ^ Anna Kisselgoff, "Katherine Dunham's Legacy, Visible in Youth and Age," New York Times (3 March 2003).
22. ^ Jack Anderson, "Katherine Dunham, Dance Pioneer, Dies at 96," obituary, New York Times, May 22, 2006. Includes the often-repeated but mistaken claim that Dunham was the first African-American to choreograph dances at the Metropolitan Opera in New York City but is otherwise accurate.
23. ^ Julia L. Foulkes, Modern Bodies: Dance and American Modernism from Martha Graham to Alvin Ailey (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002), p. 72.
24. ^ Asante, Molefi Kete, 100 Greatest African Americans: A Biographical Encyclopedia (Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books, 2002).

Other sources[link]

• Haskins, James, Katherine Dunham. New York: Coward, McCann, & Geoghegan, 1982.
• Kraut, Anthea, "Between Primitivism and Diaspora: The Dance Performances of Josephine Baker, Zora Neale Hurston, and Katherine Dunham," Theatre Journal 55 (2003): 433–50.
• Long, Richard A., The Black Tradition in American Dance. New York: Smithmark Publications, 1995.
• Largey, Michael D., Vodou Nation: Haitian Art Music And Cultural Nationalism, University of Chicago Press, 2006, p. 201–202.
• Library of Congress Information Bulletin: Katherine Dunham Legacy Project, February 2001.
• Breaking Barriers: African American Women in Dance: Smithsonian's Hirshhorn Museum and Sculpture Garden, March 2001.

External links[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Katherine Dunham

Dance portal

• KatherineDunham.org
• Katherine Dunham at the Library of Congress
• Katherine Dunham at the Internet Broadway Database
• Katherine Dunham at the Internet Movie Database

• Katherine Dunham Centers for Arts and Humanities
• Katherine Dunham Biography at PBS.org
• Recalling Choreographer and Activist Dunham - NPR
• How Katherine Dunham Revealed Black Dance to the World -New York Times
• Katherine Dunham, Dance Pioneer, Dies at 96 Playbill
• Katherine Dunham Collection -- Missouri History Museum Archives
• Katherine Dunham's oral history video excerpts at The National Visionary Leadership Project