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Most housing communities developed from the 1930s onward under the auspices of the housing division of the Public Works Administration and, after 1937, the United States Housing Authority created by the Wagner-Steagall Housing Act. Blueprint for Disaster: The Unraveling of Chicago Public Housing is the history of the public housing program and its many failures in Chicago. Most of the initial public housing could be considered slum clearance; there wasn't a national initiative in place to build housing for the poor and so the number of units didn't increase. This helped ease the concerns of a health-conscious public by eliminating or altering neighborhoods commonly considered dangerous, and reflected progressive-era sanitation initiatives. However, the advent of make-shift tent communities during the Great Depression caused concern in the Administration. Franklin Delano Roosevelt wrote in 1938, "Today, we are launching an attack on the slums of this country."
One of the most unique US public housing initiatives was the development of subsidized middle-class housing during the late New Deal (1940–42) under the auspices of the Mutual Ownership Defense Housing Division of the Federal Works Agency under the direction of Colonel Lawrence Westbrook. These eight projects were purchased by the residents after the Second World War and as of 2009 seven of the projects continue to operate as mutual housing corporations owned by their residents. These projects are among the very few definitive success stories in the history of the US public housing effort.
Public housing in its earliest decades was usually much more working-class and middle-class and white than it was by the 1970s. Many Americans associate large, multi-story towers with public housing, but early projects, like the Ida B. Wells projects in Chicago, were actually low-rise, though Le Corbusier superblocks caught on before World War II, as seen in the (union built) Penn South houses in New York.
What Kenneth T. Jackson and other historians have called the "ghettofication" of public housing occurred for several reasons. One reason was the general weakening of the urban working classes.
Other reasons for the ghettofication of public housing can be attributed to broad public policy decisions. Federal law required that no person could pay more than a quarter of his or her income for rent in public housing. Since middle class people would pay as much, or more, for rent in public housing as they would in superior private housing, middle class people had no incentive to live in public housing at all. Another public policy factor that led to the decline in public housing was that, in general, city housing agencies ceased to screen tenants (New York City was an exception). In the 1940s, some public housing agencies, such as the Chicago Housing Authority under Elizabeth Wood, would only accept married tenants and gave special benefits to war veterans.
The federal government no longer pays to build housing projects. Since the early 1990s, it has given money under HOPE VI to tear down distressed projects, to be replaced by mixed communities built with private partners.
As discontent with public housing continued to rise in the 1960s, urban developers began looking for alternate forms of affordable, low-income housing. Discontent became apparent nationwide after the publication of Jane Jacob’s The Death and Life of Great American Cities in 1961, which describes the limitations of the current low-income housing . A top priority amongst developers was to prevent high concentrations of poverty that were present in existing public housing units. From this sprung the creation of scattered-site housing programs designed to place smaller-scale, better-integrated public housing units in diverse neighborhoods. Scattered-site housing programs became popularized in the late 1970s and 1980s. Since that time, cities across the country have implemented such programs with varying levels of success. Other alternatives to affordable housing were also considered during this time of distress over public housing.
The US Congress passed legislation enacting the Section 8 Housing Program in 1974, which Richard Nixon signed into law, to encourage the private sector to construct affordable homes. This kind of housing assistance assists poor tenants by giving a monthly subsidy to their landlords. This assistance can be 'project based,' which applies to specific properties, or 'tenant based,' which provides tenants with a voucher they can use anywhere vouchers are accepted. Virtually no new project based Section 8 housing has been produced since 1983. Effective October 1, 1999, existing tenant based voucher programs were merged into the Housing Choice Voucher Program, which is today the primary means of providing subsidies to low income renters.
The destruction of deteriorating buildings to make room for public housing often created problems in adjacent neighborhoods. An excellent example of this phenomenon can be found in Brooklyn. When blocks of slums in the Brownsville district were cleared to make room for public housing in the 1920s, thousands of displaced families moved into the neighboring district of East New York, which at that time was a predominantly white, middle-class area with a stable economy. The sudden influx of large, lower-income black and Hispanic families from Brownsville strained the physical and social services of the community. A mass exodus of the white population began (see white flight). Within six years a healthy community became one of the most decayed and dangerous neighborhoods in the United States. A similar situation occurred when Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania attempted to tear down public housing in the Hill District neighborhood to make way for a Civic Arena.
These percentages have decreased since then and a wide array of programs have developed across the United States. While some programs have seen great successes, others have had difficulties in acquiring the land needed for construction and in maintaining new units . Eligibility requirements, generally based on household income and size, are common in these programs. In Dakota County, Minnesota, for example, eligibility ranges from a maximum of $51,550 for two people to $85,050 for 8-10 people . Eligibility requirements are designed to ensure that those most in need receive relief first and that concerns regarding housing discrimination do not extend into the public housing sector.
An issue of great concern with regards to the implementation of scattered-site programs is where to construct these housing units and how to gain the support of the community. Frequent concerns of community members include potential decreases in the retail price of their home, a decline in neighborhood safety due to elevated levels of crime. Thus, one of the major concerns with the relocation of scattered-site tenants into white, middle-class neighborhoods is that residents will move elsewhere – a phenomenon known as white flight. To counter this phenomenon, some programs place tenants in private apartments that do not appear outwardly different. Despite these efforts, many members of middle-class, predominantly white neighborhoods have fought hard to keep public housing out of their communities.
American sociologist William Julius Wilson has proposed that concentrating low-income housing in impoverished areas can limit tenants’ access to social opportunity.
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Name | Sudhir Alladi Venkatesh |
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Birth place | India |
Ethnicity | Indian-American |
Field | Sociology |
Work institutions | Columbia University |
Alma mater | University of California, San Diego (B.A.), University of Chicago (Ph.D.) |
Doctoral thesis | American project : an historical-ethnography of Chicago's Robert Taylor Homes |
Known for | Urban Ethnography |
Sudhir Alladi Venkatesh is an Indian American sociologist and urban ethnographer. Born in India, he is a professor of sociology and African-American studies at Columbia University. He is also the director of the Institute for Social and Economic Research and Policy, the Charles H. Revson Fellowship, and a board member at Philadelphia-based nonprofit Public/Private Ventures. In his work, Venkatesh has documented criminal gangs and the drug trade, and has written about the dynamics of the underground economy including street prostitution, contributing his findings to the research of economics professor Steven Levitt.
Venkatesh moved with his family to Southern California suburb of Irvine. There he was active in sports and excelled in his academic studies while attending University High School. He attended graduate school at the University of Chicago where he studied under Professor William Julius Wilson, focusing on Robert Taylor Homes, a housing project in Chicago about which he wrote a book, American Project. Venkatesh also authored a 2008 book titled, Gang Leader For A Day: A Rogue Sociologist Takes To The Streets. The book chronicles the life of urban poor in Chicago, particularly the Robert Taylor Homes and the gang, Black Kings, whose leader J.T. he befriended. He found that most foot soldiers in drug gangs make only $3.30 an hour.
In a separate research project with Steven Levitt, he hired former sex workers to track working street prostitutes in Chicago, finding that they make about $30–$35 an hour, with those working with pimps making more and suffering fewer arrests. A street prostitute was arrested about once per 450 tricks, while 3% of the tricks were given for free to police officers to avoid arrest. Condoms were used in only 20% of the contacts.
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Name | Gary Becker |
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School tradition | Chicago school of economics |
Color | maroon |
Image name | GaryBecker-May24-2008.jpg |
Birth date | December 02, 1930 |
Nationality | American |
Institution | University of Chicago(1968–present)Columbia University(1957–1968) |
Field | Social economics |
Alma mater | Princeton UniversityUniversity of Chicago |
Influences | Friedrich HayekMilton Friedman |
Influenced | Casey MulliganSteven LevittRoland G. Fryer, Jr. |
Contributions | Analysis of human capitalRotten kid theorem |
Awards | 2007 Presidential Medal of Freedom1992 Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences1967 John Bates Clark Medal1997 Pontifical Academy of Sciences |
Signature | |
Repec prefix | e | repec_id = pbe29 |
Becker was one of the first economists to branch into what were traditionally considered topics belonging to sociology, including racial discrimination, crime, family organization, and drug addiction (see Rational addiction). He is known for arguing that many different types of human behavior can be seen as rational and utility maximizing. His approach can include altruistic behavior by defining individuals' utility appropriately. He is also among the foremost exponents of the study of human capital. Becker is also credited with the "rotten kid theorem". He is married to Guity Nashat, a historian of the Middle East whose research interests overlap his own.
Becker’s lecture, "Nobel Lecture: The Economic Way of Looking at Behavior", subsequently published in the Journal of Political Economy, reviews his four key areas of research. He explains that his framework of analysis is not a traditional self-interested motivation, but rather an analysis based on a set of assumptions and individual preferences. Yes, agents are maximizing welfare but it is based on individual conception constrained by income, time, and imperfect memory and calculation capabilities. Much of his research focuses on the impact of the rising value of time as a result of economic growth.
Becker also received the National Medal of Science in 2000. He received the Presidential Medal of Freedom from President George W. Bush in November 2007.
Usually considered politically conservative, he wrote a monthly column for Business Week from 1985 to 2004, alternating with liberal Princeton economist Alan Blinder. In December 2004, Becker started a joint weblog with Judge Richard Posner entitled The Becker-Posner Blog.
Becker’s research found that when minorities are a very small percentage the cost of discrimination mainly falls on the minorities. However, when minorities represent a larger percentage of society then the cost of discrimination falls on both the minorities and the majority. He also pioneered research on the impact of self-fulfilling prophecies of teachers and employers on minorities. Such attitudes often lead to less investment in productive skills and education of minorities.
While Becker acknowledged that many people operate under a high moral and ethical constraint, criminals rationally see that the benefits of their crime outweigh the cost such as the probability of apprehension, conviction, and punishment, as well as their current set of opportunities. From the public policy perspective, since the cost of increasing the fine is trivial in comparison to the cost of increasing surveillance, one can conclude that the best policy is to maximize the fine and minimize surveillance. However, this conclusion has limits, not the least of which include ethical considerations.
One of the main differences between this theory and Jeremy Bentham's rational choice theory, which had been abandoned in criminology, is that if Bentham considered it possible to annihilate crime completely (through the panopticon), Becker's theory acknowledged that a society could not eradicate crime beneath a certain level. For example, if 25% of a supermarket's products were stolen, it would be very easy to reduce this rate to 15%, quite easy to reduce it until 5%, difficult to reduce it under 3%, and nearly impossible to reduce it to zero (a feat that would cost the supermarket so much in surveillance, etc. that it would outweigh the benefits even if it were possible).
His research included the impact of positive and negative habits such as punctuality and alcoholism on human capital. He explored the different rates of return for different people and the resulting macroeconomic implications. He also distinguished between general to specific education and their influence on job-lock and promotions.
A major focus of Becker’s research was the impact of higher real wages in increasing the value of time and therefore the cost of home production such as childrearing. As women increase investment in human capital and enter the work force the opportunity cost of childcare rises. Additionally, the increased rate of return to education raises the desire to provide children with formal and costly education. Coupled together, the impact is to lower fertility rates.
A more controversial issue was Becker’s conclusion that parents often act altruistically towards selfish children by highly investing in a child in an effort to indirectly save for old age. Becker believed that the rate of return from investing in children was often greater than normal retirement savings. However, parents can not know for sure that the child will take care of them. Since they cannot legally bind a child to care for them they often resort to manipulation through instilling a sense of “guilt, obligation, duty and filial love that indirectly, but still very effectively... commits children to helping them out.” Becker even went so far as to say that social security can cause families to be less interdependent by removing the motivation of parents to use altruistic behaviors in motivating their children to care for them.
Becker’s insight was to recognize that deadweight losses put an exponential break on predation. He took the well-known insight that deadweight losses are proportional to the square of the tax, and used it to argue that a linear increase in takings by a predatory interest group will provoke a non-linear increase in the deadweight losses its victim suffers. These rapidly increasing losses will prod victims to invest equivalent sums in resisting attempts on their wealth. The advance of predators, fueled by linear incentives slows before the stiffening resistance of prey outraged by non-linear damages.
He is also noted for his advocacy of immigration tariffs, and for his staunch defense of the consequences of neoliberalism in Latin America.
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Name | Bruce Edward Babbitt |
---|---|
Order | 47th |
Title | United States Secretary of the Interior |
Term start | January 22, 1993 |
Term end | January 2, 2001 |
Predecessor | Manuel Lujan Jr. |
Successor | Gale Norton |
President | Bill Clinton |
Order2 | 16th |
Title2 | Governor of Arizona |
Term start2 | March 4, 1978 |
Term end2 | January 6, 1987 |
Predecessor2 | Wesley Bolin |
Successor2 | Evan Mecham |
Birth date | June 27, 1938 |
Birth place | Flagstaff, Arizona |
Spouse | Harriet Coons |
Children | Christopher BabbittT.J. Babbitt |
Party | Democratic |
Alma mater | University of Notre DameNewcastle UniversityHarvard Law School |
Religion | Roman Catholic |
Bruce Edward Babbitt (born June 27, 1938), a Democrat, served as United States Secretary of the Interior and as the 16th Governor of Arizona, from 1978 to 1987.
He married attorney Harriet Coons (known as Hattie) in 1968. Mr. and Mrs. Babbitt have two sons, Christopher and T.J.
Babbitt's brother, Paul Babbitt, was an unsuccessful candidate for the United States House of Representatives in 2004.
Babbitt is the only Arizona governor to have completed two four-year terms with nine years of service.
A founding member of the Democratic Leadership Council and the chairman of the Democratic Governors Association in 1985, Babbitt sought the Democratic Party's 1988 nomination for President of the United States. Among his proposals was a national sales tax to remedy the then-record budget deficits piled up during the several past administrations. He enjoyed positive press attention (called a "boomlet" in USA Today), but after finishing out of the top tier of candidates in the Iowa caucuses and New Hampshire Primary, he dropped out of the race. In an intentional reference to Richard Nixon (who said after losing the California governorship that the press "won't have [me] to kick around anymore"), Babbitt joked in his last campaign press conference that the media "won't have Bruce Babbitt to puff up anymore." The Washington Post reported that Babbitt dropped this line from the prepared text of his withdrawal speech.
As Secretary of the Interior, Babbitt actively worked to protect scenic and historic areas of America's federal public lands. In 2000, Babbitt created the National Landscape Conservation System, a collection of 15 U.S. National Monuments and 14 National Conservation Areas to be managed by the Bureau of Land Management in such a way as to keep them "healthy, open, and wild." Wilderness.org
In 1993, Babbitt was very seriously considered by President Clinton to replace retiring United States Supreme Court Justice Byron White. However, due to his lead in environmental issues, Clinton nominated Ruth Bader Ginsburg instead. Clinton again considered Babbitt for the high court in 1994 when Harry Blackmun announced his retirement. Babbitt was passed over again, this time in favor of Stephen Breyer, due to Breyer's immense support in the U.S. Senate, primarily because he was close to Sen. Ted Kennedy.
In 1998 he was the subject of a federal grand jury investigation into whether he had lied to Congress about having denied an Indian casino license in Wisconsin in return for political donations. The controversy has been called Wampumgate. The following year, Babbitt was cleared of wrongdoing in the special prosecutor's final report on the investigation.
Babbitt wrote a book in 2005 entitled Cities in the Wilderness: A New Vision of Land Use in America, where he proposes, among other things, to amend the Endangered Species Act so that it is used to identify, conserve and protect landscapes, watersheds and ecosystems whether or not an endangered species happens to be there. Making a parallel with preventive medicine, he thinks it should promote the protection of open space and ecosystems before the downward spiral to extinction begins.
Babbitt has attracted the ire of some environmentalists and Native American groups for, among other things, his representation of the Arizona Snowbowl ski resort and its effort to expand the resort and use wastewater to make artificial snow.
He currently serves as trustee of the World Wildlife Fund Secretariat Trustees in the U.S., and is listed as a member of the Council on Foreign Relations.
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This text is licensed under the Creative Commons CC-BY-SA License. This text was originally published on Wikipedia and was developed by the Wikipedia community.