The frontispiece of Thomas Hobbes' Leviathan

A state is a compulsory political organization with a centralized government that maintains a monopoly of the legitimate use of force within a certain territory.

States may be sovereign. Many states are federated states which participate in a federal union.^[1] Some states are subject to external sovereignty or hegemony where ultimate sovereignty lies in another state.^[2] The state can also be used to refer to the secular branches of government within a state, often as a manner of contrasting them with churches and civilian institutions (civil society).

Definitional issues[link]

There is no academic consensus on the most appropriate definition of the state.^[3] The term "state" refers to a set of different, but interrelated and often overlapping, theories about a certain range of political phenomena.^[4] The act of defining the term can be seen as part of an ideological conflict, because different definitions lead to different theories of state function, and as a result validate different political strategies.^[5]

The most commonly used definition is Max Weber's,^{[6][7][8][9][10]} which describes the state as a compulsory political organization with a centralized government that maintains a monopoly of the legitimate use of force within a certain territory.^[11][12] General categories of state institutions include administrative bureaucracies, legal systems, and military or religious organizations.^[13]

According to the Oxford English Dictionary, a state is "a an organized political community under one government; a commonwealth; a nation. b such a community forming part of a federal republic, esp the United States of America".^[1]

Types of states[link]

States may be classified as sovereign if they are not dependent on, or subject to any other power or state. Other states are subject to external sovereignty or hegemony where ultimate sovereignty lies in another state.^[1][14] Many states are federated states which participate in a federal union. A federated state is a territorial and constitutional community forming part of a federation.^[15] Such states differ from sovereign states, in that they have transferred a portion of their sovereign powers to a federal government.^[1]

The state and government[link]

The concept of the state can be distinguished from the concept of government. The government is the particular group of people, the administrative bureaucracy, that controls the state apparatus at a given time.^[16][17][18] That is, governments are the means through which state power is employed. States are served by a continuous succession of different governments.^[18]

Each successive government is composed of a specialized and privileged body of individuals, who monopolize political decision-making, and are separated by status and organization from the population as a whole. Their function is to enforce existing laws, legislate new ones, and arbitrate conflicts via their monopoly on violence. In some societies, this group is often a self-perpetuating or hereditary class. In other societies, such as democracies, the political roles remain, but there is frequent turnover of the people actually filling the positions.^[19]

States and nation-states[link]

States can also be distinguished from the concept of a "nation", which refers to a large geographical area, and the people therein who perceive themselves as having a common identity.^[20]

The state and civil society[link]

In the classical thought the state was identified with political society and civil society as a form of political community, while the modern thought distinguished the nation state as a political society from civil society as a form of economic society.^[21] Thus in the modern thought the state is contrasted with civil society.^[22][23][24]

The man versus the state[link]

English philosopher, sociologist, biologist and writer Herbert Spencer wrote of the many aspects of the character of the state as opposed to the character of man in his book The Man Versus The State. In it, Spencer details almost a Shakespearean academic analysis of the standoff and the consequences of interrelationships between the state and men who live under it.

Antonio Gramsci believed that civil society is the primary locus of political activity because it is where all forms of "identity formation, ideological struggle, the activities of intellectuals, and the construction of hegemony take place." and that civil society was the nexus connecting the economic and political sphere. Arising out of the collective actions of civil society is what Gramsci calls "political society", which Gramsci differentiates from the notion of the state as a polity. He stated that politics was not a "one-way process of political management" but, rather, that the activities of civil organizations conditioned the activities of political parties and state institutions, and were conditioned by them in turn.^[25][26] Louis Althusser argued that civil organizations such as church, schools, and the family are part of an "ideological state apparatus" which complements the "repressive state apparatus" (such as police and military) in reproducing social relations.^[27][28][29]

Jürgen Habermas, spoke of a public sphere that was distinct from both the economic and political sphere.^[30]

Given the role that many social groups have in in the development of public policy and the extensive connections between state bureaucracies and other institutions, it has become increasingly difficult to identify the boundaries of the state. Privatization, nationalization, and the creation of new regulatory bodies also change the boundaries of the state in relation to society. Often the nature of quasi-autonomous organizations is unclear, generating debate among political scientists on whether they are part of the state or civil society. Some political scientists thus prefer to speak of policy networks and decentralized governance in modern societies rather than of state bureaucracies and direct state control over policy.^[31]

Theories of state function[link]

Most political theories of the state can roughly be classified into two categories. The first are known as "liberal" or "conservative" theories, which treat capitalism as a given, and then concentrate on the function of states in capitalist society. These theories tend to see the state as a neutral entity separated from society and the economy. Marxist theories on the other hand, see politics as intimately tied in with economic relations, and emphasize the relation between economic power and political power. They see the state as a partisan instrument that primarily serves the interests of the upper class.^[18]

Anarchist[link]

IWW poster "Pyramid of the Capitalist System"(c. 1911), depicting an anti-capitalist perspective on statist/capitalist social structures

Anarchism is a political philosophy which considers the state immoral and instead promotes a stateless society, or anarchy.

Anarchists believe that the state is inherently an instrument of domination and repression, no matter who is in control of it. Unlike Marxists, anarchists believe that revolutionary seizure of state power should not be a political goal. They believe instead that the state apparatus should be completely dismantled, and an alternative set of social relations created, which are not based on state power at all.^[32][33]

Marxist perspective[link]

Marx and Engels were clear in that the communist goal was a classless society in which the state would have "withered away".^[34] Their views are scattered throughout the Marx/Engels Collected Works and address past or the then extant state forms from an analytical or tactical viewpoint, not future social forms, speculation about which is generally anathema to groups considering themselves Marxist but who, not having conquered the existing state power(s) are not in the situation of supplying the institutional form of an actual society. To the extent that it makes sense, there is no single "Marxist theory of state", but rather many different "Marxist" theories that have been developed by adherents of Marxism.^[35][36][37]

Marx's early writings portrayed the state as "parasitic", built upon the superstructure of the economy, and working against the public interest. He also wrote that the state mirrors class relations in society in general, acts as a regulator and repressor of class struggle, and acts as a tool of political power and domination for the ruling class.^[38] The Communist Manifesto claimed that the state is nothing more than "a committee for managing the common affairs of the bourgeoisie.^[35]

For Marxist theorists, the role of the non-socialist state is determined by its function in the global capitalist order. Ralph Miliband argued that the ruling class uses the state as its instrument to dominate society by virtue of the interpersonal ties between state officials and economic elites. For Miliband, the state is dominated by an elite that comes from the same background as the capitalist class. State officials therefore share the same interests as owners of capital and are linked to them through a wide array of social, economic, and political ties.^[39]

Gramsci's theories of state emphasized that the state is only one of the institutions in society that helps maintain the hegemony of the ruling class, and that state power is bolstered by the ideological domination of the institutions of civil society, such as churches, schools, and mass media.^[40]

Pluralism[link]

Pluralists view society as a collection of individuals and groups, who are competing for political power. They then view the state as a neutral body that simply enacts the will of whichever groups dominate the electoral process.^[41] Within the pluralist tradition, Robert Dahl developed the theory of the state as a neutral arena for contending interests or its agencies as simply another set of interest groups. With power competitively arranged in society, state policy is a product of recurrent bargaining. Although pluralism recognizes the existence of inequality, it asserts that all groups have an opportunity to pressure the state. The pluralist approach suggests that the modern democratic state's actions are the result of pressures applied by a variety of organized interests. Dahl called this kind of state a polyarchy.^[42]

Pluralism has been challenged on the ground that it is not supported by empirical evidence. Citing surveys showing that the large majority of people in high leadership positions are members of the wealthy upper class, critics of pluralism claim that the state serves the interests of the upper class rather than equitably serving the interests of all social groups.^[43][44]

Postmodernists[link]

Jürgen Habermas believed that the base-superstructure framework, used by many Marxist theorists to describe the relation between the state and the economy, was overly simplistic. He felt that the modern state plays a large role in structuring the economy, by regulating economic activity and being a large-scale economic consumer/producer, and through its redistributive welfare state activities. Because of the way these activities structure the economic framework, Habermas felt that the state cannot be looked at as passively responding to economic class interests.^[45][46][47]

Michel Foucault believed that modern political theory was too state-centric, saying "Maybe, after all, the state is no more than a composite reality and a mythologized abstraction, whose importance is a lot more limited than many of us think." He thought that political theory was focusing too much on abstract institutions, and not enough on the actual practices of government. In Foucault's opinion, the state had no essence. He believed that instead of trying to understand the activities of governments by analyzing the properties of the state (a reified abstraction), political theorists should be examining changes in the practice of government to understand changes in the nature of the state.^[48][49][50]

Heavily influenced by Gramsci, Nicos Poulantzas, a Greek neo-Marxist theorist argued that capitalist states do not always act on behalf of the ruling class, and when they do, it is not necessarily the case because state officials consciously strive to do so, but because the 'structural' position of the state is configured in such a way to ensure that the long-term interests of capital are always dominant. Poulantzas' main contribution to the Marxist literature on the state was the concept of 'relative autonomy' of the state. While Poulantzas' work on 'state autonomy' has served to sharpen and specify a great deal of Marxist literature on the state, his own framework came under criticism for its 'structural functionalism.'^{[citation needed]}

State autonomy (institutionalism)[link]

State autonomy theorists believe that the state is an entity that is somehow impervious to external social and economic influence, and has interests of its own.^[51]

"New institutionalist" writings on the state, such as the works of Theda Skocpol, suggest that state actors are to an important degree autonomous. In other words, state personnel have interests of their own, which they can and do pursue independently of (at times in conflict with) actors in society. Since the state controls the means of coercion, and given the dependence of many groups in civil society on the state for achieving any goals they may espouse, state personnel can to some extent impose their own preferences on civil society.^[52]

G. William Domhoff claims that "The idea of the American state having any significant degree of autonomy from the owners and managers of banks, corporations, and agribusinesses is a theoretical mistake based in empirical inaccuracies," and cites empirical studies showing a high degree of overlap between upper-level corporate management and high-level positions in government.^[51][53]

Theories of state legitimacy[link]

States generally rely on a claim to some form of political legitimacy in order to maintain domination over their subjects.^[54][55][56]

Divine right[link]

The rise of the modern state system was closely related to changes in political thought, especially concerning the changing understanding of legitimate state power. Early modern defenders of absolutism such as Thomas Hobbes and Jean Bodin undermined the doctrine of the divine right of kings by arguing that the power of kings should be justified by reference to the people. Hobbes in particular went further and argued that political power should be justified with reference to the individual, not just to the people understood collectively. Both Hobbes and Bodin thought they were defending the power of kings, not advocating democracy, but their arguments about the nature of sovereignty were fiercely resisted by more traditional defenders of the power of kings, like Sir Robert Filmer in England, who thought that such defenses ultimately opened the way to more democratic claims.^{[citation needed]}

Rational-legal authority[link]

Max Weber identified three main sources of political legitimacy in his works. The first, legitimacy based on traditional grounds is derived from a belief that things should be as they have been in the past, and that those who defend these traditions have a legitimate claim to power. The second, legitimacy based on charismatic leadership is devotion to a leader or group that is viewed as exceptionally heroic or virtuous. The third is rational-legal authority, whereby legitimacy is derived from the belief that a certain group has been placed in power in a legal manner, and that their actions are justifiable according to a specific code of written laws. Weber believed that the modern state is characterized primarily by appeals to rational-legal authority.^[57][58][59]

Etymology[link]

The word state and its cognates in other European languages (stato in Italian, Estado in Spanish état in French, Staat in German) ultimately derive from the Latin status, meaning "condition" or "status."^[60]

With the revival of the Roman law in the 14th century in Europe, this Latin term was used to refer to the legal standing of persons (such as the various "estates of the realm" - noble, common, and clerical), and in particular the special status of the king. The word was also associated with Roman ideas (dating back to Cicero) about the "status rei publicae", the "condition of public matters". In time, the word lost its reference to particular social groups and became associated with the legal order of the entire society and the apparatus of its enforcement.^[61]

In English, "state" is a contraction of the word "estate", which is similar to the old French estat and the modern French état, both of which signify that a person has status and therefore estate. The highest estates, generally those with the most wealth and social rank, were those that held power.^[54]

The early 16th century works of Machiavelli (especially The Prince) played a central role in popularizing the use of the word "state" in something similar to its modern sense.^[62]

History[link]

The earliest forms of the state emerged whenever it became possible to centralize power in a durable way. Agriculture and writing are almost everywhere associated with this process: agriculture because it allowed for the emergence of a class of people who did not have to spend most of their time providing for their own subsistence, and writing (or the equivalent of writing, like Inca quipus) because it made possible the centralization of vital information.^[63]

The first known states were created in Ancient Egypt, Mesopotamia, India, China, Central America (e.g. Mayan civilization, Inca civilization) and others, but it is only in relatively modern times that states have almost completely displaced alternative "stateless" forms of political organization of societies all over the planet.^[64] Roving bands of hunter-gatherers and even fairly sizable and complex tribal societies based on herding or agriculture have existed without any full-time specialized state organization, and these "stateless" forms of political organization have in fact prevailed for all of the prehistory and much of the history of the human species and civilization.^[64]

Initially states emerged over territories built by conquest in which one culture, one set of ideals and one set of laws have been imposed by force or threat over diverse nations by a civilian and military bureaucracy.^[64] Currently, that is not always the case and there are multinational states, federated states and autonomous areas within states. Additionally multiculturalism is currently adopted in many unitary and nation states following different processes of human migration such as population transfer, political migration, immigration and emigration.^{[citation needed]}

Since the late 19th century, virtually the entirety of the world's inhabitable land has been parcelled up into areas with more or less definite borders claimed by various states. Earlier, quite large land areas had been either unclaimed or uninhabited, or inhabited by nomadic peoples who were not organised as states. However, even within present-day states there are vast areas of wilderness, like the Amazon Rainforest, which are uninhabited or inhabited solely or mostly by indigenous people (and some of them remain uncontacted). Also, there are states which do not hold de facto control over all of their claimed territory or where this control is challenged. Currently the international community comprises around 200 sovereign states, the vast majority of which are represented in the United Nations.^{[citation needed]}

Pre-historic stateless societies[link]

For most of human history, people have lived in stateless societies, characterized by a lack of concentrated authority, and the absence of large inequalities in economic and political power.

The anthropologist Robert L. Carneiro comments:

"For 99.8 percent of human history people lived exclusively in autonomous bands and villages. At the beginning of the Paleolithic [i.e. the stone age], the number of these autonomous political units must have been small, but by 1000 B.C. it had increased to some 600,000. Then supra-village aggregation began in earnest, and in barely three millenia the autonomous political units of the world dropped from 600,000 to 157. In the light of this trend, the continued decrease from 157 to 1 seems not only inescapable but close at hand".^[65]

The anthropologist Tim Ingold writes:

"It is not enough to observe, in a now rather dated anthropological idiom, that hunter gatherers live in 'stateless societies', as though their social lives were somehow lacking or unfinished, waiting to be completed by the evolutionary development of a state apparatus. Rather, the principal of their socialty, as Pierre Clastres has put it, is fundamentally against the state."^[66]

The Neolithic period[link]

During the Neolithic period, human societies underwent major cultural and economic changes, including the development of agriculture, the formation of sedentary societies and fixed settlements, increasing population densities, and the use of pottery and more complex tools.^[67][68]

Sedentary agriculture led to the development of property rights, patriarchal societies, domestication of plants and animals, and larger family sizes. It also provided the basis for the centralized state form^[69] by producing a large surplus of food, which created a more complex division of labor by enabling people to specialize in tasks other than food production.^[70] Early states were characterized by highly stratified societies, with a privileged and wealthy ruling class that was subordinate to a monarch. The ruling classes began to differentiate themselves through forms of architecture and other cultural practices that were different from those of the subordinate laboring classes.^[71]

In the past, it was suggested that the centralized state was developed to administer large public works systems (such as irrigation systems) and to regulate complex economies. However, modern archaeological and anthropological evidence doesn't support this thesis, pointing to the existence of several non-stratified and politically decentralized complex societies.^[72]

The state in ancient Eurasia[link]

Mesopotamia is generally considered to be the location of the earliest civilization or complex society, meaning that it contained cities, full-time division of labor, social concentration of wealth into capital, unequal distribution of wealth, ruling classes, community ties based on residency rather than kinship, long distance trade, monumental architecture, standardized forms of art and culture, writing, and mathematics and science.^[73] It was the world's first literate civilization, and formed the first sets of written laws.^[74][75] By the middle of the 4th millennium B.C., most Mesopotamian settlements were fortified, signifying that organized warfare was common.^[76]

The state in classical antiquity[link]

Painting of Roman Senators encircling Julius Caesar

Although primitive state-forms existed before the rise of the Ancient Greek empire, the Greeks were the first people known to have explicitly formulated a political philosophy of the state, and to have rationally analyzed political institutions. Prior to this, states were described and justified in terms of religious myths.^[77]

Several important political innovations of classical antiquity came from the Greek city-states and the Roman Republic. The Greek city-states before the 4th century granted citizenship rights to their free population, and in Athens these rights were combined with a directly democratic form of government that was to have a long afterlife in political thought and history.

The state in the pre-Colombian Americas[link]

This section requires expansion.

The feudal state[link]

During Medieval times in Europe, the state was organized on the principle of feudalism, and the relationship between lord and vassal became central to social organization. Feudalism led to the development of greater social hierarchies.^[78]

The formalization of the struggles over taxation between the monarch and other elements of society (especially the nobility and the cities) gave rise to what is now called the Standestaat, or the state of Estates, characterized by parliaments in which key social groups negotiated with the king about legal and economic matters. These estates of the realm sometimes evolved in the direction of fully-fledged parliaments, but sometimes lost out in their struggles with the monarch, leading to greater centralization of lawmaking and military power in his hands. Beginning in the 15th century, this centralizing process gives rise to the absolutist state.^[79]

The modern state[link]

Cultural and national homogenization figured prominently in the rise of the modern state system. Since the absolutist period, states have largely been organized on a national basis. The concept of a national state, however, is not synonymous with nation state. Even in the most ethnically homogeneous societies there is not always a complete correspondence between state and nation, hence the active role often taken by the state to promote nationalism through emphasis on shared symbols and national identity.^[80]

See also[link]

• Civil society
• Civilian control of the military
• International relations
• Libertarianism
• Rule of law
• Statism

References[link]

Notes[link]

Bibliography[link]

• Barrow, Clyde W. (1993). Critical Theories of State: Marxist, Neo-Marxist, Post-Marxist. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 0-299-13714-7. http://books.google.com/books?id=t3zo8mCl580C. 
• Bobbio, Norberto (1989). Democracy and Dictatorship: The Nature and Limits of State Power. University of Minnesota Press. ISBN 0-8166-1813-5. http://books.google.com/books?id=4AE8ur83g8AC. 
• Cudworth, Erika (2007). The Modern State: Theories and Ideologies. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 978-0-7486-2176-7. http://books.google.com/books?id=Pr8tAAAAYAAJ. 
• Dogan, Mattei (1992). "Conceptions of Legitimacy". In Paynter, John et al.. Encyclopedia of government and politics. Psychology Press. ISBN 978-0-415-07224-3. http://books.google.com/books?id=_MdR_fvPxZoC&pg=PA116. 
• Flint, Colin & Taylor, Peter (2007). Political Geography: World Economy, Nation-State, and Locality (5th ed.). Pearson/Prentice Hall. ISBN 978-0-13-196012-1. http://books.google.com/books?id=GXz9xHdHeZcC. 
• Hay, Colin (2001). "State theory". In Jones, R.J. Barry. Routledge Encyclopedia of International Political Economy: Entries P-Z. Taylor & Francis. pp. 1469–1475. ISBN 978-0-415-24352-0. http://books.google.com/books?id=lSmU3aXWIAYC&pg=PA1469. 
• Joseph, Jonathan (2004). Social theory: an introduction. NYU Press. ISBN 978-0-8147-4277-8. http://books.google.com/books?id=ic5UOphbKHsC. 
• Malešević, Siniša (2002). Ideology, legitimacy and the new state: Yugoslavia, Serbia and Croatia. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-7146-5215-3. http://books.google.com/books?id=Lc_nMFoGcYkC. 
• Nelson, Brian T. (2006). The making of the modern state: a theoretical evolution. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-1-4039-7189-0. http://books.google.com/books?id=cvtYZmiOjT8C. 
• Rueschemeyer, Dietrich; Skocpol, Theda; Evans, Peter B. (1985). Bringing the State Back In. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-31313-9. http://books.google.com/books?id=sYgTwHQbNAAC. 
• Salmon, Trevor C. (2008). Issues in international relations. Taylor & Francis US. ISBN 978-0-415-43126-2. http://books.google.com/books?id=ayz0kWKhKacC. 
• Sartwell, Crispin (2008). Against the state: an introduction to anarchist political theory. SUNY Press. ISBN 978-0-7914-7447-1. http://books.google.com/books?id=bk-aaMVGKO0C. 
• Scott, James C. (2009). The art of not being governed: an anarchist history of upland Southeast Asia. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-15228-9. http://books.google.com/books?id=oiLYu2-uc8IC. 
• Skinner, Quentin (1989). "The state". In Ball, T; Farr, J.; and Hanson, R.L.. Political Innovation and Conceptual Change. Cambridge University Press. pp. 90–131. ISBN 0-521-35978-3. http://books.google.com/books?id=1QrSKH_Q5M8C&pg=PA90. 
• Vincent, Andrew (1992). "Conceptions of the State". In Paynter, John et al.. Encyclopedia of government and politics. Psychology Press. ISBN 978-0-415-07224-3. http://books.google.com/books?id=_MdR_fvPxZoC&pg=PA48. 

Further reading[link]

• Barrow, Clyde W. (2002). "The Miliband-Poulantzas Debate: An Intellectual History". In Aronowitz, Stanley & Bratsis, Peter. Paradigm lost: state theory reconsidered. University of Minnesota Press. ISBN 978-0-8166-3293-0. http://books.google.com/books?id=occGXv3T0ycC&pg=PA3. 
• Bottomore, T. B., ed. (1991). "The State". A Dictionary of Marxist thought (2nd ed.). Wiley-Blackwell. ISBN 978-0-631-18082-1. http://books.google.com/books?id=q4QwNP_K1pYC&pg=PA520. 
• Bratsis, Peter (2006). Everyday Life and the State. Paradigm. ISBN 978-1-59451-219-3. http://books.google.com/books?id=mh_zAAAAMAAJ. 
• Faulks, Keith (2000). "Classical Theories of the State and Civil Society". Political sociology: a critical introduction. NYU Press. ISBN 978-0-8147-2709-6. http://books.google.com/books?id=_fjCczhvWj0C&pg=PA32. 
• Feldbrugge, Ferdinand J. M., ed. (2003). The law's beginning. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. ISBN 978-90-04-13705-9. http://books.google.com/books?id=DG_HMgPYMlMC. 
• Fisk, Milton (1989). The state and justice: an essay in political theory. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-38966-2. http://books.google.com/books?id=UVv1oS3afmIC. 
• Friedeburg, Robert von (2011). State Forms and State Systems in Modern Europe. Institute of European History,. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0159-2010102576. 
• Green, Penny & Ward, Tony (2009). "Violence and the State". In Coleman, Roy et al.. State, Power, Crime. SAGE. ISBN 978-1-4129-4805-0. http://books.google.com/books?id=ZhxIDseBcpcC&pg=PA116. 
• Hall, John A., ed. (1994). The state: critical concepts (Vol. 1 & 2). Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-0-415-08683-7. http://books.google.com/books?id=EFmfJlNFEKgC. 
• Hansen, Thomas Blom & Stepputat, Finn, ed. (2001). States of imagination: ethnographic explorations of the postcolonial state. Duke University Press. ISBN 978-0-8223-2798-1. http://books.google.com/books?id=pk9W2W6LCpIC. 
• Hoffman, John (1995). Beyond the state: an introductory critique. Polity Press. ISBN 978-0-7456-1181-5. http://books.google.com/books?id=TG6OQgAACAAJ. 
• Hoffman, John (2004). Citizenship beyond the state. SAGE. ISBN 978-0-7619-4942-8. http://books.google.com/books?id=nHu8uwrBO6gC. 
• Jessop, Bob (1990). State theory: putting the Capitalist state in its place. Penn State Press. ISBN 978-0-271-00735-9. http://books.google.com/books?id=HcxBBhXjAUcC. 
• Jessop, Bob (2009). "Redesigning the State, Reorienting State Power, and Rethinking the State". In Leicht, Kevin T. & Jenkins, J. Craig. Handbook of Politics: State and Society in Global Perspective. Springer. ISBN 978-0-387-68929-6. http://books.google.com/books?id=U5_HatyUydwC&pg=PA41. 
• Lefebvre, Henri (2009). Brenner, Neil & Elden, Stuart. ed. State, space, world: selected essays. University of Minnesota Press. ISBN 978-0-8166-5317-1. http://books.google.com/books?id=5cYnB3KsqdkC. 
• Long, Roderick T. & Machan, Tibor R. (2008). Anarchism/minarchism: is a government part of a free country?. Ashgate Publishing. ISBN 978-0-7546-6066-8. http://books.google.com/books?id=PUev30VZ04kC. 
• Mann, Michael (1994). "The Autonomous Power of the State: It's Origins, Mechanisms, and Results". In Hall, John A.. The State: critical concepts, Volume 1. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-0-415-08680-6. http://books.google.com/books?id=EFmfJlNFEKgC&pg=PA331. 
• Oppenheimer, Franz (1975). The state. Black Rose Books. ISBN 978-0-919618-59-6. http://books.google.com/books?id=_dJXaqobz4AC. 
• Poulantzas, Nicos & Camiller, Patrick (2000). State, power, socialism. Verso. ISBN 978-1-85984-274-4. http://books.google.com/books?id=ejTYwLoZtY4C. 
• Sanders, John T. & Narveson, Jan (1996). For and against the state: new philosophical readings. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-0-8476-8165-5. http://books.google.com/books?id=7k_gBlYQwOcC. 
• Scott, James C. (1998). Seeing like a state: how certain schemes to improve the human condition have failed. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-07815-2. http://books.google.com/books?id=PqcPCgsr2u0C. 
• Taylor, Michael (1982). Community, anarchy, and liberty. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-27014-4. http://books.google.com/books?id=eI9xYg7CwiwC. 
• Uzgalis, William (May 5, 2007). "John Locke". Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/locke/index.html. 

This article relies on references to primary sources or sources affiliated with the subject, rather than references from independent authors and third-party publications. Please add citations from reliable sources. (March 2009)

Tim Hawkins
Background information
Occupations	Singer, Songwriter, Comedian
Years active	2002-present
Website	TimHawkins.net

Tim Hawkins is a Christian comedian,^[1] songwriter, and singer, best known for parodying popular songs, such as Carrie Underwood's "Jesus Take The Wheel"^[2] and "The Candy Man" stand-up material based on marriage, homeschooling and parenting. Hawkins has released three CDs and five DVDs of his material since 2006. In 2007, Hawkins began to release his comedy on the Internet, with his videos gaining more than 50 million views on YouTube and Facebook since.

Personal life[link]

Hawkins has four children, and a wife who is winning a battle with breast cancer, which Hawkins often alludes to during a serious portion of his stand-up show. When he does this he asks the audience to pray for them. He played outfield in college for the University of Missouri.^[3]

Self Published Works[link]

• Pretty Pink Tractor (2011)
• Rock Show Comedy Tour (with Bob Smiley & John Branyan) (2011)
• INSANITIZED (2010)
• I'm No Rockstar (2009)
• Bananas II (2008)
• Full Range of Motion (2007)
• The Government Can
• Cletus Take the Reel
• Extremely Madeover
• Tuna Fish Sandwich

References[link]

External links[link]

• Official Website
• Official Store

Dan Rather
Dan Rather at Kabul, Afghanistan, in July 2011
Born	Daniel Irvin Rather, Jr. (1931-10-31) October 31, 1931 (age 80) Wharton, Texas, U.S.
Education	Sam Houston State University
Occupation	Journalist Anchor
Years active	1950–present
Notable credit(s)	CBS Evening News anchor (1981–2005) 60 Minutes correspondent (1968–1981; 1999–2006)
Spouse	Jean Goebel
Children	Robin (daughter) Danjack (son)

Daniel Irvin "Dan" Rather, Jr. (born October 31, 1931) is an American journalist and the former news anchor for the CBS Evening News. He is now managing editor and anchor of the television news magazine Dan Rather Reports on the cable channel HDNet. Rather was anchor of the CBS Evening News for 24 years, from March 9, 1981, to March 9, 2005. He also contributed to CBS's 60 Minutes. Rather became embroiled in controversy about a disputed news report involving President Bush's Vietnam-era service in the National Guard and subsequently left CBS Evening News in 2005, and he left the network altogether after 43 years in 2006.^[1]

Early life[link]

Rather's boyhood home being restored at the Wharton County Museum

Daniel Irvin Rather, Jr. (/ˈræðər/) was born on October 31, 1931, in Wharton County, Texas, the son of Daniel Irvin Rather, Sr., and the former Byrl Veda Page. The Rathers moved to Houston, and Dan attended Love Elementary School and Hamilton Middle School. He graduated in 1949 from John H. Reagan High School in Houston. In 1953, he received a bachelor's degree in journalism from Sam Houston State University^[2] where he was editor of the school newspaper, The Houstonian. At Sam Houston, he was a member of the Caballeros – the founding organization of the currently active Epsilon Psi chapter of the Sigma Chi fraternity.^[3] After obtaining his undergraduate degree, Rather briefly attended South Texas College of Law in Houston, which later awarded him an honorary Juris Doctor in 1990. In 1954, Rather enlisted in the United States Marine Corps, but was soon discharged because of having had rheumatic fever as a child .^[4]

Early career[link]

Rather began his journalism career in 1950 as an Associated Press reporter in Huntsville, Texas. Later, he was a reporter for United Press (1950–1958), several Texas radio stations, and the Houston Chronicle (1954–1955). Around 1955, Rather did a story on heroin. Under the auspices of the Houston Police, he experienced the drug which he characterized as "a special kind of hell."^[5] While at Sam Houston State, Rather worked for KSAM-FM radio in Huntsville, Texas, calling junior high, high school, and Sam Houston State football games.^[6] He later spent four seasons as the play-by-play announcer for the University of Houston football team.^[7] During the 1959 minor league baseball season, Rather was the play-by-play radio announcer for the Houston Buffs team of the triple A American Association. In 1959, he began his television career as a reporter for KTRK-TV in Houston. Rather was subsequently promoted to the director of news for KHOU-TV, the CBS affiliate in Houston. Ray Miller, news director of KPRC-TV, the NBC affiliate in Houston, also mentored Rather in the early years.

In early September 1961, Rather reported live from the Galveston Seawall as Hurricane Carla threatened the Texas coastline. In his autobiography, Rather notes that back then, television stations did not have their own radar systems, and of course nobody then had the modern computerized radar that combines the radar image with an outline map. So he took a camera crew to a National Weather Service radar station located on the top floor of the Post Office Building on 25th Street in Galveston, where a technician drew a rough outline of the Gulf of Mexico on a sheet of plastic, and held that over the black and white radar display to give Rather's audience an idea of the storm's size and position its eye. His reporting, which has been imitated by countless other reporters, impressed the network executives at CBS, and they offered him a job as a CBS News correspondent. Rather refused CBS's first offer, but accepted its second offer when it came three months later.

On February 28, 1962, Rather left Houston for New York City for a six-month trial initiation. Rather didn't fit in easily on the East Coast, and his first reports for CBS included coverage of the crash of American Airlines Flight 1 in Jamaica Bay, and a less memorable event on the suffocation of children at a hospital in Binghamton. Shortly after, Rather was made chief of CBS's Southwest bureau in Dallas. In 1963, he was appointed chief of the Southern bureau in New Orleans, responsible for coverage of news events in the South, Southwest, Mexico and Central America. It would be only a matter of time before Rather reported on the Kennedy assassination.

CBS News[link]

Rather speaking about his experiences in his 61 years of journalism before a group of NATO commanders at Camp Eggers in Kabul, Afghanistan in July 2011.

JFK assassination to Watergate[link]

Rather was the first network television journalist to report that U.S. President John F. Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas.^[8][9] In his autobiography, he also claims to be one of the first to see the Zapruder film showing the assassination and the first to describe it on television.^[10] The film was never shown on television to the general public, and Rather reported the fatal headshot as forcing Kennedy's head to be thrown violently forward, when it was thrown backwards. This report is sometimes included as part of conspiracy theories which purport that the direction in which Kennedy's head moved supports one theory or another.

Later, he reported that some schoolchildren in Dallas had applauded when they were notified of the president's death.^[11] Administrators said that, in fact, the thrust of the announcement was that school was to be dismissed early (making the students' delight more understandable). This story infuriated local journalists at then-CBS affiliate KRLD-TV (now Fox owned-and-operated KDFW-TV).

Rather's reporting during the national mourning period following the Kennedy assassination and subsequent events brought him to the attention of CBS News management, which rewarded him in 1964 with the network's White House correspondent position.

After serving as a foreign correspondent for CBS in London in 1965 and Vietnam in 1966, he served his second tenure as White House correspondent during the Richard Nixon presidency. Rather was among those journalists who accompanied Nixon to China. He covered the Watergate investigation as well as the impeachment proceedings. In 1970, he drew the assignment as primary anchor for the CBS Sunday Night News.^[12]

CBS Evening News anchor[link]

After President Nixon's resignation in 1974, Rather took the assignment of chief correspondent for the documentary series CBS Reports. He later became a correspondent of the long-running Sunday night news show 60 Minutes, just as the program was moved from a Sunday afternoon time-slot to primetime. Success there (and a threat to bolt to ABC News) helped Rather pull ahead of longtime correspondent Roger Mudd in line to succeed Walter Cronkite as anchor and Managing Editor of CBS Evening News.

Good evening. President Reagan, still training his spotlight on the economy, today signed a package of budget cuts that he will send to Congress tomorrow. Lesley Stahl has the story.

– Rather's first lines in his debut as anchor of The CBS Evening News

Rather assumed the position upon Cronkite's retirement, making his first broadcast on March 9, 1981. From the beginning of his tenure, it was clear that Rather had a significantly different style of reporting the news. In contrast to the avuncular Cronkite, who ended his newscast with "That's the way it is", Rather searched to find a broadcast ending more suitable to his tastes. For one week during the mid-1980s, Rather tried ending his broadcasts with the word "courage" and was roundly ridiculed for it. He eventually found a wrap-up phrase more modest than Cronkite's and more relaxed than his own previous attempt; for nearly two decades, Rather ended the show with "That's part of our world tonight."

While Rather had inherited Cronkite's ratings lead, the success of the Evening News with Rather at the helm fluctuated wildly. After a dip to second place, Rather regained the top spot in 1985 until 1989 when he ceded the ratings peak to rival Peter Jennings at ABC's World News Tonight. By 1992, however, the Evening News had fallen to third place, where it remained until Bob Schieffer, who acted as the interim anchor between Rather and Katie Couric, saw the Evening News rise to #2 ahead of ABC World News Tonight in the wake of the death of Peter Jennings but remaining behind NBC Nightly News.

The traditionally strong journalistic bench of CBS News was changed in 1984, when new owner Lawrence Tisch oversaw layoffs of thousands of CBS News employees, including correspondents David Andelman, Fred Graham, Morton Dean and Ike Pappas. Fewer videotape crews were dispatched to cover stories and numerous bureaus were closed. This eventually caused CBS News into third place in the ratings.^[13] Reporting by Peter Boyer of the New York Times indicates that Rather did relatively little to stop this.

For a short time from 1993 to 1995, Rather co-anchored the evening news with Connie Chung. Chung had previously been a Washington correspondent for CBS News and anchored short news updates on the west coast. On joining the CBS Evening News, however, she worked to report "pop news" stories that did not fit the style of the broadcast. In one incident, she was on an airplane interviewing Tonya Harding, who was accused of being behind the plot to injure fellow Olympic ice skater Nancy Kerrigan.^[14] Chung ultimately left the network, and Rather went back to doing the newscast alone.

At the end of Rather's time as anchor, the CBS Evening News lagged behind the NBC Nightly News and ABC World News Tonight in the ratings, although it was still drawing approximately 7 million viewers a night. Criticism of Rather reached a fever pitch after 60 Minutes II ran his report about President Bush's military record; numerous critics questioned the authenticity of the documents upon which the report was based. Rather subsequently admitted on air that the document's authenticity could not be proved.^[15] In the aftermath of the incident, CBS fired multiple members of the CBS News staff but allowed Rather to stay on.

Personal life[link]

Rather at South by Southwest 2007; discussing media, the internet, and asking the "hard questions."

Rather married his wife Jean in 1957. They have a son and daughter, and maintain homes in New York City and Austin, TX.^[16] Their daughter Robin is an environmentalist and community activist in Austin, Texas. Their son Dan is an assistant district attorney in the District Attorney's office in Manhattan, New York.

Sam Houston State University renamed its mass communications building after Rather in 1994. The building houses The Houstonian and KSHU, the student-run radio and television stations. In May 2007, Rather received an honorary Doctor of Humane Letters from Siena College in Loudonville, New York, for his lifetime contributions to journalism.

A columnist whose work is distributed by King Features Syndicate, Rather continues to speak out against alleged influence in journalism by corporations and governments. At a recent conference in Minneapolis, Minnesota, sponsored by the group Free Press, Rather criticized both local and national news organizations, stating – according to reports – that there is no longer incentive to do "good and valuable news."^[17]

On May 28, 2007, Rather compared historical events to events in the Star Wars films in the History Channel special, "Star Wars: The Legacy Revealed".

Journalistic history and influence[link]

Nixon[link]

During the presidency of Richard Nixon, critics accused Rather of biased coverage against President Nixon. At a Houston news conference in March 1974, Nixon fielded a question from Rather, still CBS's White House correspondent, who said, "Thank you, Mr. President. Dan Rather, of CBS News. Mr. President.... Mr. President...." The room filled with jeers and applause, prompting Nixon to joke, "Are you running for something?" Rather replied "No, sir, Mr. President. Are you?".^[18] In his question, Rather accused Nixon of not cooperating with the grand jury investigation and the House Judiciary Committee in relation to the Watergate scandal.^[18]

According to NBC’s Tom Brokaw, the network considered hiring him, Brokaw, as its White House correspondent to replace Rather. But these plans were scrapped after word was leaked to the press. The controversy did little to dent Rather's overall tough coverage of the Watergate scandal, which helped to raise his profile.

Afghanistan, Reagan, and George H. W. Bush[link]

Rather speaking with Lt. Gen. William B. Caldwell and Sergeant Maj. Ralph R. Beam about the Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF) training mission and other issues at Camp Eggers in Kabul, Afghanistan, on July 26, 2011.

During the Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan, Rather was on camera wearing a traditional Mujahadeen headdress and garments while reporting from near the front lines. These reports helped Rather gain prominence with the Evening News audience (and the nickname "Gunga Dan"; Rather's reports were also spoofed by the comic strip Doonesbury). It later turned out that Rather's reports played a role in moving Congressman Charlie Wilson to try to help the struggling mujahideen, which led to the largest-ever CIA covert operation in supplying aid and advanced arms to the mujahideen, which in turn eventually led to the Soviets quitting Afghanistan.^[19]

Rather's energy and spirit helped him out-compete Roger Mudd for the anchor spot on the Evening News. Mudd was a more senior correspondent and a frequent substitute anchor for Walter Cronkite on the Evening News, and he also anchored the Sunday evening broadcast. But it was Rather who traveled through Afghanistan when the news led there. A few years into his service as anchorman, Rather began wearing sweaters beneath his suit jacket to soften and warm his on-air perceptions by viewers.^[20]

Later during the 1980s, Rather gained further renown for his forceful and skeptical reporting on the Iran-Contra Affair, which eventually led to an on-air confrontation with then Vice President George H. W. Bush: Bush referred to Rather's "dead air incident" saying, "I want to talk about why I want to be President, why those 41 percent of the people are supporting me. And I don't think it's fair to judge my whole career by a rehash on Iran. How would you like it if I judged your career by those seven minutes when you walked off the set in New York?" Rather ignored Bush's comment.^[21]

Shortly after Iraq invaded Kuwait, Rather secured an interview with Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein.

There is no powerful and quick strike that a people could deliver, whatever their overall power. The United States depends on the Air Force. The Air Force has never decided a war in the history of wars.

—Saddam Hussein in an interview with Dan Rather on August 29, 1990^[22]

On February 24, 2003, Rather conducted another interview with Hussein before the 2003 Invasion of Iraq. In the interview, Hussein invited Rather to be the moderator of a live television debate between himself and George W. Bush. The debate never took place.^[23]

[edit] The Wall Within

On June 2, 1988, Rather hosted a CBS News special, The Wall Within. In it, he interviewed six former servicemen, each of whom said he had witnessed horrible acts in Vietnam. Two of the men said that they had killed civilians, and two others said that they had seen friends die. Each talked about the effects the war had upon their lives – including depression, unemployment, drug use and homelessness.

In their book Stolen Valor: How the Vietnam Generation Was Robbed of its Heroes and its History, authors B. G. Burkett and Glenna Whitley said they had obtained the service records of all six men, documenting where each was stationed during the Vietnam War. According to the records, the authors said, only one of the men was actually in Vietnam; he claimed to have been a 16-year-old Navy SEAL but, said Burkett and Whitley, the records listed him as an equipment repairer.

Killian documents[link]

On September 8, 2004, Rather reported on 60 Minutes Wednesday that a series of memos critical of President George W. Bush's Texas Air National Guard service record had been discovered in the personal files of Lt. Bush's former commanding officer, Lt. Col. Jerry B. Killian.^[24] Once copies of the documents were made available on the internet, their authenticity was quickly called into question. Much of this was based on the fact that the documents were proportionally printed and displayed other modern typographic conventions unavailable on military typewriters of the 1970s. This led to claims that the memos were forgeries.^[25] The accusations then spread over the following days into mainstream media outlets including The Washington Post,^[26] The New York Times,^[27] and the Chicago Sun-Times.^[28]

Rather and CBS initially defended the story, insisting that the documents had been authenticated by experts.^[29] CBS was contradicted by some of the experts it originally cited,^[30] and later reported that its source for the documents – former Texas Army National Guard officer Lt. Col. Bill Burkett – had misled the network about how he had obtained them.^[31]

On September 20, CBS retracted the story. Rather stated, "If I knew then what I know now, I would not have gone ahead with the story as it was aired, and I certainly would not have used the documents in question."^[32] The controversy has been referred to by some as "Memogate" and "Rathergate."^[33]

Following an investigation commissioned by CBS,^[34][35][36] CBS fired story producer Mary Mapes and asked three other producers connected with the story to resign. Many believe Rather's retirement was hastened by this incident.^[37] On Thursday, September 20, 2007, Rather was interviewed on Larry King Live commenting "Nobody has proved that they were fraudulent, much less a forgery. ... The truth of this story stands up to this day."^[38]

In a 2010 issue of TV Guide, Rather's report was ranked #3 on a list of TV's ten biggest "blunders".^[39]

Lawsuit[link]

On September 19, 2007, Rather filed a $70 million lawsuit against CBS, its former parent company Viacom; CBS President and CEO Leslie Moonves; Sumner Redstone, chairman of both Viacom and CBS; and Andrew Heyward, former president of CBS News. Rather accused the network and its ownership and management of making him a "scapegoat" in the Killian story. A CBS spokesman claimed that the lawsuit was "old news" and "without merit".^[40] On September 21, 2009, Rather's lawyers claimed that Bush's military service would be proven to be a sham and Rather would be vindicated.^[41] On September 29, 2009, a New York state appeals court dismissed Rather's lawsuit against CBS.^[42] On January 12, 2010, New York's top court refused to reinstate Rather's $70 million breach-of-contract lawsuit against CBS Corp. In 2012, May 18, on Bill Maher, Rather said he was fired for reporting a story about George W Bush's year of absence from reserve unit he served with, and that the news corporations were 'very uncomfortable' with running the story.

[edit] Departure from the CBS Evening News

"We've shared a lot in the 24 years we've been meeting here each evening, and before I say 'Good night' this night, I need to say thank you. Thank you to the thousands of wonderful professionals at CBS News, past and present, with whom it's been my honor to work over these years. And a deeply felt thanks to all of you, who have let us into your homes night after night; it has been a privilege, and one never taken lightly.

Not long after I first came to the anchor chair, I briefly signed off using the word, 'Courage.' I want to return to it now, in a different way: to a nation still nursing a broken heart for what happened here in 2001, and especially to those who found themselves closest to the events of September 11; to our soldiers, sailors, airmen and Marines, in dangerous places; to those who have endured the tsunami, and to all who have suffered natural disasters, and must now find the will to rebuild; to the oppressed and to those whose lot it is to struggle in financial hardship or in failing health; to my fellow journalists in places where reporting the truth means risking all; and to each of you, Courage."

For the CBS Evening News, Dan Rather reporting. Good night.'^[43]

—Dan Rather's speech at the end of his farewell newscast

Rather retired as the anchorman and Managing Editor of the CBS Evening News in 2005; his last broadcast was Wednesday, March 9, 2005.^[44] He had worked as the anchorman for 24 full years, the longest tenure of anyone in American television history, and for a short time continued to work as a correspondent for 60 Minutes. Bob Schieffer, a fellow Texan and host of Face the Nation, took over Rather's position on an interim basis, with Katie Couric replacing Schieffer in 2006.

Since retiring, Rather has spoken out strongly about what he perceives as a lack of courage by American journalists. On January 24, 2006, Rather spoke to a Seattle audience. Before the speaking engagement, he told a newspaper reporter, "In many ways on many days, [reporters] have sort of adopted the attitude of 'go along, get along.'"

"What many of us need is a spine transplant", Rather added. "Whether it's City Hall, the State House, or the White House, part of our job is to speak truth to power."^[45]

Departure from CBS News[link]

In June 2006, reports surfaced that CBS News would most likely not renew Dan Rather's contract.^[46] According to a Washington Post article, sources from CBS said that executives at the network decided "there is no future role for Rather".

On June 20, 2006, CBS News and Sports president Sean McManus announced that Rather would leave the network after 44 years.^[47][48] Rather issued a separate statement which accompanied the news of the departure^[49]:

I leave CBS News with tremendous memories. But I leave now most of all with the desire to once again do regular, meaningful reporting. My departure before the term of my contract represents CBS's final acknowledgement, after a protracted struggle, that they had not lived up to their obligation to allow me to do substantive work there. As for their offers of a future with only an office but no assignments, it just isn't in me to sit around doing nothing. So I will do the work I love elsewhere, and I look forward to sharing details about that soon.

Rather has since resumed his career as a producer with HDNet, a high-definition cable television station, and as of October 24, 2006, hosts Dan Rather Reports – a weekly one-hour show. A guest contributor on The Chris Matthews Show and on The Daily Show, Rather has formed an independent company called News and Guts Media and is reported to be working on a book.^[50]

Awards[link]

This section requires expansion.

He has received numerous Emmy Awards, several Peabody Awards, and various honorary degrees from universities.

Criticism[link]

As one of the last broadcast news journalists from the era of the "Big Three" network news primacy, Rather was generally regarded highly within his profession by long-serving journalists. Rather has, however, been the object of criticism from people who accuse him of having a liberal bias.^[51] Other critics have expressed dislike for Rather's on-air delivery or argued that Rather was too "ham-handed", "pseudo-folksy" or "old-fashioned."

Claims of bias[link]

For much of his career, Rather has been the target of critics who have accused him of having a liberal bias.^[52][53]

Rather's on-screen comments and election-night reporting have come under attack as well, dating back to Richard Nixon's presidency. In a June 2002 interview with Larry King, his long-time co-worker (and self-described liberal) Andy Rooney stated that Rather is "transparently liberal".^[54]

During the weeks following the Killian documents stories, Rather received widespread criticism from other journalists and historians.^[55] In an interview with commentator Bill Maher, Rather accused Fox News Channel of receiving "talking points" from the Republican-controlled White House. Fox News commentator Bill O'Reilly, who had defended Rather during the Killian documents incident, criticized Rather for not offering any evidence to support the claim.^[56]

In 2002, Bernard Goldberg published a book with the title Bias, alleging a liberal bias in print and broadcast news organizations. In the book, Goldberg used Dan Rather as a primary example of a news anchor with a liberal bias. He also criticized the anchor for his criticisms of President George W. Bush's and Vice President Dan Quayle's service in the National Guard rather than the Active Duty military during the Vietnam War, and questioned Rather's own service.^[57]

Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting has accused Rather of having "an unwillingness to challenge official power and policy" in his reporting.^[58] Investigative reporter Mark Hertsgaard characterized Rather as a "stern anti-Communist" during the Reagan administration for allegedly having "reported the pronouncements of public officials with considerable respect".^[59]

In April 2001, according to a front-page story in The Washington Post, Rather spoke at a Democratic party fundraiser in Austin, Texas, where he was the featured speaker. One of the official hosts for the fundraiser was Rather's daughter, Robin Rather; Rather said that he didn't realize that his daughter was a host of the fundraiser. Rather also said that he didn't realize that the event was a partisan fundraiser, although he did realize that after he arrived at the event. Rather did not say that his speech was a mistake or that he would not have attended if he realized beforehand that he was being used to raise funds for the party.^[60]

Criticism from Walter Cronkite[link]

During an appearance on CNN's American Morning, former CBS anchor Walter Cronkite said about Rather: "It surprised quite a few people at CBS and elsewhere that, without being able to pull up the ratings beyond third in a three-man field, that they tolerated his being there for so long." Cronkite also stated that Bob Schieffer's succession was long overdue.^[61]

Notable incidents/Controversies[link]

1968 Democratic convention[link]

During live coverage of the 1968 Democratic National Convention, Rather attempted to interview a delegate from Georgia who appeared as though he was being forcibly removed by men without identification badges.

As Rather approached the delegate to question the apparent strong-arm tactics of the Chicago political machine, he was punched in the stomach by one of the men, knocking him to the ground. "He lifted me right off the floor and put me away. I was down, the breath knocked out of me, as the whole group blew on by me...In the CBS control room, they had switched the camera onto me just as I was slugged."

Chicago cab ride[link]

On November 10, 1980, Rather landed at Chicago's O'Hare International Airport and got into a cab. He asked the cab driver to take him to the home of Studs Terkel whom he was interviewing for 60 Minutes. The cab driver couldn't locate the address and Rather felt that he was being ripped off. When he asked to be let out of the cab, the cabbie asked for the fare. Rather refused to pay and the cabbie sped off through the streets of downtown Chicago looking for the police. Rather shouted out the window that he was being kidnapped and eventually the police pulled over the cab. Rather later refused to press charges against the cabbie and CBS paid the $12.55 fare.

Galloway Suit Won by CBS[link]

In 1980, Rather and CBS were taken into court when Carl Galloway, a California doctor, claimed that a report on 60 Minutes wrongfully implicated him in an insurance fraud scheme. CBS stated Galloway had signed the bogus report and was suing Rather because he was upset at being caught. The jury sided with CBS and Rather and they won the case.^[62] During the trial, Galloway's side used outtakes from the TV report showing that one interview was rehearsed.^[62]

"Kenneth, what is the frequency?"[link]

On October 4, 1986, as Rather was walking along Park Avenue in Manhattan to his apartment, he was attacked and punched from behind by a man who demanded to know, "Kenneth, what is the frequency?", while a second assailant also chased and beat him. As the assailant pummeled and kicked Rather, he kept repeating the question over and over again. In describing the incident, Rather said, "I got mugged. Who understands these things? I didn't and I don't now. I didn't make a lot of it at the time and I don't now. I wish I knew who did it and why, but I have no idea."

The incident and Rather's account led some to doubt the veracity of Rather's story, although the doorman and building supervisor who rescued Rather fully confirmed his version of events. The story entered popular lore and remained unsolved for some time. The incident inspired a song called "Kenneth, What's the Frequency?" by the band Game Theory in 1987. In October 1990, the phrase "What's the frequency, Kenneth?" appeared in an issue of the Daniel Clowes comic Eightball^[63] as part of the serialized graphic novel Like a Velvet Glove Cast in Iron, and was revealed in a later episode to be a key part of the Mister Jones conspiracy theory.^[64] Also in 1990, Scott McCloud used the phrase in the first 24-hour comic. In 1994 the band R.E.M. released the song "What's the Frequency, Kenneth?" on the album Monster. The phrase became the subject of many jokes over the years and slang for a confused or clueless person. Rather was a good sport about it, and actually sang with R.E.M. during a soundcheck prior to a gig at Madison Square Garden, New York, which was shown the following night on The Late Show With David Letterman before their performance of Crush with Eyeliner.

In 1997, a TV critic writing in the New York Daily News solved the mystery, and published a photo of the alleged assailant, William Tager. Rather confirmed the story: "There's no doubt in my mind that this is the person." "William Tager's identity as the man who attacked Mr. Rather was established in the course of an investigation by my office", said New York District Attorney Robert M. Morgenthau.^[65]

Tager was sentenced to a 25-year prison sentence for killing NBC stagehand Campbell Montgomery outside The Today Show studio in 1994. He was paroled in October 2010 and is believed to be living in New York City.^[66]

In the December 2001 issue of Harper's Magazine, writer Paul Limbert Allman speculated that postmodern fiction writer Donald Barthelme (who died in 1989) had somehow orchestrated, or was otherwise connected to, the attack through other unnamed persons, citing unusual passages in Barthelme's writing, including the phrase "What is the frequency?", a recurring character named Kenneth, and a short story about a pompous editor named Lather. Limbert also uncovered the facts that Barthelme and Rather were likely to have known each other professionally early in their careers.^[67] The article was adapted into two plays, both entitled "Kenneth, What Is the Frequency?" The first was by Ian Allen and Monique LaForce and debuted in Washington, D.C., in 2003.^[68] The second, written by Allman himself, premiered in Edinburgh, Scotland, in 2004.^[69]

In the 2006–07 graphic novel Shooting War, the fictional Dan Rather of the year 2011 it portrays has adopted the personal motto, "The frequency is courage." In the 2006 film Land of the Blind, the phrase briefly appears on a blackboard in a re-education camp for opponents of the dystopian regime led by Donald Sutherland.^[70]

The phrase and a coincidental similarity to Rather by a fictional hero is worked into the book called 'Lady Slings The Booze' by author Spider Robinson. It uses a fictional set-up to explain the mugging incident.

"Courage"[link]

For one week in September 1986, Rather signed off his broadcasts to CBS with the single word "Courage". Apparently it was just a signature line and had nothing to do with the news at the time (which included the Joseph Cicippio abduction and a threat by Arab extremists to "become familiar with your skyscrapers and extend the terror campaign to the United States"). Other newscasters ridiculed and parodied Rather, and he dropped it.^[71] Afterward, he said "And that's part of our world." On his last CBS Evening News broadcast, he once again signed off with "Courage", this time linking it to the September 11, 2001 attacks, as well as to courage shown by fellow journalists.

Dead air[link]

On September 11, 1987, Rather walked off the set in anger just before a remote Evening News broadcast from Miami, where Pope John Paul II had begun a rare U.S. tour, when a U.S. Open tennis match was being broadcast into the time scheduled for the newscast. He was upset that the news was being cut into to make room for sports and discussed it with the sports department. The Steffi Graf-Lori McNeil tennis match coverage then ended sooner than expected at 6:32 p.m., but Rather was nowhere to be found. (CBS Sports had finally agreed to break away immediately after the match without commentary.) Over 100 affiliates broadcast six minutes of dead air.^[72] The next day, Rather apologized for leaving the anchor desk. The following year, when Rather asked then Vice President Bush about his role in the Iran-Contra affair during a live interview, Bush responded by saying, "Dan, how would you like it if I judged your entire career by those seven minutes when you walked off the set in New York?"^[73]

"Ratherisms"[link]

Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Dan Rather

Rather is known for his many off-the-cuff colorful analogies and descriptions during live broadcasts. Similar to those used by baseball announcer Red Barber, cycling commentator Phil Liggett and Formula 1 commentator Murray Walker, these "Ratherisms" are also called "Texanisms" or "Danisms" by some. A few of the more colorful ones, several of which were used throughout the 2008 HBO made-for-TV movie Recount about the 2000 Election, include:^[74]

• "This race is shakier than cafeteria Jell-O."
• "Things are getting hotter than a Times Square Rolex."
• "This thing is as tight as the rusted lugnuts on a '55 Ford."
• (When Georgia was called for Clinton in 1992) "Clinton is off to a start, rolling like a big wheel through a Georgia cotton field."
• "This race is tight like a too-small bathing suit on a too-long ride home from the beach."
• "He swept through the South like a tornado through a trailer park."
• "Don't bet the trailer money on it yet."
• "It's a ding-dong battle back and forth."
• "Look at that. Can't get a cigarette paper between 'em."
• "His chances are slim to none right now, and if he doesn't carry Florida, Slim will have left town."
• "If a frog had side pockets, he'd carry a hand gun."
• "You would sooner find a tall talking broccoli stick to offer to mow your lawn for free."
• "Turn the lights down, the party just got wilder."
• "It's cardiac-arrest time in this presidential campaign."
• "It's too early to say he has the whip hand."
• "It's about as complicated as a wiring diagram to some dynamo."
• "This election swings like one of those pendulum things."
• "This will show you how tight it is – it's spandex tight."
• "Al Gore has his back to the wall, shirt tails on fire with this race in Florida."
• "Smelling salts for all Democrats, please."
• "Maybe you can bring some perspective on this, we're plumb out."
• "When the going gets weird, anchor men punt."
• "She didn't go to school just to eat her lunch."
• "[President Obama] couldn't sell watermelons if you gave him the state troopers to flag down the traffic." (his characterization of the Republican Party's assessment of Obama)^[75]