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Sources of law means the origin from which rules of human conduct come into existence and derive legal force or binding characters.It also refers to the sovereign or the state from which the law derives its force or validity.

Several factors of law have contributed to the development of law. These factors are regarded as the sources of law.

Precedents[link]

Precedent is one of the sources of law. The judgements passed by some of the learned jurists became another significant source of law. when there is no legislature on particular point which arises in changing conditions, The judges depend on their own sense of right and wrong and decide the disputes. such decisions become authority or guide for subsequent cases of a similar nature and they are called precedents. The dictionary of English law defines a judicial precedent as a judgement or decision of a court of law cited as an authority for deciding a similar state of fact in the same manner or on the same principle or by analogy. Precedent is more flexible than legislation and custom. It is always ready to be, used.

Customs[link]

A custom is a rule which in a particular family or in a particular district or in a particular section, class or tribe, has from long usage obtained the force of law. The dictionary of English law^{[citation needed]} defines custom as a law not written, which being established by long use and consent of our ancestors has been and daily is put into practice. Custom as a source of law got recognition since the emergence of savigny on the horizon of jurisprudence. It is an exemption to the ordinary law of the land, and every custom is limited in its application.

Legislation[link]

Legislation is that source of law which consist in the declaration of legal rules by a competent authority. Legislature is the direct source of law. Legislature frames new laws amends, the old laws and cancels the existing in all countries. In modern times this is the most important source of law making. The term legislature means any form of law making. Its scope has now been restricted so a particular form of law making. It not only creates new rules of law it also sweeps away existing inconvenient rules.

Statutory interpretation[link]

Interpretation is a very important function of the court, the process of ascertaining the meaning of letters and expressions by the court is either interpretation or construction. Interpretation is the process of which the court seeks to ascertain the Meaning of a particular legislature. It is through interpretation, the judiciary evolves the law and brings the changes in it and thus keeps the law abreast of law.

Preparatory works[link]

In some legal cultures some of the documents produced in the process leading up to legislation are subsequently used as guidelines on how to interpret and understand an act of legislation.

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Zakir Naik
Born	Zakir Abdul Karim Naik (1965-10-18) 18 October 1965 (age 46) Mumbai, Maharashtra, India
Education	Bachelor of Medicine and Surgery
Alma mater	Kishinchand Chellaram College Topiwala National Medical College and Nair Hospital University of Mumbai
Occupation	President of Islamic Research Foundation, public speaker
Years active	1991–present
Known for	Dawah
Influenced by	Ahmed Deedat
Board member of	Islamic Research Foundation
Religion	Islam
Spouse	Farhat Naik
Website
IRF.net PeaceTV.tv

Zakir Abdul Karim Naik (Urdu: ذاکر عبدالکریم نائیک; born 18 October 1965) is an Indian public speaker on the subject of Islam and comparative religion. He is the founder and president of the Islamic Research Foundation (IRF),^[1] a non-profit organisation that owns the Peace TV channel based in Dubai, UAE. He is sometimes referred to as a televangelist.^[2][3] Before becoming a public speaker, he trained as a doctor.^[3] He has written two booklets on Islam and comparative religion. He is regarded as an exponent of the Salafi ideology; ^[4] he places a strong emphasis on individual scholarship and the rejection of "blind Taqlid", which has led him to repudiate the relevance of sectarian or Madh'hab designations, all the while reaffirming their importance. ^[5][6]

Biography[link]

Zakir Abdul Karim Naik was born on 18 October 1965 in Mumbai, India. He attended St. Peter's High School in Mumbai. Later he enrolled at Kishinchand Chellaram College, before studying medicine at Topiwala National Medical College and Nair Hospital and later the University of Mumbai, where he obtained a Bachelor of Medicine and Surgery (MBBS).^[1] His wife, Farhat Naik, works for the women's section of the IRF.^[7]

In 1991 he started working in the field of Dawah, and founded the IRF.^[8] Naik says he was inspired by Ahmed Deedat, an Islamic preacher, having met him in 1987.^[9] (Naik is sometimes referred to as "Deedat plus", a label given to him by Deedat himself.)^[9][10] Naik says that his goal is to "concentrate on the educated Muslim youth who have become apologetic about their own religion and have started to feel the religion is outdated."^[11] He considers it a duty of every Muslim to remove perceived misconceptions about Islam and to counter what he views as the Western media's anti-Islamic bias in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 attacks (also known as 9/11) in the United States.^[12] Some of his articles are published in magazines such as Islamic Voice.^[13]

Anthropologist Thomas Blom Hansen has written that Naik's style of memorising the Quran and Hadith literature in various languages, and his related missionary activity, has made him extremely popular in Muslim and non-Muslim circles.^[11] Many of his debates are recorded and widely distributed in video and DVD media and online. His talks are usually recorded in English and broadcast on weekends on several cable networks in Mumbai's Muslim neighbourhoods, and on the Peace TV channel, which he co-produces.^[14][15] Topics he speaks on include: "Islam and Modern Science", "Islam and Christianity", and "Islam and secularism".

Naik is the founder of the Islamic International School in Mumbai.^[16]

Lectures and debates[link]

Naik has held many debates and lectures around the world. One of Naik's most-cited debates was with William Campbell in Chicago in April 2000 on the topic of "The Qur'an and the Bible: In the Light of Science".^[17]

Naik has said that "despite the strident anti-Islam campaign, 34,000 Americans have embraced Islam from September 2001 to July 2002." He says Islam is a religion of reason and logic, and that the Quran contains 1000 verses relating to science, which he says explains the number of Western converts.^[18] A popular theme of Naik's is to try to demonstrate how scientific theories were prophesised by the Quran. For example, he says certain verses of the Quran accurately describe embryological development.^[19]

On 21 January 2006 Naik held an inter-religious debate with Sri Sri Ravi Shankar in Bangalore about the concept of God in Islam and Hinduism.^[20]

In February 2011 Naik addressed the Oxford Union via video link from India.^[21]

Peace conference[link]

Every year since November 2007 Naik has led a 10-day Peace Conference at Somaiya Ground, Sion, Mumbai. Lectures on Islam have been presented by Naik and twenty other Islamic scholars.^[22]

During one of the lectures at the 2007 Peace Conference, Naik provoked anger between members of the Shia and Sunni communities, when he said the words "Radiallah ta'la anho" ("May Allah be pleased with him") after mentioning the name of Caliph Yazid I—a figure hated by many Muslims, but particularly by Shias—and said the battle of Karbala was political.^[23] Others, however, believed the comment was blown out of proportion.^[24]

Naik's views[link]

Biological evolution[link]

Naik has said that the theory of evolution is "only a hypothesis, and an unproven conjecture at best".^[25] According to Naik, most scientists "support the theory, because it went against the Bible – not because it was true."^[26]

Religions apart from Islam[link]

Naik says that Islam is the only correct religion (the equivalent of a maths teacher demonstrating that 2+2=4) while other religions are mistaken (the equivalent of saying that 2+2=3 or 2+2=6). He adds that other religions should not be allowed to propagate, and he supports banning the construction of non-Muslim houses of worship in Muslim lands.^[27]

Apostasy[link]

Naik has said that any Muslim is free to convert from Islam if the person so chooses, but added that if a Muslim converts and then speaks against Islam or propagates this other religion, it should be considered treason (as in treason to a country). Naik stated that under Islamic law this is punishable by death.^[28][29]

Terrorism[link]

Naik's views and statements on terrorism have at times been criticised in the media. In a YouTube video, speaking of Osama bin Laden, Naik said that he would not criticise bin Laden because he had not met him and did not know him personally. He added that, "If bin Laden is fighting enemies of Islam, I am for him," and that "If he is terrorizing the terrorist, if he is terrorizing America – the terrorist, biggest terrorist – I am with him. Every Muslim should be a terrorist. The thing is that if he is terrorizing the terrorist, he is following Islam. Whether he is or not, I don’t know, but you as Muslims know that, without checking up, laying allegations is also wrong."^[30][31] When Time hinted that this remark could have inspired Najibullah Zazi's terrorist activities, Naik insisted: "I have always condemned terrorism, because according to the glorious Koran, if you kill one innocent person, then you have killed the whole of humanity".^[30]

In 2010, Naik said that he had been quoted out of context regarding the remarks on terrorism. "As far as terrorist is concerned," he said, "I tell the Muslims that every Muslim should be a terrorist. ... What is the meaning of the word terrorist? Terrorist by definition means a person who terrorises. So in this context every Muslim should be a terrorist to each and every anti-social element. I’m aware that terrorist is more commonly used for a person who terrorises innocent human beings. So in this context no Muslim should ever terrorise a single innocent human being."^[32]

In a lecture delivered on 31 July 2008 on Peace TV, Naik commented on the attacks of 11 September: "it is a blatant, open secret that this attack on the Twin Towers was done by George Bush himself".^[33]

Other countries[link]

Visit to Australia and Wales[link]

In 2004 Naik, at the invitation of the Islamic Information and Services Network of Australasia, made an appearance at Melbourne University, where he argued that only Islam gave women true equality.^[34] He said the more "revealing Western dress" makes women more susceptible to rape.^[35] Sushi Das of The Agecommented that "Naik extolled the moral and spiritual superiority of Islam and lampooned other faiths and the West in general", further criticising that Naik's words "fostered a spirit of separateness and reinforced prejudice".^[36]

In August 2006 Naik's visit and conference in Cardiff caused controversy when Welsh MP David Davies called for his appearance to be cancelled. He said Naik was a "hate-monger", and that his views did not deserve a public platform; Muslims from Cardiff, however, defended Naik's right to speak in the city. Saleem Kidwai, Secretary General of the Muslim Council of Wales, disagreed with Davies, stating that "people who know about him [Naik] know that he is one of the most uncontroversial persons you could find. He talks about the similarities between religions, and how should we work on the common ground between them", whilst also inviting Davies to discuss further with Naik personally in the conference. The conference went ahead, after the Cardiff council stated it was satisfied that he would not be preaching extremist views.^[37]

2010 exclusion from the UK and Canada[link]

Naik was denied entry into the United Kingdom and Canada in June 2010.^[38][39] He was banned from entering the UK by Home Secretary Theresa May after arranging to give talks in London and Sheffield. May said of the exclusion order, "Numerous comments made by Dr Naik are evidence to me of his unacceptable behaviour".^[38] Naik argued that the Home Secretary was making a political decision and not a legal one, and his lawyer said the decision was "barbaric and inhuman". He also claimed that his comments were taken out of context.^[40] Film producer Mahesh Bhatt supported Naik, saying the ban constituted an attack on freedom of speech.^[41] It was reported that Naik would attempt to challenge the ruling in the High Court.^[42] His application for judicial review was dismissed on 5 November 2010.^[8] Naik was forbidden from entering Canada after Tarek Fatah, founder of Muslim Canadian Congress, warned MPs of Naik's views.^[39]

Reception[link]

Naik was ranked 89 on The Indian Express's list of the "100 Most Powerful Indians in 2010".^[43] He was ranked 82 in the 2009 edition.^[44] According to Praveen Swami, Naik is "perhaps the most influential Salafi ideologue in India".^[45] Sanjiv Buttoo says he is acknowledged as an authority on Islam, but is known for making negative remarks about other religions.^[38] Sadanand Dhume writes that Naik has a "carefully crafted image of moderation", because of his gentle demeanor, his wearing of a suit and tie, and his quoting of scriptures of other religions.^[46] He is also mentioned in the book "The 500 most influential muslims – 2011" under honourable mentions.^{[citation needed]}

Criticism[link]

Khushwant Singh, a prominent Indian journalist, politician, and author, says he "disagree[s] with almost everything [Naik] has to say about misconceptions about Islam". Singh argues that Naik's pronouncements are "juvenile", and said "they seldom rise above the level of undergraduate college debates, where contestants vie with each other to score brownie points".^[47] Singh also says Naik's audiences "listen to him with rapt attention and often explode in enthusiastic applause when he rubbishes other religious texts".^[48]

Yoginder Sikand wrote in 2011 that influential sections of the Deobandi community in India were beginning to hold a negative view of Naik. They said he was not abiding by ijma (Islamic consensus) and qiyas (analogical deduction of the Quran and Hadith), and therefore, in Sikand's view, was undermining their authority.^[49]

Khaled Ahmed criticised Naik for "indirectly support[ing]" Al-Qaeda by referring to Osama bin Laden as a "soldier of Islam".^[50] In 2008 an Islamic scholar in Lucknow, shahar qazi Mufti Abul Irfan Mian Firangi Mahali, issued a fatwa against Naik, saying that he supported Osama bin Laden, and that his teachings were un-Islamic.^[51]

Torkel Brekke, a professor of religious history in Norway, calls Naik a "very controversial figure" because of his rhetorical attack on other religions and other varieties of Islam.^[52] He writes that Naik is "strongly disliked" by many members of the Indian ulema for ignoring their authority and stating that anybody can interpret the Quran.^[52] Conservative Deobandi mullahs have accused Naik of "destroying Islam" by driving Muslims away from the correct religious authorities.^[52]

Praveen Swami considers Naik to be a part of the ideological infrastructure created to feed "Tempered Jihad", which he defines as Jihad calibrated to advance Islamist political objectives.^[45] He alleges that Naik's IRF has proved to be a "magnet" for figures linked to the Lashkar-e-Taiba, his message has mesmerised violent Islamists, and his works "help make sense of the motivations of Indian recruits to the jihad."^[45]

References[link]

External links[link]

	Mumbai portal
	Biography portal
	Islam portal

• Islamic Research Foundation
• Zakir Naik's All Video Debates and Lectures
• Collection of Books by Zakir Naik in PDF

This biographical article needs additional citations for verification. Please help by adding reliable sources. Contentious material about living persons that is unsourced or poorly sourced must be removed immediately, especially if potentially libelous or harmful. (March 2012)

Amartya Sen

Official Portrait at the Nobel Prize
Born	(1933-11-03) 3 November 1933 (age 78) Santiniketan, Bengal Presidency, British India (present-day West Bengal, India)
Nationality	Indian
Institution	Harvard University University of Cambridge Jadavpur University Massachusetts Institute of Technology Cornell University University of Oxford Delhi School of Economics University of Calcutta London School of Economics University of California, Berkeley Stanford University
Field	Welfare economics, ethics
Alma mater	Presidency College of the University of Calcutta (B.A.) Trinity College, Cambridge (B.A., M.A., Ph.D.)
Influences	B. R. Ambedkar John Maynard Keynes John Rawls Peter Bauer John Stuart Mill Kenneth Arrow Piero Sraffa
Influenced	Mahbub ul Haq Kaushik Basu Jean Drèze
Contributions	Human development theory
Awards	Nobel Prize in Economics (1998) Bharat Ratna (1999) National Humanities Medal (2012)[1]
Information at IDEAS/RePEc

Amartya Sen, CH (Bengali: অমর্ত্য সেন, translit. Ômorto Shen; born 3 November 1933) is an Indian economist who was awarded the 1998 Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences for his contributions to welfare economics and social choice theory, and for his interest in the problems of society's poorest members. Sen is best known for his work on the causes of famine, which led to the development of practical solutions for preventing or limiting the effects of real or perceived shortages of food.^[2] He helped to create the United Nations Human Development Index.^[2] In 2012, he became the first non-American recipient of the National Humanities Medal.^[3]

He is currently the Thomas W. Lamont University Professor and Professor of Economics and Philosophy at Harvard University. He is also a senior fellow at the Harvard Society of Fellows, distinguished fellow of All Souls College, Oxford and a Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, where he previously served as Master from 1998 to 2004.^[4][5] He is the first Indian and the first Asian academic to head an Oxbridge college.

Amartya Sen's books have been translated into more than thirty languages over a period of forty years. He is a trustee of Economists for Peace and Security. In 2006, Time magazine listed him under "60 years of Asian Heroes"^[6] and in 2010 included him in their "100 most influential persons in the world".^[7] New Statesman listed him in their 2010 edition of 'World's 50 Most Influential People Who Matter'.^[8]

Early life and education[link]

Sen was born to a Bengali Hindu Vaidya-Brahmin family of Santiniketan, West Bengal, India. His ancestral home was in Wari, Dhaka, then part of India; now Bangladesh which became a new country in 1971 following its separation from Pakistan which, in turn, was earlier formed as a result of the partition of British India in 1947. Rabindranath Tagore is said to have given Amartya Sen his name ("Amartya" meaning "immortal"). Sen hails from a distinguished family: his maternal grandfather Acharya Kshiti Mohan Sen, a close associate of Rabindranath Tagore, was a renowned scholar of medieval Indian literature, an authority on the philosophy of Hinduism, and also the second Vice Chancellor of Visva-Bharati University. His maternal grandfather was an uncle of Sukumar Sen, ICS the First-Chief Election Commissioner of India and his equally distinguished brothers, Amiya Sen, a very well known doctor, and Barrister Ashoke Kumar Sen, M.P. and a former Union Cabinet Minister for Law and Justice of India. Sen's father Professor Ashutosh Sen and mother Amita Sen were both born in Manikganj, Dhaka. His father was a Professor of Chemistry at Dhaka University and later served for several years in Delhi, becoming the Chairman of the West Bengal Public Service Commission.

Sen began his high-school education at St Gregory's School in Dhaka in 1941, in modern-day Bangladesh. His family came to India following the partition of the country in 1947. In India Sen studied at the Visva-Bharati University school and then at the Presidency College, Kolkata, where he earned a First Class First in his B.A. (Honours) in Economics as a graduating student of the University of Calcutta, and emerged as the most eminent student of the well known batch of 1953. Subsequently, in the same year, he moved to Trinity College, Cambridge. There he earned a First Class (Starred First) BA (Honours) in 1956. He was elected as the President of the Cambridge Majlis in the same year. While still an undergraduate student of Trinity, he met Prasanta Chandra Mahalanobis. Mahalanobis, who was much impressed with Sen, returned to Calcutta and immediately recommended the brilliant Cambridge undergraduate to Triguna Sen, the then Education Minister of West Bengal, who had been instrumental in turning the National Council into the new Jadavpur University.

After Sen had completed his Tripos examination and had enrolled for a Ph.D. in Economics to be completed at Trinity College, Cambridge, he returned to India on a two year leave. Triguna Sen immediately appointed him as Professor and the Founder-Head of Department of Economics at Jadavpur University, Calcutta, which was his very first appointment, at the age of 23. This still remains the youngest age at which anybody has been appointed to a professorship or a head of departmentship in India. During his tenure at Jadavpur University, Sen had the good fortune of having economic methodologist, A. K. Dasgupta, who was then teaching at the renowned Benares Hindu University, as his supervisor. After two full years of full time teaching in Jadavpur, Sen returned to Cambridge to complete his Ph.D. in 1959, which was immediately acclaimed as a pathbreaking work.

Subsequently, Sen won a Prize Fellowship at Trinity College, which gave him four years of freedom to do anything he liked, during which period he took the radical decision of studying philosophy. That proved to be of immense help to his later research. Sen related the importance of studying philosophy thus: "The broadening of my studies into philosophy was important for me not just because some of my main areas of interest in economics relate quite closely to philosophical disciplines (for example, social choice theory makes intense use of mathematical logic and also draws on moral philosophy, and so does the study of inequality and deprivation), but also because I found philosophical studies very rewarding on their own."^[9] However, his deep interest in philosophy can be dated back to his college days in Presidency, when he both read books on philosophy and debated philosophical themes.

To Sen, then Cambridge was like a battlefield. There were major debates between supporters of Keynesian economics and the diverse contributions of Keynes' followers, on the one hand, and the "neo-classical" economists skeptical of Keynes, on the other. Sen was lucky to have close relations with economists on both sides of the divide. Meanwhile, thanks to its good "practice" of democratic and tolerant social choice, Sen's own college, Trinity College, was an oasis very much removed from the discord. However, because of a lack of enthusiasm for social choice theory whether in Trinity or Cambridge, Sen had to choose a quite different subject for his Ph.D. thesis, after completing his B.A. He submitted his thesis on "the choice of techniques" in 1959 under the supervision of the "brilliant but vigorously intolerant" neo-Keynesian, Joan Robinson.^[10] According to Quentin Skinner, Sen was a member of the secret society Cambridge Apostles during his time at Cambridge.^[11]

Professorships[link]

Between 1960–1961, Amartya was a visiting Professor at Massachusetts Institute of Technology.^[12] He was also a visiting Professor at UC-Berkeley, Stanford, and Cornell.

He has taught economics also at the University of Calcutta and at the Delhi School of Economics (where he completed his magnum opus Collective Choice and Social Welfare in 1970),^[13] where he was a Professor from 1961 to 1972, a period which is considered to be a Golden Period in the history of DSE. In 1972 he joined the London School of Economics as a Professor of Economics where he taught until 1977. From 1977 to 1986 he taught at the University of Oxford, where he was first a Professor of Economics at Nuffield College, Oxford and then the Drummond Professor of Political Economy and a Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford. In 1986 he joined Harvard as the Thomas W. Lamont University Professor of Economics. In 1998 he was appointed as Master of Trinity College, Cambridge.^[14] In January 2004 Sen returned to Harvard. He is also a contributor to the Eva Colorni Trust at the former London Guildhall University.

Membership and Associations[link]

He has served as Presidents of the Econometric Society (1984), the International Economic Association (1986–1989), the Indian Economic Association (1989) and the American Economic Association (1994). He has also served as President of the Development Studies Association (1980–1982) and is a Honorary Vice-President of the Royal Economic Society, which he has been since 1988.

He presently serves as Honorary Director of Center for Human and Economic Development Studies at Peking University in China^[15] and is also a board council member of the Prime Minister of India's Global Advisory Council of Overseas Indians.^[16]

Research[link]

Sen's papers in the late 1960s and early 1970s helped develop the theory of social choice, which first came to prominence in the work by the American economist Kenneth Arrow, who, while working at the RAND Corporation, had most famously showed that all voting rules, be they majority rule or two thirds-majority or status quo, must inevitably conflict with some basic democratic norm. Sen's contribution to the literature was to show under what conditions Arrow's impossibility theorem would indeed come to pass as well as to extend and enrich the theory of social choice, informed by his interests in history of economic thought and philosophy.

In 1981, Sen published Poverty and Famines: An Essay on Entitlement and Deprivation (1981), a book in which he demonstrated that famine occurs not only from a lack of food, but from inequalities built into mechanisms for distributing food. Sen also demonstrated that the Bengal famine was caused by an urban economic boom that raised food prices, thereby causing millions of rural workers to starve to death when their wages did not keep up.^[17] Sen's interest in famine stemmed from personal experience. As a nine-year-old boy, he witnessed the Bengal famine of 1943, in which three million people perished. This staggering loss of life was unnecessary, Sen later concluded. He presents data that there was an adequate food supply in Bengal at the time, but particular groups of people including rural landless labourers and urban service providers like haircutters did not have the monetary means to acquire food as its price rose rapidly due to factors that include British military acquisition, panic buying, hoarding, and price gouging, all connected to the war in the region. In Poverty and Famines, Sen revealed that in many cases of famine, food supplies were not significantly reduced. In Bengal, for example, food production, while down on the previous year, was higher than in previous non-famine years. Thus, Sen points to a number of social and economic factors, such as declining wages, unemployment, rising food prices, and poor food-distribution systems. These issues led to starvation among certain groups in society. His capabilities approach focuses on positive freedom, a person's actual ability to be or do something, rather than on negative freedom approaches, which are common in economics and simply focuses on non-interference. In the Bengal famine, rural laborers' negative freedom to buy food was not affected. However, they still starved because they were not positively free to do anything, they did not have the functioning of nourishment, nor the capability to escape morbidity.

In addition to his important work on the causes of famines, Sen's work in the field of development economics has had considerable influence in the formulation of the Human Development Report, published by the United Nations Development Programme.^[18] This annual publication that ranks countries on a variety of economic and social indicators owes much to the contributions by Sen among other social choice theorists in the area of economic measurement of poverty and inequality.

Sen's revolutionary contribution to development economics and social indicators is the concept of 'capability' developed in his article "Equality of What." He argues that governments should be measured against the concrete capabilities of their citizens. This is because top-down development will always trump human rights as long as the definition of terms remains in doubt (is a 'right' something that must be provided or something that simply cannot be taken away?). For instance, in the United States citizens have a hypothetical "right" to vote. To Sen, this concept is fairly empty. In order for citizens to have a capacity to vote, they first must have "functionings." These "functionings" can range from the very broad, such as the availability of education, to the very specific, such as transportation to the polls. Only when such barriers are removed can the citizen truly be said to act out of personal choice. It is up to the individual society to make the list of minimum capabilities guaranteed by that society. For an example of the "capabilities approach" in practice, see Martha Nussbaum's Women and Human Development.

He wrote a controversial article in The New York Review of Books entitled "More Than 100 Million Women Are Missing" (see Missing women of Asia), analyzing the mortality impact of unequal rights between the genders in the developing world, particularly Asia. Other studies, such as one by Emily Oster, have argued that this is an overestimation, though Oster has recanted some of her conclusions.^[19]

Welfare economics seeks to evaluate economic policies in terms of their effects on the well-being of the community. Sen, who devoted his career to such issues, was called the "conscience of his profession." His influential monograph Collective Choice and Social Welfare (1970), which addressed problems related to individual rights (including formulation of the liberal paradox), justice and equity, majority rule, and the availability of information about individual conditions, inspired researchers to turn their attention to issues of basic welfare. Sen devised methods of measuring poverty that yielded useful information for improving economic conditions for the poor. For instance, his theoretical work on inequality provided an explanation for why there are fewer women than men in India and China despite the fact that in the West and in poor but medically unbiased countries, women have lower mortality rates at all ages, live longer, and make a slight majority of the population. Sen claimed that this skewed ratio results from the better health treatment and childhood opportunities afforded boys in those countries, as well as sex-specific abortion.

Governments and international organizations handling food crises were influenced by Sen's work. His views encouraged policy makers to pay attention not only to alleviating immediate suffering but also to finding ways to replace the lost income of the poor, as, for example, through public-works projects, and to maintain stable prices for food. A vigorous defender of political freedom, Sen believed that famines do not occur in functioning democracies because their leaders must be more responsive to the demands of the citizens. In order for economic growth to be achieved, he argued, social reforms, such as improvements in education and public health, must precede economic reform.

Perceptions: In comparisons[link]

Amartya has been called "the Conscience and the Mother Teresa of Economics"^[2][20] for his work on famine, human development theory, welfare economics, the underlying mechanisms of poverty, gender inequality, and political liberalism. However, he denies the comparison to Mother Teresa by saying that he has never tried to follow a lifestyle of dedicated self-sacrifice.^[21]

India: University mentor for growth and revival[link]

Nalanda International University Project[link]

In May 2007, he was appointed by the Government of India as chairman^[22] of Nalanda Mentor Group to examine the framework of international cooperation, and proposed structure of partnership, which would govern the establishment of Nalanda International University Project as an international centre of education seeking to revive the ancient center of higher learning which was present in India from the 5th century to 1197.

Presidency College, Kolkata[link]

In June 2011, he was appointed as the adviser to the Mentor Group of Presidency College by West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee.^[23][24]

Media and Popular Culture[link]

Film[link]

A 56 minute documentary named "Amartya Sen: A Life Re-examined" directed by Suman Ghosh details his life and work.^[25][26]

Personal life and beliefs[link]

Sen's first wife was Nabaneeta Dev Sen, an Indian writer and scholar, with whom he had two children: Antara, a journalist and publisher, and Nandana, a Bollywood actress. Their marriage broke up shortly after they moved to London in 1971.^[2] In 1973, he married his second wife, Eva Colorni, who was Jewish,^[27] who died from stomach cancer in 1985.^[2] They had two children, Indrani, a journalist in New York, and Kabir, who teaches music at Shady Hill School.

Sen married Emma Georgina Rothschild in 1991. Sen usually spends his winter holidays at his home in Santiniketan in West Bengal, India, where he likes to go on long bike rides, and maintains a house in Cambridge, Massachusetts, where he and Emma spend the spring and long vacations. Asked how he relaxes, he replies: "I read a lot and like arguing with people."^[28]

Sen is a self-proclaimed agnostic and holds that this can be associated with Hinduism as a political entity.^{[29][30][31][32]} In an interview for the magazine California, which is published by the University of California, Berkeley, he noted^[33]:

Academic achievements, awards and honors[link]

Sen has received many honorary degrees (over 90)^[34] from universities around the world, including from the following:

• 1981; He was elected a Foreign Honorary Member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.^[35]
• 1982: He was awarded honorary fellowship by the Institute of Social Studies.
• 1998: He received the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences for his work in welfare economics.
• 1999: He received the Bharat Ratna 'the highest civilian award in India' by the President of India.
• 1999: He was offered the honorary citizenship of Bangladesh by Sheikh Hasina in recognition of his achievements in winning the Nobel Prize, and given that his ancestral origins were in what has become the modern state of Bangladesh
• 2000: He was awarded the order of Companion of Honour, UK.
• 2000: He received Leontief Prize for his outstanding contribution to economic theory from the Global Development and Environment Institute.
• 2000: He was awarded the Eisenhower Medal for Leadership and Service USA;
• 2000: He was the 351st Commencement Speaker of Harvard University.
• 2002: He received the International Humanist Award from the International Humanist and Ethical Union.
• 2003: He was conferred the Lifetime Achievement Award by the Indian Chamber of Commerce^[which?].
• He is awarded the Life Time Achievement award by Bangkok-based United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (UNESCAP)
• 2010: He was chosen to deliver the Demos Annual Lecture 2010
• 2011: The National Humanities Medal will be given to Amartya Sen by US Govt.

Publications[link]

• Choice of Techniques, 1960.
• Sen, Amartya, An Aspect of Indian Agriculture, Economic Weekly, Vol. 14, 1962.
• Collective Choice and Social Welfare, 1970, Holden-Day, 1984, Elsevier. Description.
• Sen, Amartya, On Economic Inequality, New York, Norton, 1973. (Expanded edition with a substantial annexe by James E. Foster and A. Sen, 1997).
• On Economic Inequality, 1973.
• Poverty and Famines: an Essay on Entitlement and Deprivation, 1981a.
• Sen, Amartya, Poverty and Famines : An Essay on Entitlements and Deprivation, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1982a.
• Sen, Amartya K., Choice, Welfare and Measurement, Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1982b. Description and scroll to chapter-preview links.
• Sen, Amartya, Food Economics and Entitlements, Helsinki, Wider Working Paper 1, 1986.
• Sen, Amartya, On Ethics and Economics, Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1987. Scroll to chapter-preview links.

• Drèze, Jean and Sen, Amartya, Hunger and Public Action. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1989.
• Hunger and Public Action, jointly edited with Jean Drèze, 1989
• Sen, Amartya, "More Than 100 Million Women Are Missing". New York Review of Books, 1990. ([1])
• Sen, Amartya, Inequality Reexamined, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1992.
• Nussbaum, Martha, and Sen, Amartya. The Quality of Life. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993. Preview.
• India: Economic Development and Social Opportunity, with Jean Drèze, 1995.
• Sen, Amartya, Reason Before Identity (The Romanes Lecture for 1998), Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1999. ISBN 0-19-951389-9
• Commodities and Capabilities, 1999.
• Sen, Amartya, Development as Freedom, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1999. (Review by the Asia Times)
• Development as Freedom, 1999.
• Reason Before Identity, 1999.
• Freedom, Rationality, and Social Choice: The Arrow Lectures and Other essays, 2000.
• Sen, Amartya, Rationality and Freedom, Harvard, Harvard Belknap Press, 2002.
• Rationality and Freedom, 2004.
• Inequality Reexamined, 2004.
• The Argumentative Indian, 2005.
• Sen, Amartya, The Argumentative Indian, London: Allen Lane, 2005. (Review by the Guardian, Review by the Washington Post)
• Sen, Amartya, The Three R's of Reform, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 40(19): pp. 1971–1974, 2005.
• Identity and Violence: The Illusion of Destiny (Issues of Our Time), New York, W. W. Norton, 2006.
• Imperial Illusions: India, Britain, and the wrong lessons. By Amartya Sen. Response by Niall Ferguson.
• Equality of Capacity by Amartya Sen
• The Idea of Justice Harvard University Press & London: Allen Lane,2009. Description and scroll to chapter-preview links.
• 2010, Mismeasuring Our Lives: Why GDP Doesn't Add Up [Paperback] Joseph E. Stiglitz (Author), Amartya Sen (Author), Jean-Paul Fitoussi (Author) ISBN 978-1-59558-519-6, The New Press.
• (ed.) Peace and Democratic Society. Cambridge: Open Book Publishers, 2011.
• Other Publications on Google Scholar

See also[link]

• List of economists
• The Equality of autonomy, a concept of equality posed by Sen.
• The Kerala model, an expression or concept invented and introduced by Sen.
• The Girl Effect
• List of University of London people

References[link]

External links[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Amartya Sen

Wikinews has related news: Extreme drought combined with inequalities will bring starvation in East Africa.

Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Amartya Sen

• Amartya Sen at Harvard University
• The Possibility of Social Choice 1998 lecture at NobelPrize.org
• Profile and Papers at Research Papers in Economics/RePEc
• Amartya Sen at Econlib
• Amartya Sen collected news and commentary at Stanford University
• Amartya Sen collected news and commentary at The New York Times
• Amartya Sen collected news and commentary at The Guardian
• Amartya Sen collected news and commentary at Al Jazeera English
• Amartya Sen collected news and commentary at The Times of India
• Works by or about Amartya Sen in libraries (WorldCat catalog)
• Appearances on C-SPAN
• Amartya Sen on Charlie Rose
• Amartya Sen at the Internet Movie Database
• Works by Amartya Sen on Open Library at the Internet Archive
• Amartya Sen at the Notable Names Database
• Interview at The Commonwealth Club, November 2007

v t e Bharat Ratna laureates Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan (1954) C. Rajagopalachari (1954) C. V. Raman (1954) Bhagwan Das (1955) Mokshagundam Visvesvarayya (1955) Jawaharlal Nehru (1955) Govind Ballabh Pant (1957) Dhondo Keshav Karve (1958) Bidhan Chandra Roy (1961) Purushottam Das Tandon (1961) Dr. Rajendra Prasad (1962) Dr. Zakir Hussain (1963) Pandurang Vaman Kane (1963) Lal Bahadur Shastri (1966) Indira Gandhi (1971) V. V. Giri (1975) K. Kamaraj (1976) Mother Teresa (1980) Acharya Vinoba Bhave (1983) Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan (1987) M. G. Ramachandran (1988) B. R. Ambedkar (1990) Nelson Mandela (1990) Rajiv Gandhi (1991) Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel (1991) Morarji Desai (1991) Abul Kalam Azad (1992) J. R. D. Tata (1992) Satyajit Ray (1992) A. P. J. Abdul Kalam (1997) Gulzarilal Nanda (1997) Aruna Asaf Ali (1997) M. S. Subbulakshmi (1998) Chidambaram Subramaniam (1998) Jayaprakash Narayan (1998) Ravi Shankar (1999) Amartya Sen (1999) Gopinath Bordoloi (1999) Lata Mangeshkar (2001) Bismillah Khan (2001) Bhimsen Joshi (2008)