Police officers buying donuts and coffee, an example of perceived stereotypical behavior in North America

A stereotype is a popular belief about specific types of individuals or certain way of doing things. The concepts of "stereotype" and "prejudice" are often confused with many other different meanings. Stereotypes are standardized and simplified conceptions of people based on some prior assumptions.

Etymology[link]

The term stereotype derives from the Greek words στερεός (stereos), "firm, solid"^[1] and τύπος (typos), "impression,"^[2] hence "solid impression".

Psychology was not the first to adopt the term "stereotype". Instead, this term was first adopted in the printing industry in 1798 by Firmin Didot to describe a printing plate that duplicated any typography. The duplicate printing plate, or the stereotype, is used for printing instead of the original.

The first reference to "stereotype" in its modern use in English, outside of printing, was in 1850, in a noun, meaning "image perpetuated without change."^[3] But it was not until 1922 that "stereotype" was first used in the modern psychological sense by American journalist Walter Lippmann in his work Public Opinion.^[4]

Dynamics[link]

In one perspective of the stereotyping process, there are the concepts of ingroups and outgroups. From each individual's perspective, ingroups are viewed as normal and superior, and are generally the group that they already associate with, or aspire to join. An outgroup is simply all the other groups. They are seen as lesser than or inferior to the in-groups. An example of this would be: Asians are smarter than Americans. In this example Asians are looked at as being smarter because their education systems are more strict than that of the Americans.

A second perspective is that of automatic and explicit or subconscious and conscious. Automatic or subconscious stereotyping is that which everyone does without noticing. Automatic stereotyping is quickly preceded by an explicit or conscious check which permits time for any needed corrections. Automatic stereotyping is affected by explicit stereotyping because frequent conscious thoughts will quickly develop into subconscious stereotypes.

A third method to categorizing stereotypes is general types and sub-types. Stereotypes consist of hierarchical systems consisting of broad and specific groups being the general types and sub-types respectively. A general type could be defined as a broad stereotype typically known among many people and usually widely accepted, whereas the sub-group would be one of the several groups making up the general group. These would be more specific, and opinions of these groups would vary according to differing perspectives.

Certain circumstances can affect the way an individual stereotypes. Some theorists argue in favor of the conceptual connection and that one's own subjective thought about someone is sufficient information to make assumptions about that individual. Other theorists argue that at minimum there must be a causal connection between mental states and behavior to make assumptions or stereotypes. Thus results and opinions may vary according to circumstance and theory. An example of a common, incorrect assumption is that of assuming certain internal characteristics based on external appearance. The explanation for one's actions is his or her internal state (goals, feeling, personality, traits, motives, values, and impulses), not his or her appearance.

Sociologist Charles E. Hurst, "One reason for stereotypes is the lack of personal, concrete familiarity that individuals have with persons in other racial or ethnic groups. Lack of familiarity encourages the lumping together of unknown individuals."^[5]

Stereotypes focus upon and thereby exaggerate differences between groups. Competition between groups minimizes similarities and magnifies differences.^[6] This makes it seem as if groups are very different when in fact they may be more alike than different. For example, among African Americans, identity as an American citizen is more salient than racial background; that is, African Americans are more American than African.^[7]

Theories on stereotypes[link]

This unreferenced section requires citations to ensure verifiability.

Different disciplines give different accounts of how stereotypes develop: Psychologists may focus on an individual's experience with groups, patterns of communication about those groups, and intergroup conflict. Pioneering psychologist William James cautioned psychologists themselves to be wary of their own stereotyping, in what he called the psychologist's fallacy. Sociologists focus on the relations among different groups in a social structure. Psychoanalytically-oriented humanists (e.g., Sander Gilman) have argued that stereotypes, by definition, are representations that are not accurate, but a projection of one to another.

A number of theories have been derived from sociological studies of stereotyping and prejudicial thinking. In early studies it was believed that stereotypes were only used by rigid, repressed, and authoritarian people. Sociologists concluded that this was a result of conflict, poor parenting, and inadequate mental and emotional development. This idea has been overturned; more recent studies have concluded that stereotypes are commonplace.

One theory as to why people stereotype is that it is too difficult to take in all of the complexities of other people as individuals. Even though stereotyping is inexact, it is an efficient way to mentally organize large blocks of information. Categorization is an essential human capability because it enables us to simplify, predict, and organize our world. Once one has sorted and organized everyone into tidy categories, there is a human tendency to avoid processing new or unexpected information about each individual. Assigning general group characteristics to members of that group saves time and satisfies the need to predict the social world in a general sense.

Some psychologist believe that childhood influences are some of the most complex and influential factors in developing stereotypes. Though they can be absorbed at any age, stereotypes are usually acquired in early childhood under the influence of parents, teachers, peers, and the media. Once a stereotype is learned, it often becomes self-perpetuating.

Stereotypes may also be self-fulfilling in that they tend to cause what people see based on their expectations. A consequence of this prophecy is the "stereotype threat", which arises from the fear that one could be judged or treated a certain way based on a negative stereotype about one's group. This generalized assumption usually occurs when one is acting in a way that is consistent with their stereotype.

Another prominent theory is the stereotype content model which attempts to predict behavior based on levels of warmth and competence.

Effects, accuracy, terminology[link]

Stereotypes can have a negative and positive impact on individuals. Joshua Aronson and Claude M. Steele have done research on the psychological effects of stereotyping, particularly its effect on African Americans and women.^[8] They argue that psychological research has shown that competence is highly responsive to situation and interactions with others.^[9] They cite, for example, a study which found that bogus feedback to college students dramatically affected their IQ test performance, and another in which students were either praised as very smart, congratulated on their hard work, or told that they scored high. The group praised as smart performed significantly worse than the others. They believe that there is an 'innate ability bias'. These effects are not just limited to minority groups. Mathematically competent white males, mostly math and engineering students, were asked to take a difficult math test. One group was told that this was being done to determine why Asians were scoring better. This group performed significantly worse than the control group.^[9]:443

Possible prejudicial effects of stereotypes are:

• Justification of ill-founded prejudices or ignorance
• Unwillingness to rethink one's attitudes and behavior towards stereotyped group
• Preventing some people of stereotyped groups from entering or succeeding in activities or fields

Stereotypes allow individuals to make better informed evaluations of individuals about whom they possess little or no individuating information, and in many, but not all circumstances stereotyping helps individuals arrive at more accurate conclusions.^[10] Over time, some victims of negative stereotypes display self-fulfilling prophecy behavior, in which they assume that the stereotype represents norms to emulate. Negative effects may include forming inaccurate opinions of people, scapegoating, erroneous judgmentalism, preventing emotional identification, distress, and impaired performance.

Yet, the stereotype that stereotypes are inaccurate, resistant to change, overgeneralized, exaggerated, and destructive is not founded on empirical social science research, which instead shows that stereotypes are often accurate and that people do not rely on stereotypes when relevant personal information is available.^[11] Indeed, Jussim et al. comment that ethnic and gender stereotypes are surprisingly accurate, while stereotypes concerning political affiliation and nationality ^[12] are much less accurate; the stereotypes assessed for accuracy concerned intelligence, behavior, personality, and economic status.^[10] Stereotype accuracy is a growing area of study and for Yueh-Ting Lee and his colleagues they have created an EPA Model (Evaluation, Potency, Accuracy) to describe the continuously changing variables of stereotypes.

Role in art and culture[link]

This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (February 2012)

Stereotypes are common in various cultural media, where they take the form of dramatic stock characters. These characters are found in the works of playwright Bertold Brecht, Dario Fo, and Jacques Lecoq, who characterize their actors as stereotypes for theatrical effect. In commedia dell'arte this is similarly common. The instantly recognizable nature of stereotypes mean that they are effective in advertising and situation comedy. These stereotypes change, and in modern times only a few of the stereotyped characters shown in John Bunyan's The Pilgrim's Progress would be recognizable.

More recently, artists such as Anne Taintor and Matthew Weiner (the producer of Mad Men) have used vintage images or ideas to insert their own commentary of stereotypes for specific eras. Weiner's character Peggy Olson continually battles gender stereotypes throughout the series, excelling in a workplace dominated by men.

American political cartoon titled The Usual Irish Way of Doing Things, depicting a drunken Irishman lighting a powder keg and swinging a bottle. Published in Harper's Weekly, 1871.

In literature and art, stereotypes are clichéd or predictable characters or situations. Throughout history, storytellers have drawn from stereotypical characters and situations, in order to connect the audience with new tales immediately. Sometimes such stereotypes can be sophisticated, such as Shakespeare's Shylock in The Merchant of Venice. Arguably a stereotype that becomes complex and sophisticated ceases to be a stereotype per se by its unique characterization. Thus while Shylock remains politically unstable in being a stereotypical Jew, the subject of prejudicial derision in Shakespeare's era, his many other detailed features raise him above a simple stereotype and into a unique character, worthy of modern performance. Simply because one feature of a character can be categorized as being typical does not make the entire character a stereotype.

Despite their proximity in etymological roots, cliché and stereotype are not used synonymously in cultural spheres. For example a cliché is a high criticism in narratology where genre and categorization automatically associates a story within its recognizable group. Labeling a situation or character in a story as typical suggests it is fitting for its genre or category. Whereas declaring that a storyteller has relied on cliché is to pejoratively observe a simplicity and lack of originality in the tale. To criticize Ian Fleming for a stereotypically unlikely escape for James Bond would be understood by the reader or listener, but it would be more appropriately criticized as a cliché in that it is overused and reproduced. Narrative genre relies heavily on typical features to remain recognizable and generate meaning in the reader/viewer.

Some contemporary studies indicate that racial, ethnic and cultural stereotypes are still widespread in Hollywood blockbuster movies.^[13]

See also[link]

	Psychology portal
	Sociology portal

References[link]

Bibliography[link]

• Stuart Ewen, Elizabeth Ewen, Typecasting: On the Arts and Sciences of Human Inequality. New York (Seven Stories Press) 2006
• Stereotype & Society A Major Resource: Constantly updated and archived
• Social Psychology Network Stereotyping
• Media Awareness Network. What is a stereotype? Definition, role of stereotyping in the media, more links
• Regenberg, Nina (2007). "Are Blonds Really Dumb?". In mind (magazine) (3). http://beta.in-mind.org/issue-3/are-blonds-really-dumb 
• Are Stereotypes True?
• Stereotype Susceptibility: Identity Salience and Shifts in Quantitative Performance, Margaret Shih, Todd L. Pittinsky, Nalini Ambady Research about the effects of 'positive' and negative stereotypes on encouraging/discouraging performance.
• Turner, Chris (2004). Planet Simpson: How a Cartoon Masterpiece Documented an Era and Defined a Generation. Toronto: Random House Canada. 
• Crawford, M. & Unger, R. (2004). Women and Gender: A Feminist Psychology. McGraw Hill New York. New York. 45-49.*
• Spitzer, B.L., Henderson, K, A., & Zavian, M. T. (1999). Gender differences in population versus media body sizes: A comparison over four decades. Sex Roles, 40, 545-565.*
• Terracciano A, Abdel-Khalek AM, Adám N, et al. (Oct 2005). "National Character Does Not Reflect Mean Personality Trait Levels in 49 Cultures". Science 310 (5745): 96–100. DOI:10.1126/science.1117199. PMC 2775052. PMID 16210536. //www.pubmedcentral.nih.gov/articlerender.fcgi?tool=pmcentrez&artid=2775052. 
• Jaap van Ginneken, Screening difference – How Holywood blockbusters imagine race, ethnicity and culture, Lanham, M.: Rowman & Littlefield, 2007.

External links[link]

Look up stereotype in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.

• Social Psychology Network Stereotyping
• Understanding Stereotypes - Educational information about stereotypes.
• SEPARATING the GOLD from the DROSS: a guide to multicultural literature
• Media Awareness Network. What is a stereotype? Definition, role of stereotyping in the media, more links

Claude Mason Steele (born January 1, 1946) is an American social psychologist and currently the I. James Quillen Dean for the School of Education at Stanford University,^[1] as well as Professor Emeritus in the Department of Psychology at Stanford.^[2] Previously, he served as the twenty-first Provost of Columbia University for two years, and before that, as a professor of psychology at various institutions for almost forty years. He is best known for his work on stereotype threat and its application to minority student academic performance.^[3] His earlier work dealt with research on the self (e.g., self-image, self-affirmation)^[4][5] as well as the role of self-regulation in addictive behaviors.^[6] In 2010, he released his book, ‘’Whistling Vivaldi and Other Clues to How Stereotypes Affect Us’’, summarizing years of research on stereotype threat and the underperformance of minority students in higher education.^[7]

Education and Early Life[link]

Claude Steele was born on January 1, 1946 to parents Ruth (social worker) and Shelby (truck driver) just outside of Chicago in Phoenix, Illinois during the Civil Rights movement. Claude recalls his family (including his twin brother, Shelby and two other siblings) as being deeply interested in social issues and the civil right movement, as these were very much on American minds at the time.^[8] His father pushed him to achieve security in the context of securing employment, but Claude construed achievement as success in education.^[9] He enrolled at Hiram College in Hiram, Ohio, where he earned a B.A. in psychology in 1967.

At Hiram, Claude’s passion for reading novels naturally led to an interest in how the individual faces the social world.^[9] Claude was inspired by African-American social psychologist Kenneth Clark’s TV appearance discussing the psychological implications of the 1964 race riots in Harlem, New York,^[8] which led to an excitement for doing behavioral research. Claude conducted early experimental research at Hiram College in physiological psychology (looking at behavioral motives in Siamese fighting fish) and social psychology (studying how African-American dialect among kids maintains ethnic/racial identity),^[9] where he worked under the mentorship of social psychologist, Ralph Cebulla. He then continued on to graduate school to study social psychology, earning an M.A. in 1969 and a Ph.D. in 1971 from the Ohio State University in Columbus, Ohio, with a minor in statistical psychology. His dissertation work with faculty adviser Thomas Ostrom at Ohio State focused on attitude measurement and attitude change.

Academic career[link]

After receiving his PhD in 1971, Claude Steele got his first job as an Assistant Professor of Psychology for two years at the University of Utah in Salt Lake City, Utah, and then moved to the University of Washington in Seattle, Washington for 14 years, receiving tenure in 1985. In 1987, he moved to the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor, Michigan, where he was Professor of Psychology for four years, during the latter two of which he simultaneously held the position of Research Scientist in Univ. of Michigan’s Institute for Social Research. In 1991, he moved to Stanford University in Palo Alto, California, where he was Professor of Psychology for 18 years, receiving the title of Lucie Stern Professor in the Social Sciences in 1997. During his 18 years at Stanford, he also served as Chair of the Department of Psychology for three years (1997–2000), Director of the Center for Comparative Studies in Race and Ethnicity for three years (2002–2005), and Director of the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences for four years (2005–2009), among various other positions (see Teaching and Administrative Appointments, below). In 2009, he left Stanford to become the 21st Provost and Chief Academic Officer at Columbia University in Manhattan, New York for two years, where he was responsible for faculty appointments and tenure recommendations, along with overseeing financial planning and budgeting.^[10] In 2011, he left Columbia and returned back to Stanford, where he is currently the I. James Quillen Dean for the School of Education.

Research[link]

Throughout his academic career, Claude Steele’s work fell into 3 main domains of research under the broad subject area of social psychology: stereotype threat, self-affirmation, and addictive behaviors. Although separate and distinct, these three lines of research are linked together by their shared focus on self-evaluation and how people cope with threats to their self-image and self-identities.^[8]

Addictive Behaviors[link]

Although many people primarily associate Claude Steele with his significant contributions in the development of stereotype threat research, the 14 years of his post-doctoral academic career that he spent at the University of Washington were focused on addictive behaviors and the social psychology behind alcohol use and addiction. He was interested in the role of alcohol and drug use in self-regulation processes and social behavior. Among his major findings are that alcohol myopia, or the cognitive impairment due to alcohol use, reduces cognitive dissonance,^[11] leads to more extreme social responses,^[12] increases helping behavior,^[13] reduces anxiety when combined with a distracting activity,^[14] and enhances important self-evaluations.^[6]

Self-Affirmation[link]

While studying the effects of alcohol use on social behavior, Claude Steele was simultaneously formulating a theory about the effects of self-affirmation.^[8] Developed in the 1980s, self-affirmational processes referred to the ability to reduce threats to our self-image by stepping back and affirming a value that is important to our self-concept.^[5] Steele often uses the example of smokers who are told that smoking will lead to significant negative health outcomes. The perception that they may be evaluated negatively due to their willingness to engage in negative behaviors threatens their self-image. However, affirming a value in a domain completely unrelated to smoking but important to one’s self-concept, e.g., joining a valued cause, or accomplishing more at work, will counter the negative effects of the self-image threat and re-establish self-integrity.^[5] Self-affirmation theory was originally formulated as an alternative motivational explanation for cognitive dissonance theory, namely, that threats to the self led to a change in attitudes, rather than psychologically inconsistent ideas, and that self-affirmational strategies can reduce dissonance as effectively as attitude change.^[15]

Steele’s research on self-affirmation and its effects demonstrated the power of self-affirmation to reduce biased attitudes,^[16] lead to positive health behaviors,^[17] and even improve the academic performance of minority students.^[18]

Stereotype Threat[link]

Claude Steele is best known for his work on stereotype threat and its application to explain real-world problems, such as the underperformance of female students in math and science classes^[19] as well as African-American students in academic contexts.^[3] Steele first began to explore the issues surrounding stereotype threat at the University of Michigan, when his membership on a university committee called for him to tackle the problem of academic underachievement of minority students at the university.^[7] Stereotype threat refers to the threat felt in particular situations in which stereotypes relevant to one’s group identity exist, and the mere knowledge of the stereotypes can be distracting enough to negatively affect one’s performance in a domain related to the stereotype.^[3] Steele has demonstrated the far-reaching implications of stereotype threat by showing that it is more likely to undermine the performance of individuals who are highly invested in the domain being threatened,^[20] and that stereotype threat can even lead to significant negative health outcomes among African Americans.^[21]

Steele has spearheaded many successful interventions aimed at reducing the negative effects of stereotype threat, including how to provide critical feedback effectively to a student under the effects of stereotype threat,^[22] inspired by his graduate school adviser, Tom Ostrom’s, motivating style of feedback,^[7] as well as how teacher practices can foster a feeling of identity safety and, as a result, better performance outcomes among elementary school minority students.^[23]

Book: ’’Whistling Vivaldi’’[link]

In 2010, Claude Steele published his first book, ‘’Whistling Vivaldi and Other Clues to How Stereotypes Affect Us’’,^[7] as part of the “Issues of Our Time” series of books^[24] exploring timely issues from the voices of modern intellectuals. ‘’Whistling Vivaldi’’ focuses on the phenomenon of stereotype threat as it explains the trend of minority underperformance in higher education. In his book, Steele discusses how identity contingencies, or those cues in an environment that signal particular stereotypes attached to an aspect of one’s identity, can have a drastic negative effect on a person’s functioning, and how these effects can explain racial and gender performance gaps in academic performance. Steele also offers a host of strategies for reducing stereotype threat and enhancing minority student performance, as well as the hope that the societal knowledge of stereotype threat will lead to an understanding and acceptance of diverse group differences.

Personal life[link]

Claude Steele currently lives with his wife, Dr. Dorothy Munson Steele, and children in California. Claude and Dorothy have been known to collaborate on projects dedicated to prejudice in American society^[25] and minority student achievement.^[23] His twin brother, Shelby Steele is a conservative writer and Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University.^[26]

Teaching and Administrative Appointments[link]

• 1971-1973 Assistant Professor of Psychology, University of Utah
• 1973-1987 Assistant Professor to Associate Professor of Psychology, University of Washington
• 1987-1991 Professor of Psychology, University of Michigan
• 1989-1991 Research Scientist, Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan
• 1991-2009 Professor of Psychology, Stanford University
• 1996-1997 President, Western Psychological Association
• 1997-2000 Chair, Department of Psychology, Stanford University
• 1997-2009 Lucie Stern Professor in the Social Sciences, Stanford University
• 2002-2005 Director, Center for Comparative Studies in Race and Ethnicity, Stanford University
• 2002-2003 President, Society for Personality and Social Psychology
• 2009-2011 Provost of Columbia University
• 2011- Dean, School of Education at Stanford University

Awards and Honors[link]

• 1994-1995 Cattell Faculty Fellowship, The James McKeen Cattell Fund
• 1995 Dean’s Teaching Award, Stanford University
• 1996 Elected to The American Academy of Arts and Sciences
• 1997 Gordon Allport Prize in Social Psychology, Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues
• 1998 Elected to The National Academy of Education
• 2000 William James Fellow Award for Distinguished Scientific Career Contribution, American Psychological Society
• 2001 Donald Campbell Award, Society for Personality and Social Psychology
• 2002 Kurt Lewin Memorial Award, Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues
• 2002 Senior Award for Distinguished Contributions to Psychology in the Public Interest, American Psychological Association
• 2003 Distinguished Scientific Contribution Award, American Psychological Association
• 2003 Elected to The National Academy of Sciences
• 2004 Columbia Teachers College Medal for Distinguished Service
• 2007 Distinguished Scientific Impact Award, The Society of Experimental Social Psychology. (For “Threat in the Air”^[27])
• 2007 Presidential Citation, American Psychological Association
• 2008 Elected to the American Philosophical Society
• Received honorary doctorates from: University of Chicago, Yale University, Princeton University, University of Michigan, and University of Maryland, Baltimore.

Memberships[link]

• American Academy of Education
• National Academy of Sciences
• American Philosophical Society
• Board, Social Science Research Council
• Board of Directors, John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation

Article[link]

• http://irasilver.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/08/Reading-Stereotype-threat-Steele.pdf *

References[link]