Milovan Đilas (pronounced [mîlɔʋan dʑîlaːs], Serbian Cyrillic: Милован Ђилас; June 4, 1911, Podbišće (Mojkovac) – April 20, 1995, Belgrade) was a Yugoslav^[1][2][3] Communist politician, theorist and author from Montenegro. He was a key figure in the Partisan movement during World War II, as in the post-war government. A self-identified Democratic Socialist,^[4] Đilas became one of the best-known and prominent dissidents in Yugoslavia and the whole Eastern Bloc.^[5][6]

Revolutionary[link]

Born in Polje village (Kolašin municipality) in the Kingdom of Montenegro, he joined the Communist Party of Yugoslavia as a Belgrade University student in 1932. He was a political prisoner from 1933 to 1936. In 1938 he was elected to the Central Committee of the Communist Party and became a member of its Politburo in 1940.

In April 1941, as Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy and their allies defeated the Royal Yugoslav army and dismembered the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, Đilas helped Josip Broz Tito found the Partisan resistance, and was a guerilla commander during the war. Following Germany's attack on the Soviet Union on June 22 (Operation Barbarossa), the Communist Party of Yugoslavia's (KPJ) Central Committee decided that conditions had been created for armed struggle and on July 4 passed the resolution to begin the uprising.

Đilas was sent to Montenegro to organise and raise the struggle against the Italian occupying force, which on July 12, 1941 proclaimed the fascist puppet entity Kingdom of Montenegro run by Sekula Drljević, and closely controlled by the Italian authority of Mussolini's confidant Alessandro Birolli. The July 13 uprising which Đilas had an important role in was a national one, spanning ideological lines, and large parts of Montenegro were quickly liberated. Đilas remained in Montenegro until November, when he left for the liberated town of Užice in Serbia, where he took up work on the paper Borba, the Party's main propaganda organ. Following the withdrawal of the Supreme Commander Tito and other Party leaders to Bosnia, Đilas stayed in Nova Varoš in the Sandžak (on the border between Serbia and Montenegro); from there he retreated with the units under his command in the middle of winter and in difficult conditions to join the Supreme Staff. There were no serious divisions or conflicts between communists and non-communists among the insurgents.

It was only in March of next year that he went back again to Montenegro, where in the meantime a civil war between Partisans and Chetniks had broken out. Momčilo Cemović, who has dealt mostly with this period of Đilas' war activities, believed that the CPY Central Committee and the Supreme Staff had sent Đilas to ascertain the actual state of affairs and to dismiss the communist leaders responsible. This, in fact, he did.

In March 1944, he went as part of the military- and party-mission to the Soviet Union.^[7] During this time he met among others with Georgi Dimitrov, Vyacheslav Molotov and Joseph Stalin.^[8] He fought among the Partisans to liberate Belgrade from the Wehrmacht. With the establishment of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia, Đilas became Vice-president in Tito's government.

Đilas was sent to Moscow to meet Stalin again in 1948 to try and bridge the gap between Moscow and Belgrade. He became one of the leading critics of attempts by Stalin to bring Yugoslavia under greater control from Moscow. Later that year, Yugoslavia broke with the Soviet Union and left the Cominform, ushering in the Informbiro period.

Initially the Yugoslav communists, despite the break with Stalin, remained as hard line as before but soon began to pursue a policy of independent socialism that experimented with self-management of workers in state-run enterprises. Đilas was very much part of that, but he began to take things further. Having responsibility for propaganda, he had a platform for new ideas and he launched a new journal, Nova Misao ("New Thought"), in which he published a series of articles that were increasingly freethinking.

Dissident[link]

Đilas was widely regarded as Tito's possible successor and in 1953 he was about to be chosen President of Yugoslavia. He became President of the Federal Assembly of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, but he only held office from December 25, 1953, to January 16, 1954. Between October 1953 and January 1954, he wrote 19 articles (only 18 were published) for Borba, the official organ of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, where he stated that a new ruling class was formed in Yugoslavia, after many high military and state officials received benefits and expensive houses in the best parts of Belgrade. Tito and the other leading Yugoslav communists saw his arguments as a threat to their leadership, and in January 1954 Đilas was expelled from the Central Committee of the party, of which he had been a member since 1937, and dismissed from all political functions for his criticism. He resigned from the League of Communists soon afterwards, in March 1954. On December 25, 1954, he gave an interview to The New York Times in which he characterized the situation in Yugoslavia as "totalitarian", adding that his country was ruled by "undemocratic forces" and "reactionary elements". He also appealed for the formation of "a new democratic Socialist party", and thus for a two-party system. For this "hostile propaganda" he was brought to trial and conditionally sentenced to 1.5 years in prison.

On November 19, 1956, Đilas was arrested following his statement to Agence France Presse opposing the Yugoslav abstention in the United Nations vote condemning Soviet intervention in Hungary and his article to The New Leader magazine supporting the Hungarian Revolution. He was sentenced to three years imprisonment. In 1957, Đilas published abroad The New Class: An Analysis of the Communist System, which he had already sent to the American publisher Praeger before he was jailed. In the book he argued that communism in Soviet Union and Eastern Europe was not egalitarian, and that it was establishing a new class of privileged party bureaucracy, who enjoyed material benefits from their positions. The book had a great success and was translated into more than 40 languages. For The New Class Đilas was sentenced in 1957 to another seven years imprisonment, or ten in all, taking into account his previous term.

In prison Đilas completed a massive and scholarly biography of the great Montenegrin prince-poet-priest Njegoš and he also wrote novels (Montenegro) and short stories. In 1958, he published abroad the first volume of his memoirs, about his youth in Montenegro, entitled Land Without Justice, which he had finished in 1954, but was rejected by Yugoslav publishers.

Đilas was conditionally released on January 20, 1961, after completing four years and two months in prison. During 1961, Đilas was repeatedly threatened by the Serbian government of being sent back to jail for his contacts with foreign journalists and scholars. He would be imprisoned again in April 1962 for publishing abroad Conversations with Stalin, which became another international success and Đilas personally considered his greatest work (see Rise and Fall). Conversations with Stalin was written in 1961 after his release, though it had long been on his mind before (Rise and Fall, p. 396). The manuscript was not smuggled out of prison, as it has been stated, including by David Pryce-Jones in "Remembering Milovan Djilas" (see below the external links). For Conversations with Stalin Đilas was sentenced in August 1962 to another five years – or fifteen, added to the earlier punishments – allegedly for having "revealed state secrets", which he denied. The book's references to Albania and its possible fusion with (or its annexation by) Yugoslavia were considered most embarrassing by the communist leaders.

During his internment Đilas wrote several novels and translated John Milton's Paradise Lost into Serbo-Croatian. On December 31, 1966, Đilas was amnestied and freed unconditionally, after nine years in jail, never to be imprisoned again. He continued to be a dissident and a hero in the eyes of the Western powers, living in Belgrade as a controversial figure until his death on April 20, 1995.

Views on the collapse of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union[link]

Đilas opposed the breakup of Yugoslavia and the descent into nationalist conflict in the 1980s and 1990s, but predicted in the 1980s that a breakup would happen. In 1981, he predicted that Yugoslavia would collapse on ethnic and bureaucratic nationalist lines due to the loss of Tito:

"Our system was built only for Tito to manage. Now that Tito is gone and our economic situation becomes critical, there will be a natural tendency for greater centralization of power. But this centralization will not succeed because it will run up against the ethnic-political power bases in the republics. This is not classical nationalism but a more dangerous, bureaucratic nationalism built on economic self-interest. This is how the Yugoslav system will begin to collapse."^[9]

He was critical of Milošević in the late 1980s and predicted that Serbian President Slobodan Milošević's actions would arouse separation of other republics, ethnic war, and the demise of Yugoslavia:

"Milošević still has possibilities.... The liberalization you see has a bad cause. It is the consequence of national competition between Serbia and the other republics. Eventually Yugoslavia might be like the British Commonwealth, a loose confederation of trading nations. But first, I am afraid, there will be national wars and rebellions. There is such strong hate here."^[9]

"Milošević's authoritarianism in Serbia is provoking real separation. Remember what Hegel said, that history repeats itself as tragedy and farce. What I mean to say is that when Yugoslavia disintegrates this time around, the outside world will not intervene as it did in 1914.... Yugoslavia is the laboratory of all Communism. Its disintegration will foretell the disintegration in the Soviet Union. We are further along than the Soviets."^[9]

In 1988, Đilas was interviewed by the neoconservative magazine Encounter on the subject of Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev's economic and political reforms in the Soviet Union. Đilas described Gorbachev's actions as a "strict necessity. They have come to realize what other Communists in Yugoslavia, Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia and China realised much earlier—namely that Communism doesn't work. It works neither at the economic level nor at the level of satisfying essential human needs and liberties."^[10]

Works[link]

• The New Class: An Analysis of the Communist System, 1957.
• Land without Justice, 1958.
• Conversations with Stalin; Rupert Hart-Davis. London 1962.
• Montenegro, 1963.
• The Leper and Other Stories, 1964.
• Njegoš: Poet-Prince-Bishop, 1966.
• The Unperfect Society: Beyond the New Class, 1969.
• Lost Battles, 1970.
• Under the Colors, 1971.
• The Stone and the Violets, 1972.
• Memoir of a Revolutionary, 1973.
• Parts of a Lifetime, 1975.
• Wartime, 1977.
• Tito: The Story from Inside, 1980.
• Rise and Fall, 1985.
• Of Prisons and Ideas, 1986.

Selected Essays[link]

• "Disintegration of Leninist Totalitarianism", in 1984 Revisited: Tolitarianism in Our Century, New York, Harper and Row, 1983, ed. Irving Howe
• "The Crisis of Communism". TELOS 80 (Summer 1989). New York: Telos Press

Translations[link]

• Milton, John, Paradise Lost (from the original English to Serbo-Croatian), 1969

Further reading[link]

• Reinhartz, Dennis, Milovan Djilas: A Revolutionary as a Writer, New York: Columbia University Press, 1981.
• Lalić, Boris, Milovan Đilas, Belgrade: Novosti, 2011.

See also[link]

• Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
• Partisans

In fiction[link]

Đilas is mentioned in Saul Bellow's Humboldt's Gift, where he writes about Joseph Stalin's "twelve-course all-night banquets" and the theme of boredom.^[11]

Key partisans[link]

• Josip Broz Tito
• Aleksandar Ranković
• Moše Pijade
• Edvard Kardelj

Literary subjects[link]

• Communism
• John Milton
• Petar II Petrović-Njegoš
• Joseph Stalin
• Stalinism

External links[link]

Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Milovan Đilas

• Milovan Đilas and Serbian political emigration at Istorijska biblioteka website (Serbian)
• Remembering Milovan Djilas by David Pryce-Jones
• Nije bio ideološki pisac by Matija Bećković, NIN, March 30, 2006

References[link]

Marshal Josip Broz Tito
1st President of Yugoslavia
In office 14 January 1953 – 4 May 1980
Prime Minister	Himself (1953–1963) Petar Stambolić (1963–1967) Mika Špiljak (1967–1969) Mitja Ribičič (1969–1971) Džemal Bijedić (1971–1977) Veselin Đuranović (1977–1980)
Succeeded by	Lazar Koliševski (as President of the Presidency of SFR Yugoslavia)
1st Secretary-General of the Non-Aligned Movement
In office 1 September 1961 – 5 October 1964
Preceded by	Position created
Succeeded by	Gamal Abdel Nasser
22nd Prime Minister of Yugoslavia
In office 29 November 1943 – 29 June 1963
Monarch	Peter II (1943-1945)
President	Ivan Ribar (1945–1953) Himself (1953–1963)
Preceded by	Ivan Šubašić
Succeeded by	Petar Stambolić
1st Federal Secretary of People's Defence
In office 7 March 1945 – 14 January 1953
Prime Minister	Himself
Preceded by	Position created
Succeeded by	Ivan Gošnjak
7th Chairman of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia
In office November 1936 – 4 May 1980
Preceded by	Milan Gorkić
Succeeded by	Branko Mikulić
Personal details
Born	Josip Broz (1892-05-07)7 May 1892[nb 1] Kumrovec, Croatia-Slavonia, Austria-Hungary (modern Croatia)
Died	4 May 1980(1980-05-04) (aged 87) Ljubljana, SR Slovenia, SFR Yugoslavia
Resting place	House of Flowers 44°47′12″N 20°27′06″E / 44.78667°N 20.45167°E / 44.78667; 20.45167
Nationality	Yugoslav[1]
Political party	League of Communists of Yugoslavia (SKJ)
Spouse(s)	Pelagija Broz (1919–1939), div. Herta Haas (1940–1943) Jovanka Broz (1952–1980)
Domestic partner	Davorjanka Paunović
Children	Zlatica Broz, Hinko Broz, Žarko Leon Broz and Aleksandar Broz
Occupation	Machinist, revolutionary, resistance commander, statesman
Religion	None (Atheist)[2][3] (formerly Roman Catholic)[4]
Ethnicity	Croat
Signature
Military service
Allegiance	Austria-Hungary Yugoslavia
Service/branch	Yugoslav People's Army All (supreme commander)
Years of service	1913–1915 1941–1980
Rank	Marshal of Yugoslavia
Commands	Yugoslav Partisans Yugoslav People's Army
Battles/wars	World War I Spanish Civil War World War II
Awards	98 international and 21 Yugoslav decorations, including Order of the Yugoslav Star Légion d'honneur Order of the Bath Order of Lenin Order of Merit of Italy (short list below, full list in the article)

Marshal Josip Broz Tito (Serbo-Croatian pronunciation: [jɔ̂sip brɔ̂ːz tîtɔ]; born Josip Broz; Cyrillic: Јосип Броз Тито; 7 May 1892^{[nb 1]} – 4 May 1980) was a Yugoslav revolutionary and statesman, serving in various roles from 1945 until his death in 1980.^[5] While his presidency has been criticized as authoritarian,^[6][7][8] due to his successful economic and diplomatic policies, Tito was seen by most as a benevolent dictator,^[9] and was a popular public figure both in Yugoslavia and abroad.^[10] Viewed as a unifying symbol,^[11] his internal policies successfully maintained the peaceful coexistence of the nations of the Yugoslav federation. He gained international attention as the chief leader of the Non-Aligned Movement, working with Jawaharlal Nehru of India and Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt.^[12]

Josip was born as the seventh child of Franjo and Marija Broz in the village of Kumrovec within Austria-Hungary (modern-day Croatia). Drafted into the army, he distinguished himself, becoming the youngest Sergeant Major in the Austro-Hungarian Army.^[13] After being seriously wounded and captured by the Russians, Josip was sent to a work camp in the Ural Mountains. He participated in the October Revolution, and later joined a Red Guard unit in Omsk. Upon his return home, Broz found himself in the newly established Kingdom of Yugoslavia, where he joined the Communist Party of Yugoslavia.

He was Secretary-General (later President) of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (1939–80), and went on to lead the World War II Yugoslav guerrilla movement, the Partisans (1941–45).^[14] After the war, he was the Prime Minister (1943–63) and later President (1953–80) of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). From 1943 to his death in 1980, he held the rank of Marshal of Yugoslavia, serving as the supreme commander of the Yugoslav military, the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA). With a highly favourable reputation abroad in both Cold War blocs, Josip Broz Tito received some 98 foreign decorations, including the Legion of Honour and the Order of the Bath.

Tito was the chief architect of the "second Yugoslavia", a socialist federation that lasted from World War II until 1991. Despite being one of the founders of Cominform, he was also the first (and the only successful) Cominform member to defy Soviet hegemony. A backer of independent roads to socialism (sometimes referred to as, although incorrectly, "national communism" or more correctly "Titoism"), he was one of the main founders and promoters of the Non-Aligned Movement, and its first Secretary-General. He supported the policy of nonalignment between the two hostile blocs in the Cold War. Such successful diplomatic and economic policies allowed Tito to preside over the Yugoslav economic boom and expansion of the 1960s and 1970s.^[15][16][17] His internal policies included the suppression of nationalist sentiment and the promotion of the "brotherhood and unity" of the six Yugoslav nations. After Tito's death in 1980, tensions between the Yugoslav republics emerged and in 1991 the country disintegrated and went into a series of civil wars and unrest that lasted the rest of the decade and continue to impact most of the former Yugoslav republics to this day. He remains a controversial figure in the Balkans.

Early life[link]

Pre-World War I[link]

Tito's birthplace in the town of Kumrovec, Croatia.

Josip Broz was born on 7 May 1892 in Kumrovec, in the northern Croatian region of Hrvatsko Zagorje in Austria-Hungary.^{[nb 1]} He was the seventh child of Franjo and Marija Broz.^[18] His father, Franjo Broz (26 November 1860–16 December 1936, Zagreb, buried at Mirogoj), was a Croat, while his mother Marija (born Javeršek, 25 March 1864, Loka pri Podsredi–14 January 1918, Kupinec), was a Slovene. His parents were married on 21 January 1891. After spending part of his childhood years with his maternal grandfather Martin Javeršek in the Slovenian village of Podsreda, he entered primary school in 1900 at Kumrovec, he failed the 2nd grade and graduated in 1905. In 1907 he moved out of the rural environment and started working as a machinist's apprentice in Sisak.^[19] There, he became aware of the labour movement and celebrated 1 May – Labour Day for the first time. In 1910, he joined the union of metallurgy workers and at the same time the Social-Democratic Party of Croatia and Slavonia.^[20] Between 1911 and 1913, Broz worked for shorter periods in Kamnik (1911-1912, factory "Titan"), Cenkovo, Munich and Mannheim, where he worked for the Benz car factory; then he went to Wiener Neustadt, Austria, and worked as a test driver for Daimler.^[21]

In the autumn of 1913, he was conscripted into the Austro-Hungarian Army.^[22] He was sent to a school for non-commissioned officers and became a sergeant, serving in the 25th Croatian Regiment based in Zagreb.^[23] In May 1914, Broz won a silver medal at an army fencing competition in Budapest. At the outbreak of World War I in 1914, he was sent to Ruma, where he was arrested for anti-war propaganda and imprisoned in the Petrovaradin fortress. In January 1915, he was sent to the Eastern Front in Galicia to fight against Russia. He distinguished himself as a capable soldier, becoming the youngest Sergeant Major in the Austro-Hungarian Army.^[13] For his bravery in the face of the enemy, he was recommended for the Silver Bravery Medal but was taken prisoner of war before it could be formally presented. On 25 March 1915, while in Bukovina, he was seriously wounded and captured by the Russians.^[24]

Prisoner and revolutionary[link]

Josip Broz Tito in 1928 as an agent of the Comintern, also known at the time as "Agent Walter"

After 13 months at the hospital, Broz was sent to a work camp in the Ural Mountains where prisoners selected him for their camp leader. In February 1917, revolting workers broke into the prison and freed the prisoners. Broz subsequently joined a Bolshevik group. In April 1917, he was arrested again but managed to escape and participate in the July Days demonstrations in Petrograd (St. Petersburg) on 16–17 July 1917. On his way to Finland, Broz was caught and imprisoned in the Petropavlovsk fortress for three weeks. He was again sent to Kungur, but escaped from the train. He hid out with a Russian family in Omsk, Siberia where he met his future wife Pelagija Belousova.^[25] After the October Revolution, he joined a Red Guard unit in Omsk. Following a White counteroffensive, he fled to Kirgiziya and subsequently returned to Omsk, where he married Belousova. In the spring of 1918, he joined the Yugoslav section of the Russian Communist Party. By June of the same year, Broz left Omsk to find work and support his family, and was employed as a mechanic near Omsk for a year. In January 1920, he and his wife made a long and difficult journey home to Yugoslavia where he arrived in September.^[26]

Upon his return, Broz joined the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. The CPY's influence on the political life of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was growing rapidly. In the 1920 elections the Communists won 59 seats in the parliament and became the third strongest party.^[27] Winning numerous local elections, they even gained a stronghold in the second largest city of Zagreb, electing Svetozar Delić for mayor. However, after the assassination of Milorad Drašković, the Yugoslav Minister of the Interior, by a young communist on 2 August 1921, the CPY was declared illegal under the Yugoslav State Security Act of 1921.^[28] During 1920 and 1921 all Communist-won mandates were nullified. Broz continued his work underground despite pressure on Communists from the government. As 1921 began he moved to Veliko Trojstvo near Bjelovar and found work as a machinist.^[29] In 1925, Broz moved to Kraljevica where he started working at a shipyard.^[30] He was elected as a union leader and a year later he led a shipyard strike. He was fired and moved to Belgrade, where he worked in a train coach factory in Smederevska Palanka. He was elected as Workers' Commissary but was sacked as soon as his CPY membership was revealed. Broz then moved to Zagreb, where he was appointed secretary of Metal Workers' Union of Croatia. In 1928, he became the Zagreb Branch Secretary of the CPY. In the same year he was arrested, tried in court for his illegal communist activities, and sent to jail.^[31] During his five years at Lepoglava prison he met Moša Pijade, who became his ideological mentor.^[31] After his release, he lived incognito and assumed a number of noms de guerre, among them "Walter" and "Tito".^[32]

In 1934 the Zagreb Provincial Committee sent Tito to Vienna where all the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia had sought refuge.^[33] He was appointed to the Committee and started to appoint allies to him, among them Edvard Kardelj, Milovan Đilas, Aleksandar Ranković and Boris Kidrič. In 1935, Tito travelled to the Soviet Union, working for a year in the Balkans section of Comintern.^[34] He was a member of the Soviet Communist Party and the Soviet secret police (NKVD). Tito was also involved in recruiting for the Dimitrov Battalion, a group of volunteers serving in the Spanish Civil War.^[35] In 1936, the Comintern sent "Comrade Walter" (i.e. Tito) back to Yugoslavia to purge the Communist Party there. In 1937, Stalin had the Secretary-General of the CPY, Milan Gorkić, murdered in Moscow.^[36] Subsequently Tito was appointed Secretary-General of the still-outlawed CPY.

World War II leader[link]

People's Liberation War[link]

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Josip Broz Tito during World War II, as commander of the Partisans.

On 6 April 1941, German, Italian and Hungarian forces launched an invasion of Yugoslavia. On 10 April 1941, Slavko Kvaternik proclaimed the Independent State of Croatia, Tito responded by forming a Military Committee within the Central Committee of the Yugoslav Communist Party.^[37] Attacked from all sides, the armed forces of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia quickly crumbled. On 17 April 1941, after King Peter II and other members of the government fled the country, the remaining representatives of the government and military met with the German officials in Belgrade. They quickly agreed to end military resistance. On 1 May 1941, Tito issued a pamphlet calling on the people to unite in a battle against the occupation.^[38] On 27 June 1941, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia appointed Tito Commander in Chief of all project national liberation military forces. On 1 July 1941, the Comintern sent precise instructions calling for immediate action.^[39]

Despite conflicts with the rival monarchic Chetnik movement, Tito's Partisans succeeded in liberating territory, notably the "Republic of Užice". During this period, Tito held talks with Chetnik leader Draža Mihailović on 19 September and 27 October 1941.^[40] It is said that Tito ordered his forces to assist escaping Jews, and that more than 2,000 Jews fought directly for Tito.^[41]

On 21 December 1941, the Partisans created the First Proletarian Brigade (commanded by Koča Popović) and on 1 March 1942, Tito created the Second Proletarian Brigade.^[42] In liberated territories, the Partisans organised People's Committees to act as civilian government. The Anti-Fascist Council of National Liberation of Yugoslavia (AVNOJ) convened in Bihać on 26–27 November 1942 and in Jajce on 29 November 1943.^[43] In the two sessions, the resistance representatives established the basis for post-war organisation of the country, deciding on a federation of the Yugoslav nations. In Jajce, a 67-member "presidency" was elected and established a nine-member National Committee of Liberation (five communist members) as a de facto provisional government.^[44] Tito was named President of the National Committee of Liberation.^[45]

With the growing possibility of an Allied invasion in the Balkans, the Axis began to divert more resources to the destruction of the Partisans main force and its high command.^[46] This meant, among other things, a concerted German effort to capture Josip Broz Tito personally. On 25 May 1944, he managed to evade the Germans after the Raid on Drvar (Operation Rösselsprung), an airborne assault outside his Drvar headquarters in Bosnia.^[46]

After the Partisans managed to endure and avoid these intense Axis attacks between January and June 1943, and the extent of Chetnik collaboration became evident, Allied leaders switched their support from Draža Mihailović to Tito. King Peter II, American President Franklin Roosevelt and British Prime Minister Winston Churchill joined Soviet Premier Joseph Stalin in officially recognising Tito and the Partisans at the Tehran Conference.^[47] This resulted in Allied aid being parachuted behind Axis lines to assist the Partisans. On 17 June 1944 on the Dalmatian island of Vis, the Treaty of Vis (Viški sporazum) was signed in an attempt to merge Tito's government (the AVNOJ) with the government in exile of King Peter II.^[48] The Balkan Air Force was formed in June 1944 to control operations that were mainly aimed at aiding his forces.^[49]

On 12 September 1944, King Peter II called on all Yugoslavs to come together under Tito's leadership and stated that those who did not were "traitors."^[50] On 28 September 1944, the Telegraph Agency of the Soviet Union (TASS) reported that Tito signed an agreement with the U.S.S.R. allowing "temporary entry" of Soviet troops into Yugoslav territory which allowed the Red Army to assist in operations in the northeastern areas of Yugoslavia.^[51] With their strategic right flank secured by the Allied advance, the Partisans prepared and executed a massive general offensive which succeeded in breaking through German lines and forcing a retreat beyond Yugoslav borders. After the Partisan victory and the end of hostilities in Europe, all external forces were ordered off Yugoslav territory.

Aftermath of World War II[link]

On 7 March 1945, the provisional government of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia (Demokratska Federativna Jugoslavija, DFY) was assembled in Belgrade by Josip Broz Tito, while the provisional name allowed for either a republic or monarchy. This government was headed by Tito as provisional Yugoslav Prime Minister and included representatives from the royalist government-in-exile, among others Ivan Šubašić. In accordance with the agreement between resistance leaders and the government-in-exile, post-war elections were held to determine the form of government. In November 1945, Tito's pro-republican People's Front, led by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, won the elections with an overwhelming majority, the vote having been boycotted by monarchists.^[52] During the period, Tito evidently enjoyed massive popular support due to being generally viewed by the populace as the liberator of Yugoslavia.^[53] The Yugoslav administration in the immediate post-war period managed to unite a country that had been severely affected by ultra-nationalist upheavals and war devastation, while successfully suppressing the nationalist sentiments of the various nations in favor of tolerance, and the common Yugoslav goal. After the overwhelming electoral victory, Tito was confirmed as the Prime Minister and the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the DFY. The country was soon renamed the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia (FPRY) (later finally renamed into Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, SFRY). On 29 November 1945, King Peter II was formally deposed by the Yugoslav Constituent Assembly. The Assembly drafted a new republican constitution soon afterwards.

Yugoslavia organized the Yugoslav People's Army (Jugoslavenska narodna armija, or JNA) from the Partisan movement and became the fourth strongest army in Europe at the time.^[54] The State Security Administration (Uprava državne bezbednosti/sigurnosti/varnosti, UDBA) was also formed as the new secret police, along with a security agency, the Department of People's Security (Organ Zaštite Naroda (Armije), OZNA). Yugoslav intelligence was charged with imprisoning and bringing to trial large numbers of Nazi collaborators; controversially, this included Catholic clergymen due to the widespread involvement of Croatian Catholic clergy with the Ustaša regime. Draža Mihailović was found guilty of collaboration, high treason and war crimes and was subsequently executed by firing squad in July 1946.

Prime Minister Josip Broz Tito met with the president of the Bishops' Conference of Yugoslavia, Aloysius Stepinac on 4 June 1945, two days after his release from imprisonment. The two could not reach an agreement on the state of the Catholic Church. Under Stepinac's leadership, the bishops' conference released a letter condemning alleged Partisan war crimes in September, 1945. The following year Stepinac was arrested and put on trial. In October 1946, in its first special session for 75 years, the Vatican excommunicated Tito and the Yugoslav government for sentencing Stepinac to 16 years in prison on charges of assisting Ustaše terror and of supporting forced conversions of Serbs to Catholicism.^[55] Stepinac received preferential treatment in recognition of his status^[56] and the sentence was soon shortened and reduced to house-arrest, with the option of emigration open to the archbishop. At the conclusion of the "Informbiro period", reforms rendered Yugoslavia considerably more religiously liberal than the Eastern Bloc states.

In the first post war years Tito was widely considered a communist leader very loyal to Moscow, indeed, he was often viewed as second only to Stalin in the Eastern Bloc. Yugoslav forces shot down American aircraft flying over Yugoslav territory, and relations with the West were strained. In fact, Stalin and Tito had an uneasy alliance from the start, with Stalin considering Tito too independent.

President of Yugoslavia[link]

Tito–Stalin split[link]

Prime Minister Josip Broz Tito greeted by British Prime Minister Winston Churchill and Anthony Eden in London, 1953.

Unlike the other new communist states in east-central Europe, Yugoslavia liberated itself from Axis domination with limited direct support from the Red Army. Tito's leading role in liberating Yugoslavia not only greatly strengthened his position in his party and among the Yugoslav people, but also caused him to be more insistent that Yugoslavia had more room to follow its own interests than other Bloc leaders who had more reasons (and pressures) to recognize Soviet efforts in helping them liberate their own countries from Axis control. Although Tito was formally an ally of Stalin after World War II, the Soviets had set up a spy ring in the Yugoslav party as early as 1945, giving way to an uneasy alliance.

In the immediate aftermath of World War II, there occurred several armed incidents between Yugoslavia and the Western Allies. Following the war, Yugoslavia acquired the Italian territory of Istria as well as the cities of Zadar and Rijeka. Yugoslav leadership was looking to incorporate Trieste into the country as well, which was opposed by the Western Allies. This led to several armed incidents, notably attacks by Yugoslav fighter planes on US transport aircraft, causing bitter criticism from the west. From 1945 to 1948, at least four US aircraft were shot down.^[57] Stalin was opposed to these provocations, as he felt the USSR unready to face the West in open war so soon after the losses of World War II. In addition, Tito was openly supportive of the Communist side in the Greek Civil War, while Stalin kept his distance, having agreed with Churchill not to pursue Soviet interests there, although he did support the Greek communist struggle politically, as demonstrated in several assemblies of the UN Security Council. In 1948, motivated by the desire to create a strong independent economy, Tito modeled his economic development plan independently from Moscow, which resulted in a diplomatic escalation followed by a bitter exchange of letters in which Tito affirmed that

We study and take as an example the Soviet system, but we are developing socialism in our country in somewhat different forms. (...) No matter how much each of us loves the land of socialism, the USSR, he can in no case love his own country less.

—Josip Broz Tito^[58]

Josip Broz Tito greeting Eleanor Roosevelt during her visit to the Brijuni islands, Croatia, Yugoslavia (July 1953)

The Soviet answer on 4 May admonished Tito and the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) for failing to admit and correct its mistakes, and went on to accuse them of being too proud of their successes against the Germans, maintaining that the Red Army had saved them from destruction. Tito's response on 17 May suggested that the matter be settled at the meeting of the Cominform to be held that June. However, Tito did not attend the second meeting of the Cominform, fearing that Yugoslavia was to be openly attacked. At this point the crisis nearly escalated into an armed conflict, as Hungarian and Soviet forces were massing on the northern Yugoslav frontier.^[59] On 28 June, the other member countries expelled Yugoslavia, citing "nationalist elements" that had "managed in the course of the past five or six months to reach a dominant position in the leadership" of the CPY. The expulsion effectively banished Yugoslavia from the international association of socialist states, while other socialist states of Eastern Europe subsequently underwent purges of alleged "Titoists". Stalin took the matter personally and attempted, unsuccessfully, to assassinate Tito on several occasions. In a correspondence between the two leaders, Tito openly wrote:

Stop sending people to kill me. We've already captured five of them, one of them with a bomb and another with a rifle (...) If you don't stop sending killers, I'll send one to Moscow, and I won't have to send a second.

—Josip Broz Tito^[60]

However, Tito used the estrangement from the USSR to attain US aid via the Marshall Plan, as well as to involve Yugoslavia in the Non-Aligned Movement, in which he assured a leading position for Yugoslavia. The event was significant not only for Yugoslavia and Tito, but also for the global development of socialism, since it was the first major split between Communist states, casting doubt on Comintern's claims for socialism to be a unified force that would eventually control the whole world, as Tito became the first (and the only successful) socialist leader to defy Stalin's leadership in the COMINFORM. This rift with the Soviet Union brought Tito much international recognition, but also triggered a period of instability often referred to as the Informbiro period. Tito's form of communism was labeled "Titoism" by Moscow, which encouraged purges against suspected "Titoites'" throughout the Eastern bloc.

On 26 June 1950, the National Assembly supported a crucial bill written by Milovan Đilas and Tito about "self-management" (samoupravljanje): a type of independent socialism that experimented with profit sharing with workers in state-run enterprises. On 13 January 1953, they established that the law on self-management was the basis of the entire social order in Yugoslavia. Tito also succeeded Ivan Ribar as the President of Yugoslavia on 14 January 1953. After Stalin's death Tito rejected the USSR's invitation for a visit to discuss normalization of relations between two nations. Nikita Khrushchev and Nikolai Bulganin visited Tito in Belgrade in 1955 and apologized for wrongdoings by Stalin's administration. Tito visited the USSR in 1956, which signaled to the world that animosity between Yugoslavia and USSR was easing.^[61] However, the relationship between the USSR and Yugoslavia would reach another low in the late 1960s. Commenting on the crisis, Tito concluded that:

To say the least – it was a disloyal, non-objective attitude towards our Party and our country. It's a consequence of a terrible delusion that has been blown up to monstrous dimensions in order to destroy the reputation of our Party and its leadership, to erase the glory of the Yugoslav people and their struggle. To trample everything great that our nation achieved with great sacrifice and blood loss – in order to break the unity of our Party, which represents a guarantee for successful development of socialism in our country and for the establishment of happiness of our people.

—Josip Broz Tito^{[citation needed]}

Non-aligned Yugoslavia[link]

Queen Elizabeth II with Josip Broz Tito during a visit to Yugoslavia, 1972; during her visit, Tito received the Order of the Bath

Tito´s calling card from 1967

Tito's foreign policy led to relationships with a variety of governments, such as exchanging visits (1954 and 1956) with Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia, where a street was named in his honor.

Under Tito's leadership, Yugoslavia became a founding member of the Non-Aligned Movement. In 1961, Tito co-founded the movement with Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nasser, India's Jawaharlal Nehru, Indonesia's Sukarno and Ghana's Kwame Nkrumah, in an action called The Initiative of Five (Tito, Nehru, Nasser, Sukarno, Nkrumah), thus establishing strong ties with third world countries. This move did much to improve Yugoslavia's diplomatic position. On 1 September 1961, Josip Broz Tito became the first Secretary-General of the Non-Aligned Movement.

On 7 April 1963, the country changed its official name to the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Reforms encouraged private enterprise and greatly relaxed restrictions on freedom of speech and religious expression.^[62] Tito subsequently went on a tour of the Americas. In Chile, two government ministers resigned over his visit to that country.^[63] Tito spoke at the United Nations General Assembly in New York, with his visit being protested by both Croat and Serb emigrants. US Senator Thomas Dodd subsequently said Tito had "bloodied hands." Prior to his visit to California at the invitation of Governor Pat Brown, protesters in San Pedro drowned an effigy of Tito.^[64]

In 1966 an agreement with the Vatican, spawned by the death of Stepinac in 1960 and the decisions of the Second Vatican Council, was signed according new freedom to the Yugoslav Roman Catholic Church, particularly to teach the catechism and open seminaries. The agreement also eased tensions, which had prevented the naming of new bishops in Yugoslavia since 1945. Tito's new socialism met opposition from traditional communists culminating in conspiracy headed by Aleksandar Ranković.^[65] In the same year Tito declared that Communists must henceforth chart Yugoslavia's course by the force of their arguments (implying a granting of freedom of discussion and an abandonment of dictatorship).^{[citation needed]} The state security agency (UDBA) saw its power scaled back and its staff reduced to 5000.

On 1 January 1967, Yugoslavia was the first communist country to open its borders to all foreign visitors and abolish visa requirements.^[66] In the same year Tito became active in promoting a peaceful resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict. His plan called for Arabs to recognize the state of Israel in exchange for territories Israel gained.^[67]

In 1967, Tito offered Czechoslovak leader Alexander Dubček to fly to Prague on three hours notice if Dubček needed help in facing down the Soviets.^[68] In April 1969, Tito sacked generals Ivan Gošnjak and Rade Hamović in the aftermath of the invasion of Czechoslovakia due to the unpreparedness of the Yugoslav army to respond to a similar invasion of Yugoslavia.^[69]

US President John F. Kennedy greeting Josip Broz Tito during his visit to the US

In 1971, Tito was re-elected as President of Yugoslavia for the sixth time. In his speech in front of the Federal Assembly he introduced 20 sweeping constitutional amendments that would provide an updated framework on which the country would be based. The amendments provided for a collective presidency, a 22 member body consisting of elected representatives from six republics and two autonomous provinces. The body would have a single chairman of the presidency and chairmanship would rotate among six republics. When the Federal Assembly fails to agree on legislation, the collective presidency would have the power to rule by decree. Amendments also provided for stronger cabinet with considerable power to initiate and pursue legislature independently from the Communist Party. Džemal Bijedić was chosen as the Premier. The new amendments aimed to decentralize the country by granting greater autonomy to republics and provinces. The federal government would retain authority only over foreign affairs, defense, internal security, monetary affairs, free trade within Yugoslavia, and development loans to poorer regions. Control of education, healthcare, and housing would be exercised entirely by the governments of the republics and the autonomous provinces.^[70]

Tito's greatest strength, in the eyes of the western communists,^{[citation needed]} had been in suppressing nationalist insurrections and maintaining unity throughout the country. It was Tito's call for unity, and related methods, that held together the people of Yugoslavia.^{[citation needed]} This ability was put to a test several times during his reign, notably during the Croatian Spring (also referred to as masovni pokret, maspok, meaning "mass movement") when the government had to suppress both public demonstrations and dissenting opinions within the Communist Party. Despite this suppression, much of maspok's demands were later realized with the new constitution, heavily backed by Tito himself against opposition from the Serbian branch of the party. On 16 May 1974, the new Constitution was passed, and the aging Tito was named president for life, a status which he would enjoy for five years.

Foreign policy[link]

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Left to right: Jovanka Broz, Tito, Richard Nixon, and Pat Nixon in the White House in 1971

Tito was notable for pursuing a foreign policy of neutrality during the Cold War and for establishing close ties with developing countries. Tito's strong belief in self-determination caused early rift with Stalin and consequently, the Eastern Bloc. His public speeches often reiterated that policy of neutrality and cooperation with all countries would be natural as long as these countries did not use their influence to pressure Yugoslavia to take sides. Relations with the United States and Western European nations were generally cordial.

Yugoslavia had a liberal travel policy permitting foreigners to freely travel through the country and its citizens to travel worldwide,^[62] whereas it was limited by most Communist countries. A number of Yugoslav citizens worked throughout Western Europe. Tito met many world leaders during his rule, such as Soviet rulers Joseph Stalin, Nikita Khrushchev and Leonid Brezhnev; Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nasser, Indian politicians Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi; British Prime Ministers Winston Churchill, James Callaghan and Margaret Thatcher; U.S. Presidents Dwight D. Eisenhower, John F. Kennedy, Richard Nixon, Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter; other political leaders and heads of state Che Guevara, Fidel Castro, Arafat, Willy Brandt, Helmut Schmidt, Georges Pompidou, Queen Elizabeth II, Hua Guofeng, Kim Il Sung, Sukarno, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Suharto, Idi Amin, Haile Selassie, Kenneth Kaunda, Gaddafi, Erich Honecker, Nicolae Ceaușescu and János Kádár. He also met numerous celebrities.

Tito also developed warm relations with Burma under U Nu, travelling to the country in 1955 and again in 1959, though he didn't receive the same treatment in 1959 from the new leader, Ne Win.

Because of its neutrality, Yugoslavia would often be rare among Communist countries to have diplomatic relations with right-wing, anti-Communist governments. For example, Yugoslavia was the only communist country allowed to have an embassy in Alfredo Stroessner's Paraguay.^[71] However, one notable exception to Yugoslavia's neutral stance toward anti-communist countries was Chile under Pinochet; Yugoslavia was one of many countries which severed diplomatic relations with Chile after Salvador Allende was overthrown.^[72] Yugoslavia also provided military aid and arms supplies to staunchly anti-Communist regimes such as that of Guatemala under Kjell Eugenio Laugerud García.^[73]

Final years and aftermath[link]

	Speech on brotherhood and unity Tito speaking We have spilt an ocean of blood for brotherhood and unity of our peoples. We shall not allow anyone to touch or destroy it from within.
Problems listening to this file? See media help.

After the constitutional changes of 1974, Tito began reducing his role in the day-to-day running of the state. He continued to travel abroad and receive foreign visitors, going to Beijing in 1977 and reconciling with a Chinese leadership that had once branded him a revisionist. In turn, Chairman Hua Guofeng visited Yugoslavia in 1979. In 1978, Tito traveled to the United States. During the visit strict security was imposed in Washington, D.C. owing to protests by anti-communist Croat, Serb and Albanian groups.^[74]

Tito became increasingly ill over the course of 1979. During this time Vila Srna was built for his use near Morović in the event of his recovery.^[75] On 7 January and again on 11 January 1980, Tito was admitted to the Medical Centre Ljubljana (in Ljubljana, capital and largest city of SR Slovenia, Yugoslavia), with circulation problems in his legs. His left leg was amputated soon afterward due to arterial blockages and he died of gangrene at the Medical Centre Ljubljana on 4 May 1980 at 3:05 pm, three days short of his 88th birthday. His funeral drew many world statesmen.^[76] Based on the number of attending politicians and state delegations, at the time it was the largest state funeral in history.^[77] They included four kings, 31 presidents, six princes, 22 prime ministers and 47 ministers of foreign affairs. They came from both sides of the Cold War, from 128 different countries out of 154 UNO members at the time.^[78]

Reporting on his death The New York Times commented

Tito sought to improve life. Unlike others who rose to power on the communist wave after World War II, Tito did not long demand that his people suffer for a distant vision of a better life. After an initial Soviet-influenced bleak period, Tito moved toward radical improvement of life in the country. Yugoslavia gradually became a bright spot amid the general grayness of Eastern Europe.

—The New York Times, May 5, 1980^[79]

Tito was buried in a mausoleum in Belgrade, which forms part of a memorial complex in the grounds of the Museum of Yugoslav History (formerly called "Museum 25 May" and "Museum of the Revolution"). The actual mausoleum is called House of Flowers (Kuća Cveća) and numerous people visit the place as a shrine to "better times". The museum keeps the gifts Tito received during his presidency. The collection also includes original prints of Los Caprichos by Francisco Goya, and many others.^[80] The Government of Serbia has planned to merge it into the Museum of the History of Serbia.^[81] At the time of his death, speculation began about whether his successors could continue to hold Yugoslavia together. Ethnic divisions and conflict grew and eventually erupted in a series of Yugoslav wars a decade after his death.

During his life and especially in the first year after his death, several places were named after Tito. Several of these places have since returned to their original names, such as Podgorica, formerly Titograd, Užice, formerly Titovo Užice (though Podgorica's international airport is still identified by the code TGD), which reverted to its original name in 1992. Streets in Belgrade, the capital, have all reverted back to their original pre–World War II and pre-communist names as well. In 2004, Antun Augustinčić's statue of Broz in his birthplace of Kumrovec was decapitated in an explosion.^[82] It was subsequently repaired. Twice in 2008, protests took place in Zagreb's Marshal Tito Square, organized by a group called Circle for the Square (Krug za Trg), with an aim to force the city government to rename it to its previous name, while a counter-protest by Citizens' Initiative Against Ustašism (Građanska inicijativa protiv ustaštva) accused the "Circle for the Square" of historical revisionism and neo-fascism.^[83] Croatian president Stjepan Mesić criticized the demonstration to change the name.^[84] In the Croatian coastal city of Opatija the main street (also its longest street) still bears the name of Marshal Tito, as do streets in numerous towns in Serbia, mostly in the country's north.^[85] One of the two main streets in Sarajevo is called Marshal Tito Street.

Family and personal life[link]

Josip Broz, his wife Pelagija, and son Žarko

Tito carried on numerous affairs and was married several times. In 1918 he was brought to Omsk, Russia as a prisoner of war. There he met Pelagija Belousova who was then thirteen; he married her a year later, and she moved with him to Yugoslavia. Polka bore him five children but only their son Žarko Leon^[86] (born 4 February,^[86] 1924) survived.^[87] When Tito was jailed in 1928, she returned to Russia. After the divorce in 1936 she later remarried.

In 1936, when Tito stayed at the Hotel Lux in Moscow, he met the Austrian comrade Lucia Bauer. They married in October 1936, but the records of this marriage were later erased.^[88]

His next relationship was with Herta Haas, whom he married in 1940.^[89] Broz left for Belgrade after the April War, leaving Haas pregnant. In May 1941, she gave birth to their son, Aleksandar "Mišo" Broz. All throughout his relationship with Haas, Tito had maintained a promiscuous life and had a parallel relationship with Davorjanka Paunović, who, under the codename "Zdenka", served as a courier in the resistance and subsequently became his personal secretary. Haas and Tito suddenly parted company in 1943 in Jajce during the second meeting of AVNOJ after she reportedly walked in on him and Davorjanka.^[90] The last time Haas saw Broz was in 1946.^[91] Davorjanka died of tuberculosis in 1946 and Tito insisted that she be buried in the backyard of the Beli Dvor, his Belgrade residence.^[92]

His best known wife was Jovanka Broz. Tito was just shy of his 59th birthday, while she was 27, when they finally married in April 1952, with state security chief Aleksandar Ranković as the best man. Their eventual marriage came about somewhat unexpectedly since Tito actually rejected her some years earlier when his confidante Ivan Krajacic brought her in originally. At that time, she was in her early 20s and Tito, objecting to her energetic personality, opted for the more mature opera singer Zinka Kunc instead. Not one to be discouraged easily, Jovanka continued working at Beli Dvor, where she managed the staff of servants and eventually got another chance after Tito's strange relationship with Zinka failed. Since Jovanka was the only female companion he married while in power, she also went down in history as Yugoslavia's first lady. Their relationship was not a happy one, however. It had gone through many, often public, ups and downs with episodes of infidelities and even allegations of preparation for a coup d'état by the latter pair. Certain unofficial reports suggest Tito and Jovanka even formally divorced in the late 1970s, shortly before his death. However, during Tito's funeral she was officially present as his wife, and later claimed rights for inheritance. The couple did not have any children.

Major Jovanka Broz, First Lady of Yugoslavia

Tito's notable grandchildren include Aleksandra Broz, a prominent theatre director in Croatia, Svetlana Broz, a cardiologist and writer in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Josip "Joška" Broz, Edvard Broz and Natali Klasevski, an artisan of Bosnia-Herzegovina.

As the leader of Yugoslavia Tito maintained a lavish lifestyle and kept several mansions. In Belgrade he resided in the official palace, Beli dvor, and maintained a separate private residence; he spent much time at his private island of Brijuni, an official residence from 1949 on, and at his palace at the Bled lake. His grounds at Karadjordjevo were the site of "diplomatic hunts". By 1974 Tito had 32 official residences.^[93]

As regards knowledge of languages, Tito replied that he spoke Serbo-Croat, German, Russian, and some English.^[94] A biographer also stated that he spoke "Serbo-Croatian ... Russian, Czech, Slovenian ... German (with a Viennese accent) ... understands and reads French and Italian ... [and] also speaks Kirghiz."^[95]

Every federal unit had a town or city with historic significance from the World War II period renamed to have Tito's name included. The largest of these was Titograd, now Podgorica, the capital city of Montenegro. With the exception of Titograd, the cities were renamed simply by the addition of the adjective "Tito's" ("Titov"). The cities were:

Republic	City	Original name
Bosnia and Herzegovina	Titov Drvar	Drvar
Croatia	Titova Korenica	Korenica
Macedonia	Titov Veles	Veles
Montenegro	Titograda	Podgorica
Serbia Kosovo Vojvodina	Titovo Užice Titova Mitrovica Titov Vrbas	Užice Mitrovica Vrbas
Slovenia	Titovo Velenje	Velenje
athe capital of Montenegro.

Origin of the name "Tito"[link]

Various explanations exist for the origin of the name Tito. One proposes that Tito comes from the Serbo-Croatian variation of the name of Roman Emperor Titus. Tito's biographer, Vladimir Dedijer, however claimed that it came from the Croatian romantic writer, Tituš Brezovački.^[96] Another popular explanation of the sobriquet claims that it is a conjunction of two Serbo-Croatian words, "ti" (meaning "you") and "to" (meaning "that"). As the story goes, during the frantic times of his command, he would issue commands with those two words, by pointing to the person, and then task. This explanation for the name's origin is provided in Fitzroy Maclean's 1949 book, Eastern Approaches.^[97] Maclean later revisited and dispelled this explanation in his 1957 biography of Tito, The Heretic. There he states, "I have always liked this story. But I am assured by Tito himself, who I suppose should know, that it is apocryphal."^[98]

Another explanation is that "Tito" was simply the last of his Comintern codenames. His previous codename, "Walter", is said to have come from the pistol he carried, a Walther PPK. According to this theory, the codename "Tito" supposedly comes from Tito acquiring a TT-30 pistol (although in Serbo-Croatian "TT" is not pronounced "tito").^{[citation needed]}

Historical criticism[link]

US-Yugoslav summit, 1978.

Numerous accusations of culpability in the atrocities after the repatriations at Bleiburg have been raised at the Yugoslav leadership under Tito. At the time, Josip Broz Tito repeatedly issued calls for surrender to the retreating column, offering amnesty and attempting to avoid a disorderly surrender.^[99] On 14 May he dispatched a telegram to the supreme headquarters Slovene Partisan Army prohibiting "in the sternest language" the execution of prisoners of war and commanding the transfer of the possible suspects to a military court.^[100]

You are to undertake the most energetic measures to prevent at all costs any killing of prisoners of war and of those arrested by military units, state organs or individuals. If there are persons among the prisoners and arrestees who should answer for war crimes, they are to be handed over immediately to military courts pending due process.

—Josip Broz Tito, telegram of 14 May 1945 to the Partisan command in Slovenia^[101]

Tito has been named by historians as responsible for systematic eradication of the ethnic German (Danube Swabian) population in Vojvodina by expulsions and mass executions following the collapse of the German occupation of Yugoslavia at the end of World War II, in contrast to his inclusive attitude towards other Yugoslav nationalities.^[102]

On October 4, 2011, the Slovenian Constitutional Court found a 2009 naming of a street after Tito to be unconstitutional. The court ruled that the name Tito symbolizes human rights violations, and that naming a street after him "glorifies a totalitarian regime and violates human dignity".^{[103][104][105][106]}However, it does not consider places named after him in SR Slovenia, as part of SFRJ. The biggest monument of Josip Broz-Tito in the world is located in Slovenia, in Velenje.^[107]. One of the main bridges in Slovenia's second largest city of Maribor is Tito’s Bridge ^[108]. The central main squere in the biggest Slovenian coastal city and the main (and only) Slovenian port of Koper-Capodistria is Tito’s Square^[109].There are a number of other places named after Josip Broz-Tito in Slovenia.

Awards and decorations[link]

Main article: Awards and decorations of Josip Broz Tito (full list of awards)

Josip Broz Tito received a total of 119 awards and decorations from 60 countries around the world (59 countries and Yugoslavia). 21 decorations were from Yugoslavia itself, 18 having been awarded once, and the Order of the People's Hero on three occasions. Of the 98 international awards and decorations, 92 were received once, and three on two occasions (Order of the White Lion, Polonia Restituta, and Karl Marx). The most notable awards being the French Légion d'honneur and Ordre national du Mérite, the British Most Honourable Order of the Bath, the Soviet Order of Lenin, the Japanese Supreme Order of the Chrysanthemum, the German Federal Cross of Merit, and the Italian Ordine al Merito della Repubblica Italiana.

The decorations were seldom displayed, however. After the Tito–Stalin split of 1948 and his inauguration as president in 1953, Tito rarely wore his uniform except when present in a military function, and then (with rare exception) only wore his Yugoslav ribbons for obvious practical reasons. The awards were displayed in full number only at his funeral in 1980.^[110] Tito's reputation as one of the Allied leaders of World War II, along with his diplomatic position as the founder of the Non-Aligned Movement, was primarily the cause of the favorable international recognition.^[110]

Here follows a short list including some of the more notable awards and decorations of Josip Broz Tito.

Award or decoration		Country	Date	Place	Note	Ref
	Order of Leopold (Belgium)	Belgium	6 October 1970	Brussels	One of the three Belgian national honorary knight orders. Highest Order of Belgium.	[110]
	Order of the White Lion (awarded two times)	Czechoslovakia	22 March 1946 26 September 1964	Prague Brijuni	The highest order of Czechoslovakia.	[110]
	Order of the Elephant	Denmark	29 October 1974	Copenhagen	Highest order of Denmark.	[111]
	Legion of Honour	France	7 May 1956	Paris	Highest decoration of France, awarded "for extraordinary contributions in the struggle for peace".	[110]
	Ordre national du Mérite	France	6 December 1976	Belgrade	Order of Chivalry awarded by the President of the French Republic ("National Order of Merit").	[110]
	Federal Cross of Merit	West Germany	24 June 1974	Bonn	Highest possible class of the only general state decoration of West Germany (and modern Germany).	[110]
	Order of the Redeemer	Greece	2 June 1954	Athens	Highest royal decoration of Greece.	[110]
	Order of Merit of the Italian Republic	Italy	2 October 1969	Belgrade	Highest honour of Italy, foremost Italian order of knighthood, awarded to Josip Broz Tito in Belgrade.	[110]
	Supreme Order of the Chrysanthemum	Japan	8 April 1968	Tokyo	Highest Japanese decoration for living persons.	[110]
	Order of the Aztec Eagle	Mexico	30 March 1963	Belgrade	Highest decoration awarded to foreigners in Mexico.	[110]
	Order of the Netherlands Lion	Netherlands	20 October 1970	Amsterdam	Order of the Netherlands founded by the first King of the Netherlands, William I.	[110]
	Grand Cross with Collar of St. Olav	Norway	13 May 1965	Oslo	Highest Norwegian order of chivalry.	[110]
	Order Virtuti Militari	Poland	16 March 1946	Warsaw	Poland's highest military decoration, for courage in the face of the enemy.	[110]
	Order of Polonia Restituta (awarded two times)	Poland	25 June 1964 4 May 1973	Warsaw Brdo Castle	One of Poland's highest orders.	[110]
	Order of Saint James of the Sword	Portugal	23 October 1975	Belgrade	Portuguese order of chivalry, founded in 1171.	[110]
	Order of Lenina	22x20px Soviet Union	5 June 1972	Moscow	Highest National Order of the Soviet Union (highest decoration bestowed by the Soviet Union).	[110]
	Order of Victorya	22x20px Soviet Union	9 September 1945	Belgrade	Highest military decoration of the Soviet Union, one of only 5 foreigners to receive it.	[112]
	Royal Order of the Seraphim	Sweden	29 February 1959	Stockholm	Swedish Royal order of chivalry, established by King Frederick I on 23 February 1748.	[110]
	Most Honourable Order of the Bath	United Kingdom	17 October 1972	Belgrade	British order of chivalry, awarded in Belgrade by Queen Elizabeth II.	[110]
	Order of Yugoslav Great Stara	Yugoslavia	1 February 1954	Belgrade	Highest Yugoslav national order of merit.[113]	[110]
Note: aNow defunct.

See also[link]

	Biography portal
	Politics portal
	Cold War portal
	Croatia portal

• List of places named after Josip Broz Tito
• List of Yugoslav politicians
• Yugoslav Front

References[link]

Notes

Footnotes

Bibliography

• Antonić, Ivan; Jeličić, Matej; Škunca, Ivan (1988). Stvaranje Titove Jugoslavije. Otokar Keršovani. 
• Auty, Phyllis (1970). Tito: A Biography. McGraw-Hill. 
• Banac, Ivo (1988). With Stalin against Tito: Cominformist splits in Yugoslav Communism. Cornell University Press. ISBN 0-8014-2186-1. 
• Barnett, Neil (2006). Tito. Haus. ISBN 1-904950-31-0. 
• Borneman, John (2004). Death of the Father: An Anthropology of End in Political Authority. Berghahn Books. ISBN 1-57181-111-7. 
• Dedijer, Vladimir (1952). Tito. Simon and Schuster. 
• Dedijer, Vladimir (1953). Tito Speaks: His Self Portrait and Struggle with Stalin. Weidenfeld and Nicolson. 
• Lees, Lorraine M. (2006). Keeping Tito Afloat: The United States, Yugoslavia, and the Cold War. Pennsylvania State University Press. ISBN 0-253-34656-8. 
• Pavlowitch, Stevan K. Tito, Yugoslavia's Great Dictator; A Reassessment, London, Hurst, 1992.
• Ramet, Sabrina P. (2006). The Three Yugoslavias: State-Building and Legitimation, 1918–2004. Indiana University Press. ISBN 0-271-01629-9. 
• Ridley, Jasper (1996). Tito: A Biography. Constable. ISBN 0-09-475610-4. 
• Roberts, Walter R. (1987). Tito, Mihailovic and the Allies, 1941–1945. Duke University Press. ISBN 0-8223-0773-1. 
• Swain, Geoffrey. Tito: A Biography. London, I.B. Tauris, 2010.
• Tomasevich, Jozo; Vucinich, Wayne S. (1969). Contemporary Yugoslavia: Twenty Years of Socialist Experiment. University of California Press. 
• Tomasevich, Jozo (1975). War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941–1945: The Chetniks. Stanford University Press. ISBN 0-8047-0857-6. 
• Tomasevich, Jozo (2001). War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941–1945: Occupation and Collaboration. Stanford University Press. ISBN 0-8047-0857-6. 
• Vinterhalter, Vilko (1972). In the Path of Tito. Abacus Press. 

Further reading[link]

• Beloff, Nora (1986). Tito's Flawed Legacy: Yugoslavia and the West Since 1939. Westview Pr. ISBN 0-8133-0322-2. 
• Carter, April (1989). Marshal Tito: A Bibliography. Greenwood Press. ISBN 0-313-28087-8. 
• Đilas, Milovan (2001). Tito: The Story from Inside. Phoenix Press. ISBN 1-84212-047-6. 
• MacLean, Fitzroy (1980). Tito: A Pictorial Biography. McGraw-Hill. ISBN 0-07-044671-7. 
• Pavlowitch, Stevan K. (1992). Tito: Yugoslavia's Great Dictator, A Reassessment. Ohio State University Press. ISBN 0-8142-0601-8. 
• Vukcevich, Boško S. (1994). Tito: Architect of Yugoslav Disintegration. Rivercross Publishing. ISBN 0-944957-46-3. 
• West, Richard (1996). Tito and the Rise and Fall of Yugoslavia. Basic Books. ISBN 0-7867-0332-6. 
• Batty, Peter - Hoodwinking Churchill: Tito's Great Confidence Trick 2011 ISBN 978-0-85683-282-6

External links[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Josip Broz Tito

Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Josip Broz Tito

• Josip Broz Tito Reference Archive at the Marxists Internet Archive
• Unseen pictures from US Archives
• Sign the first virtual memorial of Marshal Tito
• Tito's Children – Part One
• Tito's Children – Part Two
• Tito's Children – Part Three
• Tito's Children – Part Four
• Tito's Children – Part Five
• A film clip Aviation In The News, 1944/06/22 (1944) is available for free download at the Internet Archive [more]
• Tito Birthhouse Museum