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Getúlio Vargas
14th President of Brazil 17th President of Brazil
In office 3 November 1930 – 29 October 1945
Vice President	None
Preceded by	Augusto Tasso Fragoso
Succeeded by	José Linhares
In office 31 January 1951 – 24 August 1954 (elected)
Vice President	Café Filho
Preceded by	Eurico Gaspar Dutra
Succeeded by	Café Filho
Personal details
Born	(1882-04-19)19 April 1882 São Borja, Rio Grande do Sul, Brazilian Empire
Died	24 August 1954(1954-08-24) (aged 72) Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
Nationality	Brazilian
Spouse(s)	Darci Vargas
Occupation	Lawyer, politician
Signature

Getúlio Dornelles Vargas (Portuguese pronunciation: [ʒeˈtuliu doɾˈnɛlis ˈvaɾɡɐs]; 19 April 1882 – 24 August 1954) served as President of Brazil, first as dictator, from 1930 to 1945, and in a democratically elected term from 1951 until his suicide in 1954. Vargas led Brazil for 18 years, the most for any President, and second in Brazilian history only to Emperor Pedro II among heads of government. He favored nationalism, industrialization, centralization, social welfare and populism – for the latter, Vargas won the nickname "O Pai dos Pobres" (Portuguese for "The Father of the Poor"). Despite his promotion of workers' rights, Vargas was a staunch anti-communist.

Vargas was brought to power by political outsiders and the rank and file of the Armed Forces in the Revolution of 1930, a reaction to his loss in rigged elections earlier that year. His ascent marked the end of the Brazilian oligarchic Old Republic and states' dominated café com leite politics. He successfully influenced the outcome of the Brazilian presidential election of 1934, and instituted an authoritarian corporatist regime in 1937 known as the Estado Novo ("New State"), prolonging his hold onto power. Vargas went on to appease and eventually dominate his supporters, and pushed his political agenda as he built a propaganda machine around his figure.

Vargas sought to transform Brazil from a plantation-based economy into an industrialized powerhouse under the guidance of government intervention. His embrace of developmentalism was expressed not only in strong rhetoric, but also by lending protection to domestic industries and in a heavy investment budget aimed at kick-starting "strategic" sectors and setting up the necessary infrastructure. Vargas created state monopolies for oil (Petrobras), mining (Vale), steelmaking (National Siderurgy Company), alkalis (National Alkalis Company) and automobiles (National Motors Factory). His policies shaped the Brazilian economic debate for decades, from the leftist governments of Juscelino Kubitschek and João Goulart to the Brazilian Miracle in the right-wing military dictatorship of 1964 to 1985. The protectionist trend was reversed by the 1990s with the liberal reforms of Fernando Collor and Fernando Henrique Cardoso.

With the global rise of democracy in the aftermath of World War II, Vargas agreed to cede power in free elections, thus ending the Vargas Era. His popularity earned him a late presidential term, but mounting pressure and political strife over his methods led him to suicide. He was the first president in the country to draw widespread support from the masses and is regarded as the most influential Brazilian politician of the twentieth century.^[1] He was also a lawyer and landowner and occupied the 37th chair of the Brazilian Academy of Letters from 1943 until his death in 1954.

Background[link]

Vargas upon his graduation at the Porto Alegre Free School of Law, currently part of UFRGS, 1907

Vargas was born in São Borja, Rio Grande do Sul, on 19 April 1882, to Manuel do Nascimento Vargas and Cândida Dornelles Vargas. His father had origins in São Paulo, being a descendant of early paulista families: he is a descendant of Amador Bueno, a noted paulista from the colonial Brazilian era.^[2] His mother was descended from a wealthy family of Azorean Portuguese descent.^[3]

The son of a traditional family of "gaúchos", he embarked on a military career at first, then turned to the study of law. Entering Republican politics, he was elected to the Rio Grande do Sul state legislature and later to the federal Chamber of Deputies in 1922, where he became the floor leader for his state's delegation in Congress. He served as Finance Minister from 1926 to 1928 under President Washington Luís, from which post he resigned to enter the gubernatorial race in his home state. Once elected Governor of Rio Grande do Sul, he became a leading figure in the opposition, urging the end of electoral corruption through the adoption of the universal and secret ballot.

He and his wife Darcy Lima Sarmanho, whom he married in March 1911, had five children. According to legend, Vargas's real love was not his wife, but Aimee de Sa Sottomaior, later Aimée de Heeren, recognized by the international fashion press as one of the world's most glamorous and beautiful women. The relationship was a Brazilian state secret, although Vargas did mention her in his diary published after the death of his wife. Aimee de Herren, later living between France and the United States and admired by other famous statesmen such as the four Kennedy brothers, Joseph, John, Robert and Edward, never confirmed nor denied the rumor.^[4]

Vargas and the Revolution of 1930[link]

Between the two World Wars, Brazil was a rapidly industrializing nation^{[citation needed]} popularly regarded as "the sleeping giant of the Americas" and a potential world power. However, the oligarchic and decentralized confederation of the Old Republic, dominated by landed interests, in effect showed little concern for promoting industrialization, urbanization, and other broad interests of the new middle class.

Getúlio Vargas (center) and his followers, during their short stay in Itararé (São Paulo), on the way to Rio de Janeiro after the successful Revolution of 1930.

Bourgeois and military discontent, heightened by the Great Depression's impact on the Brazilian economy, led to a bloodless coup d'état^{[citation needed]} on 24 October 1930 that ousted President Washington Luís and the president-elect Júlio Prestes. Regional leadership, dissatisfied with the state of São Paulo's political dominance, gathered around the states that formed the so called Liberal Alliance – Minas Gerais, Paraíba and Rio Grande do Sul. They had backed Vargas, the defeated candidate in an electoral process that had been questioned and denounced as fraudulent by both sides, as was often the case in the period known as the Old Republic (1889–1930). Vargas's Liberal Alliance drew support from wide ranges of Brazil's burgeoning urban middle class and a group of tenentes who had grown frustrated to some extent with the politics of coronelismo and café com leite. The military, traditionally active in Brazilian politics, deposed Washington Luís^{[citation needed]} and installed the runner-up Vargas as "provisional president".

Vargas being squeezed in the hand of a giant bandeirante on a recruiting poster of the 1932 Constitutionalist Revolution (the text reads "Down with the Dictatorship").

Vargas was a wealthy pro-industrial nationalist and anti-communist who favored capitalist development and liberal reforms^{[citation needed]}. Opposition to him would later be radicalized in the 1932 movement that was initially aimed at the establishment of a new constitution, but was in truth an oligarchic attempt at façade democracy^{[citation needed]}.

The revolt was beaten back, but a new constitution came out in 1934. After that, Vargas seized absolute power and controlled dissidents through press and mail censorship. His tenuous coalition also lacked a coherent program, being committed to a broad vision of modernization, but little more specific^{[citation needed]}. Vargas' long career (including his eventual dictatorship, modelled, surprisingly considering the liberal roots of his regime^{[citation needed]}, almost along the lines of European Fascism)^{[citation needed]}, may be explained by his balancing the conflicting ideological constituencies, regionalism and economic interests within the vast, diverse and socio-economically varied nation.

Interim presidency[link]

Vargas and Franklin Roosevelt (right), Rio de Janeiro, 1936.

As a candidate in 1930 Vargas utilized populist rhetoric^{[citation needed]} to promote bourgeois concerns^{[citation needed]}, thus opposing the primacy — but not the legitimacy^{[citation needed]} — of the Paulista coffee oligarchy and the landed elites, who had little interest in protecting and promoting industry and modernization. Vargas during this period sought to bring Brazil out of the Great Depression through orthodox policies, and was capable of doing that with relative ease^{[citation needed]}. One of Vargas' first acts in a pattern of Populist gestures was the promotion of Pedro Ernesto Baptista's candidacy for mayor of Rio de Janeiro.

Like Franklin Roosevelt in the U.S., his first steps focused on economic stimulus. A state interventionist policy utilizing tax breaks, lowered duties^{[citation needed]}, and import quotas allowed Vargas to expand the domestic industrial base. Vargas linked his pro-industrial policies to nationalism, advocating heavy tariffs^{[citation needed]} to "perfect our manufacturers to the point where it will become unpatriotic to feed or clothe ourselves with imported goods." In his early years, Vargas also relied on the support of the tenentes, junior military officers, who had long been active against the ruling coffee oligarchy, staging their own failed revolt in 1922. Vargas also quelled a Paulista female workers' strike by co-opting much of their platform and requiring their "factory commissions" to use government mediation in the future^{[citation needed]}. Vargas, reflecting the influence of the tenentes, even advocated a program of social welfare and reform similar to the New Deal.

Constitution of 1934[link]

Portrait of Getúlio Vargas.

The parallels between Vargas and the European police states began to appear by 1934, when a new constitution was enacted with some direct almost-fascist influences.

Brazil's 1934 constitution, passed on 16 July, contained provisions that resembled Italian corporatism, which had the enthusiastic support of the pro-fascist wing of the disparate tenente movement and industrialists, who were attracted to Mussolini's co-optation of unions through state-run, sham syndicates. As in Italy, and later Spain and Germany, Fascist-style programs would serve two important aims, stimulating industrial growth and suppressing the communist influence in the country. Its stated purpose, however, was uniting all classes in mutual interests. The constitution established a new Chamber of Deputies that placed government authority over the private economy, which established a system of state-guided capitalism aimed at industrialization and reducing foreign dependency.

After 1934, the regime designated corporate representatives according to class and profession, but maintained private ownership of Brazilian-owned business. Based on increased labor rights and social investment, Brazilian corporatism, was actually a strategy to increase industrial output utilizing a strong nationalist appeal. Vargas, and later Juan Perón in neighboring Argentina, another quasi-fascist, emulated some of Mussolini's strategy of mediating class disputes and co-opting workers' demands under the banner of nationalism. Under the increase of workers' rights also, he greatly expanded labor regulations with the consent of industry, pacified by strong industrial growth. The new constitution, drafted by Vargas allies, expanded social programs and set a minimum wage but also placed stringent limits on union organizing and "unauthorized" strikes.

Beyond corporatism, the 1934 constitution also heightened efforts to reduce provincial autonomy in the traditionally devolved, sprawling nation. Centralization allowed Vargas to curb the oligarchic power of the landed paulista elites, who obstructed modernization through the regionalism, machine politics, and façade, corrupt democracy of the Old Republic.

Vargas, the Integralists and the suppression of the Left[link]

Vargas with the President of Argentina, General Agustín Justo.

President Vargas in a visit to Porto Velho

Threatened by pro-Communist elements in labor critical of the rural latifundios, Vargas reined in his shaky alliance with labor and began formally co-opting the less intimidating fascist movement.

As he moved to the right after 1934, his ideological character and association with a global ideological orbit, however, remained ambiguous — reminiscent of the early phases of leftist leaders Fidel Castro and Daniel Ortega. To fill this ideological void and promote his new rightist policies, Vargas began moving against the tenentes while encouraging the growth of fascist paramilitaries. "Integralism", founded and led by Plínio Salgado, who adopted Fascist and Nazi symbolism and salutes, offered Vargas a new political base. A green-shirted paramilitary organization directly financed by Mussolini and Hitler, Integralism's propaganda campaigns were borrowed directly from Nazi models — excoriations of Marxism and liberalism, that espoused fanatical nationalism and "Christian virtues".

Vargas tolerated the rise of anti-Semitism, even thought he was not personally anti-Semitic at all, and may have acted upon the Integralists’ popularization of anti-Semitism. One example is the deportation of the pregnant, German-born Jewish wife of Luís Carlos Prestes, Olga Benário Prestes, to Nazi Germany, where she would die in a concentration camp.

Vargas attending a military parade to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Proclamation of the Republic, 1939

Vargas forced Congress to respond to the growth of the Aliança Nacional Libertadora (ANL), a leftist coalition led by the Communist Party and Luís Carlos Prestes. A revolutionary forerunner of Che Guevara, Prestes, following his participation in the failed 1922 tenente rebellion against the coffee oligarchs, had in the 1920s led the legendary predecessor of Mao's "Long March", the Coluna Prestes [Prestes' column, militarily inspired on Lettow-Vorbeck's East African Campaign in World War I] through the rural Brazilian countryside. This experience, however, left Prestes and some of his followers sceptical of armed conflict. Nonetheless, Congress branded all leftist opposition as "subversive" under a March 1935 National Security Act that allowed the President to ban the ANL, which was forced — reluctantly — to begin another armed insurrection in November. The authoritarian regime responded by violently crushing the Communist movement through state terror.

Although "the father of the poor" expanded the electorate, granted women's suffrage, enacted social security reforms, legalized labor unions as a populist, Vargas also whittled down the autonomy of labor and crushed a series of "social banditry" violence revolts known as the cangaço.

New State[link]

A propaganda poster from the Estado Novo era. It features Vargas' personality cult and a strong nationalist message.

Vargas was facing having to step down as president in 1938 because his own 1934 constitution prohibited the president from succeeding himself. On 29 September 1937, Gen. Dutra, his rightist collaborator, revealed "the Cohen Plan", which detailed a plan for a Communist revolution. In fact, the Cohen Plan was a forgery concocted by the Integralists, but Dutra publicly demanded a state of siege. On 10 November, Vargas announced in a nationwide radio address that he was seizing emergency powers. He also dissolved Congress and canceled the elections due for January 1938. On the same night, the constitution was recast into a severely authoritarian document that concentrated virtually all power in Vargas' hands. The regime created by this document is known as the Estado Novo (New State).

Although authoritarian, the Vargas dictatorship cannot be considered a fascist regime, for Vargas had no specific party, and also, the Vargas dictatorship did not go to the violent excesses of European fascism. Remarkably, Vargas consolidated his dictatorial powers by acting within the established political system, and not with a coup d'état or revolution.

Under the Estado Novo, Vargas abolished political parties, imposed censorship, established a centralized police force, and filled prisons with political dissidents, while evoking a sense of nationalism that transcended class and bound the masses to the state. He ended up repressing the "Integralism" as well, once the communists were already defeated, since the Integralists wished for a total Nazi-fascist dictatorship.

Vargas and the Axis Powers[link]

Edda Mussolini, daughter of Benito Mussolini, on a reception in São Paulo, in 1939, given by governor Adhemar de Barros, who was appointed by President Vargas. Vargas was sympathetic to Fascist Italy

Vargas used ambiguous policies towards Axis and Allied orbits. Brazil seemed to be entering the Axis orbit — even before the 1937 declaration of Estado Novo. Between 1933 and 1938 Germany became the main market for Brazilian cotton, and its second largest importer of Brazilian coffee and cacao. The German Bank for South America even established three hundred branches in Vargas' Brazil.

Along with the rapid increase in civilian and military trade between Brazil and Nazi Germany gave US officials reasons to begin wondering about Vargas' international alignment.

The repression that followed the communist's coup d'état attempt of November 1935 in Brazil narrowed the cooperation among Brazil and Germany, that came at height in 1937, when after the deportation to Germany of Luís Carlos Prestes' wife, the revolutionary Jewish German Olga Benário Prestes, Brazil was invited to be part of the Axis Powers at the side of Japan and Italy. However, with Brazil's refusal to accept this invitation and with the advent of the "Estado Novo" in the end of that same year, the relations between Brazil and the countries of the Axis started to chill.

This also occurred due to the Italian-German frustrated expectations about what they believed the Estado Novo should represent. The policy of forced assimilation and nationalization imposed by Vargas and the military over every immigrant community including the German, Italian and Japanese ones, as well as the prohibition of any political activities that were not directly endorsed by the central power in Rio de Janeiro (then the capital of Brazil), which included the Nazi party in Brazil and its allies, the Brazilian integralists, motivated Italian-German support of the Integralist's coup d'état attempt in May 1938. The failure of that action and the British naval blockade on Germany and Italy's trade on the Atlantic, especially from 1940 onwards, led to a sharp deterioration of relations between Brazil and the Axis powers.^[5]

World War II and the fall of the Estado Novo[link]

A Brazilian Navy frigate bombarding Axis U-boats in World War II.

From 1940, the US started to reach out to Brazilians with its "Good Neighbor Policy". The US also granted large loans to Brazil, which Vargas would use to industrialize the country. The shrewd, low-key, and reasoned pragmatist sided with the anti-fascist Allies after a period of ambiguity for economic reasons, since the Allies were more viable trading partners and helped with money. However, he and the military were slowly forced to liberalize the regime because of complications arising from this alliance. In siding with the Allies, one agreement that Vargas made was to help the Allies with rubber production in order to receive loans and credit from the US. Then, in reprisal for the breaking of diplomatic relations in January 1942 and the assignment of air bases to Americans in the north of the country, Hitler ordered the extension of the axis naval offensive over the South Atlantic. After its merchant ships were sunk by German and Italian submarines, which caused hundreds of civilian deaths, Brazil sided with the Allies, declaring war on Germany and Italy on 22 August 1942, eventually sending an expeditionary force to fight on the Italian Front in the second half of 1944.

This siding with the anti-fascist Allies created a paradox at home not unnoticed by Brazil's middle class, of having a dictatorial regime joining the anti-fascist Allies. The anti-dictatorship sentiment at home increased even more from this siding with the Allies. Vargas astutely responded to the newly liberal sentiments of a middle class that was no longer fearful of disorder and proletarian discontent by moving away from repression — promising "a new postwar era of liberty" that included amnesty for political prisoners, presidential elections, and the legalization of opposition parties — including the moderated and irreparably weakened Communist Party. This political liberalization contributed to the downfall of the Estado Novo, being substantial enough to provoke his resignation and the return to democracy with the 1945 election.

Labor legislation[link]

The blue labor card, a symbol of workers' rights under Vargas.

Despite the passage of many labor laws that significantly improved the lives of laborers (such as paid vacation, minimum wage, and maternity leave), there were still many shortcomings in the enforcement and implementation of labor legislation.^[6] While it was impossible for the minimum wage laws to be evaded by large businesses or in large towns,^[7] the minimum rural salary of 1943 was, in many cases, simply not abided by employers.^[8] In fact, many social policies never extended to rural areas.^[9] While each state varied, social legislation was enforced less by the government and more by the good will of employers and officials in the remote regions of Brazil.^[10] Vargas' legislation did more for the industrial workers than for the more numerous agricultural workers,^[11] despite the fact that a few industrial workers joined the unions that the government encouraged.^[12] The state-run social security system was inefficient and the Institute for Retirement and Social Welfare produced few results.^[13] The popular backlash due to these shortcomings was evidenced by the rising popularity of the National Liberation Alliance.^[14]

Second presidency[link]

When he left Estado Novo's presidency, the economic surplus of Brazil was high and the industry was growing.^{[citation needed]} After 4 years, however, pro-US Gaspar Dutra wasted huge quantities of money protecting foreign industry (mostly US), and distanced himself from the ideas of nationalism and modernization of the country.^{[citation needed]} Vargas returned to politics in 1951 and through a free and secret ballot was re-elected President of the Republic. Hampered by the economic crisis created by pro-US Dutra, Vargas pursued a nationalist policy, turning to the country's natural resources and away from foreign dependency.^{[citation needed]} As part of this policy, he founded Petrobrás (Brazilian oil).

Death[link]

The revolver with which Vargas killed himself, and his clothes bearing a hole over the chest.

Vargas' political adversaries initiated a crisis which culminated in the "Rua Tonelero", where Major Rubens Vaz was killed during an attempt on the life of Vargas' main adversary, Carlos Lacerda.^{[citation needed]} Lieutenant Gregório Fortunato, chief of Vargas' personal guard, was accused of masterminding the assassination attempt. This aroused a reaction in the military against Vargas and the generals demanded his resignation. In a last-ditch effort Vargas called a special cabinet meeting on the eve of August 24, but rumors spread that the armed forces officers were implacable.^{[citation needed]}

Feeling the situation beyond his control, Vargas shot himself in the chest on August 24, 1954 in the Catete Palace with a Colt Police Positive Special.^[15]

The famous last lines read, "Serenely, I take my first step on the road to eternity and I leave life to enter history."

On exhibit in the Palace is his nightshirt with a bullet hole in the breast. The popular commotion that his suicide caused was so huge, that it destroyed the ambitions of his enemies for many years, among them rightists, anti-nationalists, and pro-United States.

Getúlio Dornelles Vargas is interred in his native São Borja in Rio Grande do Sul.

Chimarrão[link]

The trademark chimarrão consumed by Getúlio Vargas was manufactured by Theodoro Manzorli and Company Ltd., of Bento Gonçalves, Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. Getúlio Vargas bought this mate in bulk. The herb was selected with much care and burnt in a barbacuá. It was packed by thick, fine leaves so as not to block the sucking-tube. From there, it was taken directly to the president in São Borja by a mule of the Theodoro Manzorli Company and unloaded in his hometown farm. He frequently gave his best friends packets of this herb.

Preceded by Washington Luís	President of Brazil 1930–1945	Succeeded by José Linhares
Preceded by José de Alcântara Machado	Brazilian Academy of Letters – Occupant of the 37th chair 1943–1954	Succeeded by Assis Chateaubriand
Preceded by Eurico Gaspar Dutra	President of Brazil 1951–1954	Succeeded by Café Filho
Preceded by Augusto Tasso Fragoso	Head of Government of Brazil 1930–1945	Succeeded by José Linhares
Preceded by Antônio Augusto Borges de Medeiros	Governor of Rio Grande do Sul 1928–1930	Succeeded by Oswaldo Aranha as State's Secretary of Interior Affairs

See also[link]

• History of Brazil (1930-1945)
• History of Brazil (1945-1964)
• coronelismo
• cangaço
• café com leite
• Brazilian Integralism
• Rua Tonelero
• Vargas diamond

References[link]

External links[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Getúlio Vargas

• BBC On This Day 24 August – 1954: Brazilian president found dead
• Photo

v t e Governors of Rio Grande do Sul (1889–2012) José Antônio Correia Câmara Júlio Anacleto Falcão da Frota Francisco da Silva Tavares Carlos Machado de Bittencourt Cândido José da Costa Fernando Abbot Júlio Prates de Castilhos José Antônio Correia Câmara Vitoriano Ribeiro Carneiro Monteiro Fernando Abbot Júlio Prates de Castilhos Borges de Medeiros Carlos Barbosa Gonçalves Borges de Medeiros Getúlio Vargas Oswaldo Aranha Sinval Saldanha José Antônio Flores da Cunha Manuel de Cerqueira Daltro Filho Joaquim Maurício Cardoso Cordeiro de Farias Ernesto Dornelles Samuel Figueiredo da Silva Pompílio Cylon Fernandes Rosa Walter Só Jobim Ernesto Dornelles Ildo Meneghetti Leonel Brizola Ildo Meneghetti Walter Peracchi Barcelos Euclides Triches Sinval Guazzelli José Augusto Amaral de Souza Jair Soares Pedro Simon Sinval Guazzelli Alceu Collares Antônio Britto Olívio Dutra Germano Rigotto Yeda Crusius Tarso Genro

Carlos Leal (born 1969) is a Swiss rapper and actor.

Leal was born in Lausanne to Galician immigrants. In 1990, he co-founded Sens Unik. The group produced four gold records and contributed music to the films La Haine (1995) and Neutre (2001).

He had already produced videos with Sens Unik, but after making an appearance in the documentary Babylon 2 (1993), Leal decided to pursue a serious acting career. He trained under director Jack Garfein at The Actors Studio in Paris. He made his film debut in Week End Break (2002), a comedy short film, which led to roles in a number of French and Swiss productions.

In 2005, Leal appeared in the Swiss film Snow White, in his first major cinematic role. For his performance, he was awarded the prize for Best Actor at the Tamil Nadu Film Festival, and Swiss Film Prize for Best Performance in a Leading Role.

In 2006, Leal played the role of croupier and poker tournament organizer in the James Bond film Casino Royale.

Filmography[link]

• Looking for Eimish (Spain, 2012). As Kai.
• Escape from Tibet (Switzerland/Germany, 2011). As Jean François .
• Carré Blanc (France, 2011). As Jean Luc.
• Chaos (USA, 2011).
• Sennentuntschi (Switzerland/Germany, 2011). As Martin.
• El internado (Spain, 2007). As Jaques Noiret.
• Casino Royale (USA, 2006)
• Snow White (Switzerland, 2005)
• Hildes Reise (Switzerland, 2004)
• Visite Médicale (Switzerland/France, short subject, 2004)
• Trinivel (France, 2003)
• Anomalies passagères (France, TV, 2003)
• Love Express (Switzerland, 2003)
• Week End Break (Switzerland, short subject, 2002)

External links[link]

• Carlos Leal at the Internet Movie Database

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