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Port of Djbouti.

The economy of Djbouti is derived in large part from its strategic location on the Red Sea. Djibouti is mostly barren, with little development in the agricultural and industrial sectors. The country has a harsh climate, a largely unskilled labour force, and limited natural resources. The country’s most important economic asset is its strategic location connecting the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. As such, Djibouti’s economy is dominated by the services sector, providing services as both a transit port for the region and as an international transshipment and refuelling centre.

From 1991 to 1994, Djibouti experienced a civil war which had devastating effects on the economy. Since then, the country has benefited from political stability. In recent years, Djibouti has seen significant improvement in macroeconomic stability, with its annual gross domestic product improving at an average of over 3 percent since 2003. This comes after a decade of negative or low growth. This is attributed to fiscal adjustment measures aimed at improving public financing, as well as reforms in port management.

Despite the recent modest and stable growth, Djibouti is faced with many economic challenges, particularly job creation and poverty reduction. With an average annual population growth rate of 2.5 percent, the economy cannot significantly benefit national income per capita growth. Unemployment is extremely high at over 43 percent and is a major contributor to widespread poverty. Efforts are needed in creating conditions that will enhance private sector development and accumulate human capital. These conditions can be achieved through improvements in macroeconomic and fiscal framework, public administration, and labour market flexibility.^[1]

Djibouti was ranked the 177th safest investment destination in the world in the March 2011 Euromoney Country Risk rankings.^[2]

Economic performance[link]

Bus down the isle of the Wal-Mart in Djibouti City.

Djibouti has experienced stable economic growth in recent years as a result of achievements in macroeconomic adjustment efforts. Fiscal adjustment measures included downsizing the civil service, implementing a pension reform that placed the system on a much stronger financial footing, and strengthening public expenditure institutions. From 2003 to 2005, annual real GDP growth averaged 3.1 percent driven by good performance in the services sector and strong consumption. Inflation has been kept low (only 1 percent in 2004, compared with 2.2 percent in 2003), due to the fixed peg of the Djibouti franc to the US dollar. However, as mentioned above, unemployment has remained high at over 40 percent in recent years.

The government fiscal balance is in deficit because the government has not been able to raise sufficient tax revenues to cover expenses. In 2004, a substantial increase in expenditure resulted in a deterioration of the fiscal position. As a result, the government deficit increased to US$17 million in 2004 from US$7 million in 2003. But improvement in expenditure management brought down the fiscal deficit to US$11 million in 2005.^[1]

Balance of payments[link]

Djibouti’s merchandise trade balance has shown a large deficit. This is due to the country's enormous need for imports and narrow base of exports. Although Djibouti runs a substantial surplus in its services balance, the surplus has been smaller than the deficit in the merchandise trade balance. As a result, Djibouti's current account balance has been in deficit. There is very limited information for Djibouti’s current account; the country’s merchandise trade deficit was estimated at US$737 million in 2004.^[1]

Regional situation[link]

With its position on the Red Sea, Djibouti holds a major strategic importance. The facilities of the Port of Djibouti are important to sea transportation companies for fuel bunkering and refuelling. Its transport facilities are used by several landlocked African countries for the re-export of their goods. Djibouti earns transit taxes and harbour fees from this trade, these form the bulk of government revenue. This strategic location also has ensured a steady inflow of foreign assistance. The port of Djibouti functions as a small French naval facility, and the United States also has stationed hundreds of troops in Djibouti, its only African base, in an effort to counter terrorism in the region.^[1]

Macro-economic trend[link]

This is a chart of trend of gross domestic product of Djibouti at market prices estimated by the International Monetary Fund with figures in millions of Djiboutian francs.

For purchasing power parity comparisons, the US dollar is exchanged at 76.03 Djiboutian francs. Mean wages were $1.30 per person-hour in 2009.

Investment climate[link]

Background[link]

European Quarter, Djibouti City.

Djibouti’s economy is based on service activities connected with the country's strategic location and status as a free trade zone in the Horn of Africa. Two-thirds of inhabitants live in the capital and the remainder of the populace is mostly nomadic herders. Low amounts of rainfall limit crop production to fruits and vegetables, and requiring most food to be imported. The government provides services as both a transit port for the region and an international transshipment and refuelling centre. Djibouti has few natural resources and little industry. All of these factors contribute to its heavy dependence on foreign assistance to help support its balance of payments and to finance development projects.

An unemployment rate of 50 percent continues to be a major problem. Inflation is not a concern, however, because of the fixed tie of the franc to the US dollar. Per capita consumption dropped an estimated 35 percent over the last seven years because of recession, civil war, and a high population growth rate. Faced with a multitude of economic difficulties, the government has fallen in arrears on long-term external debt and has been struggling to meet the stipulations of foreign aid donors.^[1]

Openness to foreign investment[link]

The government of Djibouti welcomes all foreign direct investment. Djibouti's assets include a strategic geographic location, an open trade regime, a stable currency, substantial tax breaks and other incentives. Potential areas of investment include Djibouti's port and the telecommunications sectors. President Ismail Omar Guellehh first elected in 1999, has named privatization, economic reform, and increased foreign investment as top priorities for his government. The president pledged to seek the help of the international private sector to develop the country's infrastructure.

Djibouti has no major laws that would discourage incoming foreign investment. In principle there is no screening of investment or other discriminatory mechanisms. That said, certain sectors, most notably public utilities, are state owned and some parts are not currently open to investors. Conditions of the structural adjustment agreement recently signed by Djibouti and the International Monetary Fund stipulate increased privatization of parastatal and government-owned monopolies. There are no patent laws in Djibouti.^[3]

As in most African nations, access to licenses and approvals is complicated not so much by law as by administrative procedures. In Djibouti, the administrative process has been characterized as a form of 'circular dependency.' For example, the finance ministry will issue a license only if an investor possesses an approved investor visa, while the interior ministry will only issue an investor visa to a licensed business. The Djiboutian government is increasingly realizing the importance of establishing a one-stop shop to facilitate the investment process.^[1]

Trade[link]

Market of Djibouti in 2000

Principal exports from the region transiting Djibouti are coffee, salt, hides, dried beans, cereals, other agricultural products, and wax. Djibouti itself has few exports, and the majority of its imports come from France. Most imports are consumed in Djibouti and the remainder goes to Ethiopia and Somalia. Djibouti's unfavourable balance of trade is offset partially by invisible earnings such as transit taxes and harbour dues. In 1999, U.S. exports to Djibouti totalled $26.7 million while U.S. imports from Djibouti were less than $1 million.

The City of Djibouti has the only paved airport in the republic. Djibouti has one of the most liberal economic regimes in Africa, with almost unrestricted banking and commerce sectors.

Key indicators[link]

Djibouti Exports Treemap (2009)

^{[citation needed]}

GDP: purchasing power parity - $1.738 billion (2007est.)

GDP - real growth rate: 5.2% (2007 est.)

GDP - per capita: purchasing power parity - $2,300 (2007 est.)

GDP - composition by sector:
agriculture: 3.2%
industry: 14.9%
services: 81.9% (2007 est.)

Population below poverty line: 50% (2004 est.)

Household income or consumption by percentage share:
lowest 10%: NA%
highest 10%: NA%

Inflation rate (consumer prices): 0% (1999 est.)

Labor force: 282,000

Labor force - by occupation: agriculture 75%, industry 11%, services 14% (1991 est.)

Unemployment rate: 40%-50% (1996 est.)

Budget:
revenues: $156 million
expenditures: $175 million, including capital expenditures of $NA (1997 est.)

Industries: limited to a few small-scale enterprises, such as dairy products and mineral-water bottling

Industrial production growth rate: 3% (1996 est.)

Electricity - production: 306 GWh (2006)

Electricity - production by source:
fossil fuel: 100%
hydro: 0%
nuclear: 0%
other: 0% (1998)

Electricity - consumption: 226.9 GWh (2006)

Electricity - exports: 0 kWh (1998)

Electricity - imports: 0 kWh (1998)

Agriculture - products: fruits, vegetables; goats, sheep, camels

Exports: $340 million (f.o.b., 2006 est.)

Exports - commodities: reexports, hides and skins, coffee (in transit)

Exports - partners: Somalia 66.2%, Ethiopia 21.4%, Yemen 3.4% (2007)

Imports: $1,555 million (f.o.b., 2006 est.)

Imports - commodities: foods, beverages, transport equipment, chemicals, petroleum products

Imports - partners: Saudi Arabia 20.7%, India 17.8%, China 9.3%, Ethiopia 4.6%, Malaysia 4.5%, Japan 4.2% (2007)

Debt - external: $428 million (2006 est.)

Economic aid - recipient: $106.3 million (1995)

Currency: 1 Djiboutian franc (DF) = 100 centimes

Exchange rates: Djiboutian francs (DF) per US$1 – 177.721 (fixed rate since 1973)

Fiscal year: calendar year

References[link]

External links[link]

• Economy of Djibouti at the Open Directory Project
• Djibouti latest trade data on ITC Trade Map
• Richard Labelle, "Djibouti ICT strategy and action plan", 28 May 2003
• African Development Bank, "Djibouti: Results-based country strategy paper, 2007-2010", October 2007

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Republic of Djibouti جمهورية جيبوتي Jumhūriyyat Jībūtī (Arabic) République de Djibouti (French) Gabuutih Ummuuno (Afar) Jamhuuriyadda Jabuuti (Somali)
Flag Emblem
Motto: "Unité, Égalité, Paix"  (translation) "Unity, Equality, Peace"
Anthem: Djibouti
Capital (and largest city)		Djibouti 11°36′N 43°10′E / 11.6°N 43.167°E / 11.6; 43.167
Official language(s)		French Arabic[1]
Recognised national languages		Somali Afar[1]
Demonym		Djiboutian
Government		Semi-presidential republic
-	President	Ismail Omar Guelleh
-	Prime Minister	Dileita Mohamed Dileita
Legislature		National Assembly
Independence
-	from France	June 27, 1977
Area
-	Total	23,200 km2 (150th) 8,958 sq mi
-	Water (%)	0.09 (20 km² / 7.7 sq mi)
Population
-	2011 estimate	906,000 (158th)
-	2009 census	818,159
-	Density	37.2/km2 (168th) 96.4/sq mi
GDP (PPP)		2011 estimate
-	Total	$2.231 billion[2]
-	Per capita	$2,641[2]
GDP (nominal)		2011 estimate
-	Total	$1.239 billion[2]
-	Per capita	$1,467[2]
Gini (2009)		40.0
HDI (2010)		0.402[3] (low) (147th)
Currency		Franc (DJF)
Time zone		EAT (UTC+3)
-	Summer (DST)	not observed (UTC+3)
Drives on the		right
ISO 3166 code		DJ
Internet TLD		.dj
Calling code		+253

Djibouti (Arabic: جيبوتي‎ Jībūtī, French: Djibouti, Somali: Jabuuti, Afar: Gabuuti), officially the Republic of Djibouti (Arabic: جمهورية جيبوتي‎ Jumhūriyyat Jībūtī, French: République de Djibouti, Afar: Gabuutih Ummuuno, Somali: Jamhuuriyadda Jabuuti), is a country in the Horn of Africa. It is bordered by Eritrea in the north, Ethiopia in the west and south, and Somalia in the southeast. The remainder of the border is formed by the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden at the east. Djibouti, which had a population of 818,159 at the 2009 census,^[4] is one of the least populous countries in Africa.^[5] Islam is the largest religion in the country, practiced by 94% of the population.^[6] The land was known as Obock and French Somaliland (Côte française des Somalis) in the 19th century; in 1967, it changed its name to Afars and Issas after new treaties with France. The territory was declared an independent nation in 1977 and changed its name to the "Republic of Djibouti" after its principal city. Djibouti joined the United Nations on September 20, 1977.^[7][8] While Djibouti is an independent sovereign state, it maintains deep French relations, and through various military and economic agreements with France, it receives continued security and economic assistance.^[9]

History[link]

Through close contacts with the adjacent Arabian Peninsula for more than 1,000 years, the Somali and Afar ethnic groups in the region became among the first populations on the continent to embrace Islam.^[10]

Place Menelik in Djibouti City in 1905.

From 1862 until 1894, the land to the north of the Gulf of Tadjoura was called Obock and was ruled by Somali and Afar Sultans, local authorities with whom France signed various treaties between 1883 and 1887 to first gain a foothold in the region.^[11][12][13] In 1894, Léonce Lagarde established a permanent French administration in the city of Djibouti and named the region French Somaliland. It lasted from 1896 until 1967, when it was renamed the Territoire Français des Afars et des Issas (TFAI) ("French Territory of the Afars and the Issas").^[14]

In 1958, on the eve of neighboring Somalia's independence in 1960, a referendum was held in Djibouti to decide whether or not to join the Somali Republic or to remain with France. The referendum turned out in favour of a continued association with France, partly due to a combined yes vote by the sizable Afar ethnic group and resident Europeans.^[15] There was also widespread vote rigging, with the French expelling thousands of Somalis before the referendum reached the polls.^[16] The majority of those who voted no were Somalis who were strongly in favour of joining a united Somalia as had been proposed by Mahmoud Harbi, Vice President of the Government Council. Harbi was killed in a plane crash two years later.^[15]

Palace of the Governor in Djibouti City.

In 1967, a second plebiscite was held to determine the fate of the territory. Initial results supported a continued but looser relationship with France. Voting was also divided along ethnic lines, with the resident Somalis generally voting for independence, with the goal of eventual reunion with Somalia, and the Afars largely opting to remain associated with France.^[13] However, the referendum was again marred by reports of vote rigging on the part of the French authorities.^[17] Shortly after the referendum was held, the former Côte française des Somalis (French Somaliland) was renamed to Territoire français des Afars et des Issas.^[18]

In 1977, a third referendum took place. A landslide 98.8% of the electorate supported disengagement from France, officially marking Djibouti's independence.^[19][20] Hassan Gouled Aptidon, a Somali politician who had campaigned for a yes vote in the referendum of 1958, eventually wound up as the nation's first president (1977–1999).^[15]

Djibouti is a Somali, Afar and Muslim country, which regularly takes part in Islamic affairs. It is also a member of the Arab League, as well as the African Union and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD).

Politics[link]

This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (May 2010)

Djibouti is a semi-presidential republic, with executive power in the central government, and legislative power in both the government and parliament. The parliamentary party system is dominated by the People's Rally for Progress (RPP) and the President who currently is Ismail Omar Guelleh. The country's current constitution was approved in September 1992. Djibouti is a one party dominant state with the People's Rally for Progress in power. Other parties are allowed, but the main opposition, Union for a Presidential Majority, boycotted the 2005 and 2008 elections leaving all of the legislative seats to the RPP. (See Elections in Djibouti.)

The national assembly building in Djibouti City.

The government is seen as being controlled by the Somali Issa Dir clan who enjoy the support of the Somali clans, especially the Isaaq who is also the clan of the current president's wife and the clan of many ministers and government officials are Isaaq and the Gadabuursi Dir who are the third most prominent Somali clan in Djibouti politics. The country has recently come out of a decade-long civil war, with the government and the Front for the Restoration of Unity and Democracy (FRUD) signing a peace treaty in 2000. Two FRUD members are part of the current cabinet.

Djibouti's second president, Guelleh, succeeded Hassan Gouled Aptidon in office in 1999.^[21] Despite elections of the 1990s being described as "generally fair", Guelleh was sworn in for his second and final six-year term as president after a one-man election on 8 April 2005. He took 100% of the votes in a 78.9% turnout.

The Prime Minister, who follows the Council of Ministers (Cabinet), is appointed by the President. The Parliament (Chambre des Députés) consists of 52 members who are selected every five to nine years.

In 2001, the Djiboutian government leased the former French military base Camp Lemonnier to the United States Central Command for operations related to Combined Joint Task Force Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA). In 2009, Central Command transitioned responsibilities in Africa to AFRICOM.

France's 13th Demi-Brigade of the Foreign Legion is based in Djibouti, but not in Djibouti City.

In February 2011 protesters in Djibouti joined the Arab world protests, demanding that President Guelleh step down.

Geography[link]

Lac Assal area

Astronaut View of Djibouti

Djibouti lies in Northeast Africa on the Gulf of Aden at the southern entrance to the Red Sea. It has 314 km (195 mi) of coastline and shares a 113 km (70 mi) border with Eritrea, 337 km (209 mi) with Ethiopia and 58 km (36 mi) with Somalia (total 506 km/314 mi). It lies between latitudes 10° and 13°N, and longitudes 41° and 44°E.

The country is mainly a stony semidesert, with scattered plateaus and highlands. It has an area of 8,900 square miles (23,051 km²).

Regions and districts[link]

Map of the regions of Djibouti

Djibouti is sectioned into five regions and one city. It is further sub-divided into eleven districts.

The regions and city are:

• Ali Sabieh Region (Région d'Ali Sabieh)
• Arta Region (Région d'Arta)
• Dikhil Region (Région de Dikhil)
• Djibouti (city) (Ville de Djibouti)
• Obock Region (Région d'Obock)
• Tadjourah Region (Région de Tadjourah))

Economy[link]

Graphical depiction of Djibouti's product exports in 28 color coded categories.

Bus driving down a market street in Djibouti City.

The economy of Djibouti is based on service activities connected with the country's strategic location^[22] and status as a free trade zone in northeast Africa. Two-thirds of the inhabitants live in the capital city, the remainder being mostly nomadic herders. Scant rainfall limits crop production to fruits and vegetables, and most food must be imported.

Fishing boats docked at the Port of Djibouti.

In April 2005, the United Nations World Food Programme warned that 30,000 people in Djibouti face serious food shortages following three years of poor rains.^[23]

Djibouti provides services as both a transit port for the region and an international transshipment and refueling center. It has few natural resources and little industry. The nation is, therefore, heavily dependent on foreign assistance to help support its balance of payments and to finance development projects. Salt Investment, a Djiboutian company, is overseeing a $70 million operation to industrialize the collection of Djibouti’s plentiful salt in the Region Lake Asal.

There are gold miners from India, geothermal experts from Iceland, Turkish hotel managers, Saudi oil engineers, French bankers and American military contractors. Investors from Dubai have leased the country's port, in an effort to develop the area as a gateway to the region. Saudi investors are reportedly exploring the possibility of linking the Horn of Africa with the Arabian Peninsula via an 18-mile (29 km) long oversea bridge referred to as the Bridge of the Horns. Tarek bin Laden, half brother of Osama bin Laden, has been linked to the project.

An unemployment rate of 40% to 50% continues to be a major problem. Inflation is not a concern, however, because of the fixed tie of the franc to the U.S. dollar. Per capita consumption dropped an estimated 35% over the last seven years because of recession, civil war, and a high population growth rate (including immigrants and refugees). The secession of Eritrea from Ethiopia has been beneficial to Djibouti, as the Port of Djibouti is now serving as landlocked Ethiopia's primary link to the sea. Faced with a multitude of economic difficulties, the government has fallen into arrears on long-term external debt and has been struggling to meet the stipulations of foreign aid donors.^[1]

Djibouti was ranked the 177th safest investment destination in the world in the March 2011 Euromoney Country Risk rankings.^[24]

Military[link]

Djiboutian Army soldiers scanning the terrain during Operation Able Dart 08-01 on Forward Operating in Ali Sabieh.

The Military of Djibouti is officially referred to as the Djibouti Armed Forces (Forces Armees Djiboutiennes, FAD). It includes the Djibouti National Army, which consists of the Coastal Navy, the Djiboutian Air Force (Force Aerienne Djiboutienne, FAD), and the National Gendarmerie (GN).^[25]

The first war which involved the Djiboutian armed forces, was the Djiboutian Civil War between the Djiboutian government, supported by France, and the Front for the Restoration of Unity and Democracy (FRUD). The war lasted from 1991 to 2001, although most of the hostilities ended when the moderate factions of FRUD signed a peace treaty with the government after suffering an extensive military setback when the government forces captured most of the rebel-held territory. A radical group continued to fight the government, but signed its own peace treaty in 2001. The war ended in a government victory, and FRUD became a political party.

Djibouti has fought in clashes against Eritrea over the Ras Doumeira peninsula, which both countries claim to be under their sovereignty. The first clash occurred in 1996 after a nearly two-months stand-off. In 1999, a political crisis occurred when both sides accused each other for supporting its enemies. In 2008, the countries clashed again when Djibouti refused to return Eritrean deserters and Eritrea responded by firing at the Djiboutian forces. In the following battles, some 44 Djiboutian troops and some estimated 100 Eritreans were killed.

Demographics[link]

Afar man in nomadic attire

A Somali man in a traditional taqiyah.

The population consists of two major ethnic groups: the Somali and the Afar. The Somali clan component in Djibouti is mainly composed of the Issas, who form the majority, and the Gadabuursi. Both are subclans of the Dir. The Issas form part of the Madoobe Dir while the Gadabuursi are part of the Madaluug Dir. The remainder of the population consists of Europeans (mostly French and Italians), Arabs and Ethiopians. Although French and Arabic are the official languages, Somali and Afar are widely spoken.^[1] The bulk of Djibouti's people are urban residents; the remainder are pastoralists.

Health[link]

The life expectancy at birth is about 60 for both females and males.^[26] Fertility is at 2.71 children per woman.^[26] In the country there are about 18 doctors per 100,000 persons.^[27]

In June 2011, the United Nations Population Fund released a report on The State of the World's Midwifery. It contained new data on the midwifery workforce and policies relating to newborn and maternal mortality for 58 countries. The 2010 maternal mortality rate per 100,000 births for Djibouti is 300. This is compared with 461.6 in 2008 and 606.5 in 1990. The under 5 mortality rate, per 1,000 births is 95 and the neonatal mortality as a percentage of under 5's mortality is 37. The aim of this report is to highlight ways in which the Millennium Development Goals can be achieved, particularly Goal 4 – Reduce child mortality and Goal 5 – improve maternal death. In Djibouti the number of midwives per 1,000 live births is 6 and 1 in 93 shows us the lifetime risk of death for pregnant women.^[28]

According to a 2005 World Health Organization estimate, about 93.1% of Djibouti's women and girls have undergone female genital cutting,^[29] a pre-marital custom mainly endemic to Northeast Africa and parts of the Near East that has its ultimate origins in Ancient Egypt.^[30][31] Although legally proscribed in 1994, the procedure is still widely practiced, as it is deeply ingrained in the local culture.^[32] Encouraged and performed by women in the community, circumcision is primarily intended to deter promiscuity and to offer protection from assault.^[32][33] About 94% of Djibouti's male population has also reportedly undergone male circumcision.^[34]

Education[link]

Education is a priority for the government of Djibouti. As of 2009, it allocates 20.5% of its annual budget to scholastic instruction.^[35]

The Djiboutian educational system was initially formulated to cater to a limited pupil base. As such, the schooling framework was largely elitist and drew considerably from the French colonial paradigm, which was ill-suited to local circumstances and needs.^[35]

In the late 1990s, the Djiboutian authorities revisted the national educational strategy and launched a broad-based consultative process involving administrative officials, teachers, parents, national assembly members and NGOs. The initiative identified areas in need of attention and produced concrete recommendations on how to go about improving them. The government subsequently prepared a comprehensive reform plan aimed at modernizing the educational sector over the 2000-10 period. In August 2000, it passed an official Education Planning Act and drafted a medium-term development plan for the next five years. The fundamental academic system was significantly restructured and made compulsory; it now consists of five years of primary school and four years of middle school. Secondary schools also require a Certificate of Fundamental Education for admission. In addition, the new law introduced secondary-level vocational instruction and established university facilities in the country.^[35]

As a result of the Education Planning Act and the medium-term action strategy, substantial progress has been registered throughout the educational sector.^[35] In particular, school enrollment, attendance and retention rates have all steadily increased, with some regional variation. From 2004-05 to 2007-08, net enrollments of girls in primary school rose by 18.6%; for boys, it increased 8.0%. Net enrollments in middle school over the same period rose by 72.4% for girls and 52.2% for boys. At the secondary level, the rate of increase in net enrollments was 49.8% for girls and 56.1% for boys.^[36]

The Djiboutian government has especially focused on developing and improving institutional infrastructure and teaching materials, including constructing new classrooms and supplying textbooks. At the post-secondary level, emphasis has also been placed on producing qualified instructors and encouraging out-of-school youngsters to pursue vocational training.^[35]

Institutions of higher learning in the country include the University of Djibouti.

Religion[link]

Mosque in Djibouti city

Djibouti's population is predominantly Muslim. Islam is observed by 94% of Djibouti's population (about 740,000) (2010 estimate), while the remaining six percent follow Christianity.^[6]

Every town and village in Djibouti has a mosque where people go to worship.^{[citation needed]} Tombs of their former religious leaders and those considered holy are known as sacred spaces. The most famous sacred space for Islam in Djibouti is the tomb of Sheikh Abu Yazid, which is found in the Goda Mountains.^{[citation needed]} In addition to the Islamic calendar, Muslims in Djibouti also recognize New Year's Day (January 1) and Labor Day (May 1) as holidays.^{[citation needed]}

The Republic of Djibouti names Islam as the sole state religion, the Constitution of 1992 provides for the equality of citizens of all faiths (Art. 1) as well as the freedom to practise any religion (Art. 11). Djibouti's Family Code (Code de la Famille) of 2002 prohibits Muslim women from marrying non-Muslim men, unless the men convert to Islam. According to the International Religious Freedom Report 2008, while Muslim Djiboutians have the legal right to convert to another faith or marry outside of Islam, "converts may face negative societal, tribal, and familial attitudes towards their decision" and often face pressure to revert to Islam.^[37]

Between 7,000 and 8,000 Catholics live in Djibouti, of which some 300 are local Djiboutians, the rest being foreigners^{[citation needed]}. The Christian population largely consists of foreign-born or expatriate residents.^{[citation needed]} Djibouti has a Catholic diocese, 4 Catholic priests all of whom are foreigners – as well as about 40 Catholic missionaries.^{[citation needed]}

Culture[link]

Beach in Djibouti City

Djiboutian attire reflects the region's hot and arid climate. When not dressed in western clothing such as jeans and t-shirts, men typically wear the macawiis, which is a sarong-like garment worn around the waist. Among nomads, many wear a loosely wrapped white cotton robe called a tobe that goes down to about the knee, with the end thrown over the shoulder (much like a Roman toga).

Women typically wear the dirac, which is a long, light, diaphanous voile dress made of cotton or polyester that is worn over a full-length half-slip and a bra. Married women tend to sport head-scarves referred to as shash, and also often cover their upper body with a shawl known as garbasaar. Unmarried or young women, however, do not always cover their heads. Traditional Arabian garb such as the male jellabiya (jellabiyaad in Somali) and the female jilbāb is also commonly worn. For some occasions such as festivals, women may adorn themselves with specialized jewelry and head-dresses similar to those worn by the Berber tribes of the Maghreb.^[38]

A lot of Djibouti's original art is passed on and preserved orally, mainly through song. Many examples of Islamic, Ottoman, and French influences can also be noted in the local buildings, which contain plasterwork,carefully constructed motifs and calligraphy.

Wildlife[link]

The Wildlife of Djibouti, consisting of flora and fauna, is in a harsh landscape with forest accounting for less than one percent of the total area of the country. The flora and fauna species are most found in the northern part of the country in the ecosystem of the Day Forest National Park at an average altitude 1,500 metres (4,900 ft), including the massif Goda, with a peak of 1,783 metres (5,850 ft). It covers an area of 3.5 square kilometres (1.4 sq mi) of Juniperus procera forest, with many of the trees rising to 20 metres (66 ft) height. This forest area is the main habitat of critically endangered and endemic Djibouti Francolin (a bird), and another recently noted vertebrate, Platyceps afarensis (a colubrine snake). The area also contains many species of woody and herbaceous plants, including boxwood and olive trees, which account for sixty percent of the total identified species in the country.

See also[link]

	Geography portal
	Africa portal
	Djibouti portal

References[link]

 This article incorporates public domain material from websites or documents of the CIA World Factbook.

Further reading[link]

• Djibouti's Unusual Resource Curse Jennifer N. Brass
• Djibouti: Pawn of the Horn of Africa Robert Saint-Veran
• Historical Dictionary of Djibouti Daoud A. Alwan
• Naval Strategy East of Suez: The Role of Djibouti Charles W

External links[link]

Find more about Djibouti on Wikipedia's sister projects:
	Definitions and translations from Wiktionary
	Images and media from Commons
	Learning resources from Wikiversity
	News stories from Wikinews
	Quotations from Wikiquote
	Source texts from Wikisource
	Textbooks from Wikibooks

• (French) Djibouti official government website
• Djibouti entry at The World Factbook
• Djibouti web resources provided by GovPubs at the University of Colorado–Boulder Libraries
• Djibouti at the Open Directory Project
• Wikimedia Atlas of Djibouti
• Djibouti travel guide from Wikitravel
• The State of the World's Midwifery – Djibouti Country Profile
• Key Development Forecasts for Djibouti from International Futures

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Isaias Afewerki
President of Eritrea
Incumbent
Assumed office 27 April 1991
Preceded by	Position established
President of the National Assembly
Incumbent
Assumed office 24 May 1993
Preceded by	Tedla Bairu
Leader of the People's Front for Democracy and Justice
Incumbent
Assumed office 15 June 1994
Preceded by	Position established
Leader of the Eritrean People's Liberation Front
In office 4 October 1978 – 15 June 1994
Preceded by	Romodan Mohammed Nur
Succeeded by	Sebhat Ephrem
Personal details
Born	(1946-02-02) 2 February 1946 (age 66) Asmara, Eritrea
Political party	People's Front for Democracy and Justice
Spouse(s)	Saba Haile[1]
Alma mater	Addis Ababa University
Religion	Eritrean Orthodox[1]

Isaias Afewerki (Tigrinya: ኢሳይያስ ኣፈወርቂ) (born February 2, 1946 in Asmara, Eritrea) is the first president of Eritrea, a position he has held since 1993. He led the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) to victory in May 1991, thus ending the 30-year old armed liberation struggle that the Eritrean people refer to as "Gedli". Two years later, he became President following an independence referendum. He is the head of the ruling People's Front for Democracy and Justice.

Isaias was born in the Eritrean capital Asmara (then the second largest city in Ethiopia), to a father from the village of Tselot, located in the formerly Hamasien province of Eritrea.

The EPLF was one of many armed groups struggling against the dictator, Mengistu Hailemariam. Afewerki was elected Leader of the EPLF in 1975. He has been the chairperson of both the EPLF and the PFDJ since the PFDJ assumed power at the end of the Eritrean War for Independence and the Ethiopian Civil War in 1991. He has been President of Eritrea ever since the country seceded from Ethiopia in 1991 and then elected by the National Assembly after achieving de-jure independence in 1993.

Personal life[link]

Isaias was born in the Abbashaul district of the Eritrean capital Asmara, to a father from the village of Tselot, Hamasien and a mother rumoured to be originally from Enderta, Tigray. When Isaias was a boy, his father Afewerki spent much of his time in Tigray, where he owned a coffee farm that was later nationalized by the Derg. With Afewerki largely absent, Isaias lived with his mother in a working class neighborhood in eastern Asmara near the train depot and the Lutheran church. He graduated in 1965 from the elite Prince Makonnen High School in Asmara. Between 1965 and 1966 he attended Haile Selassie University in Addis Ababa (now known as Addis Ababa University) to study engineering.^[2] During this time, he left Addis Ababa to join the Eritrean Liberation Front. After disillusionment with that movement, he and several others formed the Eritrean People's Liberation Front. Eventually Eritrea gained their independence and he became the country's first president.

Afewerki is married to Saba Haile and has three children - Abraham, Elsa and Berhane.^[1] He is an adherent of the Eritrean Orthodox Tewahedo Church.^[1]

In late April 2012, the government denied rumours that Afewerki was dead, stating that he was in "robust health". Information Minister Ali Abdu said the rumours were started by opposition groups.^[3] The rumours were proven false after the president made an appearance on Eritrean National Television. He said that those spreading the rumours were "sick" and wanted to "disturb" the people.^[4]

War for Independence[link]

The Eritrean War of Independence (1 September 1961 – 29 May 1991) was a conflict fought between the Ethiopian government and Eritrean separatists, both before and during the Ethiopian Civil War. The war started when Eritrea’s autonomy within Ethiopia, where troops were already stationed, was unilaterally revoked. Isaias Afewerki fought in this war first as part of the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF), and then as a commander within the Eritrean People's Liberation Front.

Eritrean Liberation Front[link]

In late 1966, he abandoned his engineering studies in Addis Ababa and left for Kassala, Sudan, where he joined the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) in exile. However, after entering the Sudan, his sentiments towards the ELF leadership changed. Isaias became highly frustrated by the ELF leadership. Within the front existed many ethnic and religious rivalries. Despite his critical opinions of the ELF leadership, Isaias stayed committed to the group. In early 1967, Isaias and Romadan were selected to study military training course in China. They spent that year and most of next year in China studying political ideologies and guerilla warfare.^[2] Upon his return, he was appointed a political commissioner.

In 1970, ideological and tactical disagreements within the ELF led to three factions leaving the ELF into three separate groups. One faction took refuge in the mountains of Sahel. Another group under Isaias' command, numbering less than a dozen, left for Eritrea's eastern escarpment. While the third group headed off to Aden and returned by boat to Eritrea, landing south of Assab. These three groups would eventually join to become one and went by the name of the Eritrean Liberation Front-People's Liberation Front (ELF-PLF). When they formally merged in 1973, they changed their name to the Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front.

Eritrean People's Liberation Front[link]

After becoming one of the leaders of the EPLF in 1973, Isaias wrote a manifesto called "Our Struggle and its Goals". This manifesto placed strong emphasis on overcoming ethnic and religious differences and on launching revolutionary struggle during the independence war. In 1975, Isaias became chairman of the EPLF military committee. In 1977, under EPLF's first congress, he was elected to be vice secretary-general of the EPLF. By this time there was a political struggle within the fight for independence between the predominately Christian EPLF and the mainly Muslim ELF. One civil war had already been fought between the two fronts between 1972–1974. Fighting began in February 1972 and spread through the lowlands, particularly the Red Sea coast. Eventually this conflict spread further into the highlands until in 1974 calls for the conflict to stop were finally heeded. These calls for peace came from local villagers at a time when the independence movement was close to victory over Ethiopia.

By 1979, another civil war had began. The EPLF under Isaias Afewerki executed an offensive against the ELF in a bid to protect the flanks of the Front under tremendous pressure from a resurgent Ethiopia. In 1980, the ELF had entered into secret negotiations with the Soviet Union to end the war. Furthermore, on defence of the Sahel stronghold of the EPLF, ELF units withdrew from the lines in August of the same year. This created tremendous friction between the fronts which eventually led to the resumption of conflict. By this point the ELF had been drained during the Ethiopian resurgence after Soviet assistance was leveraged, and were eventually defeated by a joint force of the Eritrean People's Liberation Front and the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) led by current Ethiopian president, Meles Zenawi in 1981. The ELF were pushed across the border into the Sudan.^[5] That mutually beneficial alliance eventually brought the forces of both movements into Addis Ababa and Asmara toppling the Derg regime in 1991 and achieving Eritrean independence by referendum two years later.

After Independence[link]

Eritrean independence was achieved de facto in 1991. In April 1993, a United Nations-supervised referendum on independence was held, and the following month Eritrea achieved de jure independence. Isaias Afewerki was declared the first head of state. During the first years of his administration in this new state government, the institutions of governance were structured and put in place. This included a top to bottom restructuring of the structures of governance by provision of an elected local judicial system to expanding the educational system to as many regions as possible.^{[citation needed]} The EPLF renamed itself the People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) on February 1994 as part of its preparation to usher itself as a political party^{[citation needed]} in a democratic Eritrea.

However, his once-firm friendship with the new Ethiopian government and Meles Zenawi quickly deteriorated just seven years after independence into a fierce border and economic dispute that turned into a long and bloody border war with Ethiopia, 1998–2000. Armed conflict with Ethiopia claimed more than 70,000 lives from both sides and ended with the signing of the Algiers Agreement on December 12, 2000. Because of this, the drafted Eritrean Constitution and its implementation were put on hold. It is yet to be implemented.

Domestic policy[link]

Isaias Afewerki and his government, The People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) is the current ruling political movement in Eritrea. It is the successor to the formerly Marxist-Leninist and African socialist Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF). Currently it is the only legal political entity existing in Eritrea.^[6] Presidential elections, planned for 1997, never materialised. Isaias Afewerki has therefore been criticised for failing to implement democratic reforms. His government has clamped down on its critics and has closed the private press. The Press Freedom Index, published by Reporters Without Borders, has ranked Eritrea as a country with the least freedom of press for five consecutive years since 2007 followed by North Korea.^[7]

Single-party state[link]

Before independence was achieved,the EPLF had already underlined its commitment to create a multi-party system in Eritrea. Isaias Afewerki is quoted as saying: "a one-party system wills neither enhances national security or stability nor accelerates economic development. In fact a one party system could be a major threat to the very existence of our country. For these reasons we will have to avoid these malaises in tomorrow's Eritrea".^[1] Shortly after the referendum, the PFDJ became an interim government for four years, until a constitution could be drafted, and elections held in 1997. This interim arrangement was accepted by the public. A year after the formation of the interim government in April 1994, a Constitutional Commission was formed to draft the Eritrean constitution. It was ratified on May 23, 1997 but to this day has not been implemented. The general election, which should have been held in the summer of 1998, was postponed because of the outbreak of war between Ethiopia and Eritrea in May 1998.

Following the Algiers Agreement in July 2000, the Constitutional Commission, senior government officials and the public raised the issue of the implementation of the constitution and election. Thereafter the National Assembly promised to hold elections before the end of 2001. Mahmoud Ahmed Sherifo, the Vice President of Eritrea and Minister of Local Government, was appointed Chair of the Committee to Draft Electoral Law. The elections never occurred. Instead public attention was diverted from focusing on any election by the arrest of 12 senior reformist members of the Central Council (legislative body of PFDJ) and the National Council. The Central Office of the PFDJ believes that they share "...a common guilt: at the minimum, abdication of responsibility during Eritrea's difficult hours, at the maximum, grave conspiracy."^[8]

The Eritrean National Assembly neither protested when Mr Mahmoud Sherifo, who was Chair of the Committee to Draft Electoral Laws was dismissed by the President on 7 February nor did it condemn the illegal arrest of their Parliamentary colleagues on 18 September 2001. Since the crackdown on the reformist movement, the PFDJ ruling party has not hesitated to suppress the protests of Eritrean people against the ruling elite depriving them of fundamental rights. To this day, Eritrea still remains a single-party state, with virtually no opposition.

National Development[link]

Isaias Afewerki and the PFDJ government is involved in a program of investments in economic, education, health, and transportation related infrastructure. The Government’s development policy is to improve the economy of the country that is widely distributed and shared among the various groups of Eritrea. The Government has attempted to expand the well-being of the people by narrowing down gender, region, and income related gaps. The Government, with its limited resource, has so far successfully built various social and physical infrastructure throughout the country. These include Massawa International Airport, Orotta Medical School, the Asmara-Filfil-Massawa Highway, the Eritrean Institute of Science and Technology at Mai Nefhi, Sawa Defence Training Centre, and many other projects.

The National Development program was first known as the Wefri Warsay Yika'alo (WWY) or Warsay Yika'alo Program. It is an ambitious project of post-war recovery after the 30 year long Eritrean War for Independence. It is similar to other economic recovery programs, and is often compared to the Marshall Plan.^[9] These investments are typically made by a mixture of grants and loans from international organizations and from the Government of Eritrea.

Many have benefited from the government's National Development program. The major beneficiaries are children, women, and people in remote rural areas. In terms of age, 90% of children receive the necessary vaccination at present and maternal mortality rates have reduced from 1,000 per 100,000 during independence to 486 per 100,000 today.^[10] The gap of health service provision has narrowed around the country and that Eritrea has been recognized internationally for successes achieved in meeting the Millennium Development Goals. Newly built hospitals and health-clinics has caused the number of pregnant mothers getting the necessary pre-natal medical check up to increase from 19% to 89%. The number of pregnant mothers giving birth by health professionals has also increased from 6% to 34%. Over the past 20 years more than 27,000 youths have graduated from vocational and technical schools with certificate and diploma in which 40% of the graduates are female and female participation in vocational education has increased by 50%.

Administrative division reform[link]

At the time of Independence in 1993 Eritrea was arranged into ten provinces: Akele Guzay, Asmara, Barka, Denkalia, Gash-Setit, Hamasien, Sahel, Semhar, Senhit and Seraye. These provinces were similar to the eight provinces operating during the colonial period (Barka and Gash-Setit were one larger Barka province; Asmara was part of Hamasien province). In 1996, these were consolidated into six regions (zobas): Maekel Region, Debub Region, Gash-Barka Region, Anseba Region, Northern Red Sea Region and Southern Red Sea Region. The boundaries of these new regions are based on catchment basins. Critics of this policy contend that the Government of Eritrea was erasing the historical fabric of Eritrea while proponents believe that these new Regional boundaries would ease historical land disputes.^[11] Furthermore proponents of this policy argue that basing boundaries on an important natural resource would ease the planning of its use.

The region system introduced by Isaias Afewerki has allowed a broader geographic distribution of the national infrastructure. Many accomplishments have taken place across the six administrative regions. Areas which were virtually neglected by previous governments like the modern-day Anseba and Gash Barka regions. The Anseba region has seen major increases of up to 672% for the number of educational institutions ranging from kindergarten to secondary level. In these regions the number of health institutions has also increased by 414%. The Gash Barka region has seen the construction of over 150 water reservoirs and catchments and more than 118 ponds.^[10] Other remote areas originally deprived of such opportunity have had schools and health clinics built in their respective vicinities.

Official language[link]

Eritrea does not currently have an official language. Tigrinya and Arabic are the most widely used. English, Italian and Amharic are understood by a considerable amount of the population and also are spoken especially by residents of the capital, Asmara. Eritrea consists of nine mother tongues (languages). According to their demographic ratio, in a descending order, they could be presented as: Tigrinya (55%), Tigre (30%), Saho (4%), Kunama (2%), Rashaida (2%), Bilen (2%), Afar (2%), Hedareb (2%) and Nara (1%). Under the British administration, Tigrinya and Arabic were the official languages (Tigrinya among the Christians and Arabic among the Muslims).

The debate of what the official language of Eritrea should be has existed since the 1940s. The Unionists insisted in Tigrinya as the only official language of Eritrea. The Moslem League however insisted on Arabic and Tigrinya. The Unionists opposed Arabic because they considered it as a foreign language and came with a suggestion of Tigrinya and Tigre instead. At the end, however, as the UN drafted Constitution prescribed, Tigrinya and Arabic were taken as official languages of the autonomous Eritrean state. The adoption of the Eritrean Government of Tigrinya and Arabic as official languages in 1952, thus undermined Tigre.

After independence, the PFDJ did not announce an official language for the country. Alternatively the PFDJ adopted a language policy that promoted development of all languages. Although its emphasis was on developing all local languages, Tigrinya and Tigre seem to be the languages that this policy has put the most emphasis on. This two languages represent the two largest ethnic groups in the country. Although Tigrinya and Arabic are not the official languages, in practicality, all official documents are written in Tigrinya, and usually also contain Arabic and English.

Freedom of religion[link]

Religion in Eritrea is very diverse. 48% are adherents of the Eritrean Orthodox Tewahedo Church, 47% are adherents of Sunni Islam, 5% are adherents of Roman Catholicism, 1% are Protestants and 1% are adherents of other Christian denominations or other religions. Since May 2002, the government has only authorised four religions to exist in Eritrea: Eritrean Orthodox, Roman Catholic, Lutheran and Sunni Islam.^[12] All other churches are banned with at least 12 groups awaiting official registration. Although some groups reportedly complied with all registration requirements, the Department of Religious Affairs refused to give a date for official recognition. This includes several Protestant and Pentecostal evangelical denominations, Seventh Day Adventists, and the Baha’i. The Jehovah Witnesses were not offered the opportunity to register. In October 1994, President Issayas Afwerki issued a directive, which effectively denied all members of the Jehovah’s Witnesses their basic civil, political, economic and social rights. In March 1995, the Minister of Internal Affairs confirmed and reiterated the ban: "The Jehovah’s Witnesses lost their right to citizenship because they refused to accept the Government of Eritrea and the laws." He accused them of not fighting in the liberation struggle, refusing to vote in the independence referendum and refusing to do national service.

Human rights groups like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have documented serious violations of the right to freedom of religion. They report disruption of private worship, mass arrests of participants at religious weddings, prayer meetings, and other gatherings. In 2004 the U.S. Secretary of State designated Eritrea as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) under the International Religious Freedom Act for particularly severe violations of religious freedom.^[13] Eritrea currently ranks among the top Christian persecuting countries.^[14][15] Different sources estimate more than 2,000 members of unregistered minority religions, including Pentecostal and evangelical denominations are indefinitely held in incommunicado detention without charge or trial.^[16][17] The Patriarch of the Eritrean Orthodox Church, Abune Antonios, was arrested early 2006 and remains in secret detention, reportedly for criticizing government intervention in church affairs and the detention of three Orthodox priests.^[16][17][18] However, the government denies all accusations of religious persecution and continues to support its statement issued in May 2003 that "no groups or persons are persecuted in Eritrea for their beliefs or religion."

Self-reliance[link]

Isaias Afewerki's government strongly emphasizes that foreign assistance breeds a culture of dependency that shackles African countries into a cycle of poverty. His government vows not to lead another "spoon-fed" African country and promotes the policy of self-reliance. Relying on its meager budget and the conscription of about 800,000 of the country's citizens, the government claims the policy has shown promising results. Measured on a variety of U.N. health indicators, including life expectancy, immunizations and malaria prevention, Eritrea scores as high, and often higher, than its neighbors, including Ethiopia and Kenya.

The self-reliance policy seem to have gained special momentum since 2005. In 2005, the government stopped requesting any financial assistance from the United States. In 2006, the Eritrean government adopted a new NGO registration process which shut down the majority of third party NGOs operating in the country. In 2007 alone, Eritrea walked away from more than $200 million in aid, including food from the United Nations, development loans from the World Bank and grants from international charities to build roads and deliver healthcare.^[19] According to the U.S. Department of State, Office of Foreign Assistance, Eritrea is the only African nation that has not requested US aid for the fiscal year of 2011.^[20]

The government's self-reliance attitudes are criticized by some humanitarian agencies for restricting humanitarian assistance and for leading the country further into self isolation from the international community.^[21][22][23]

G-15[link]

G-15 is a name given to a group in Eritrea that opposes the policy of President Isaias Afewerki postponing elections and their failure in implementing the constitution. The membership of this group consists of former members of the President's ruling People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) which has ruled the country since its independence in 1993. In May 2001 the group issued an open letter raising criticism against Isayas Afeworki's actions calling them "illegal and unconstitutional."^[24] Of the 15 members of the group, 11 are imprisoned, three are now living in the United States and the last, Muhammad Berhan Belata, had left the group and rejoined the government. The 11 members who are imprisoned are thought to be charged with treason. The Central Office of the PFDJ believes that they share, "...a common guilt: at the minimum, abdication of responsibility during Eritrea's difficult hours, at the maximum, grave conspiracy."^[8] Amnesty International named the imprisoned 11 prisoners of conscience and called for their immediate release.^[25]

Foreign policies[link]

Ethiopia[link]

The EPLF led by Isaias Afewerki and the TPLF led by Meles Zenawi were close allies during the Eritrean War for Independence and the Ethiopian Civil War. The TPLF had been from its modest beginnings in the early 1970s, had been a protégé and close ally of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) and in 1988 a secret agreement between the two had decided that, once the Derg regime led by Mengistu Haile Mariam had been overthrown, the TPLF would assume power in Addis Ababa and accept a referendum on independence in Eritrea. The EPLF therefore marched and fought their way with the TPLF to Addis Ababa to overthrow the Derg. At the same time, the TPLF assisted the EPLF against the large Derg army stationed in Eritrean territory. In 1991 the Derg were defeated and the TPLF now called the EPRDF was running Ethiopia. The agreement was renewed after the broadening of the TPLF into the multi-ethnic EPRDF coalition in 1989 and in 1991 it was perfectly adhered to. The referendum was held in Eritrea in 1993 and the new Ethiopian regime immediately recognized the independence of its former province.

Good commercial, diplomatic and personal relations were maintained between the two parties after independence. In July 1993, a cooperation agreement was signed between Isaias Afewerki and Meles Zenawi. The two countries agreed to utilize their resources jointly, cooperate in the energy, education, transport, defense and security sectors, and allow the free movement of people.^[26] Ethiopia became Eritrea's main trading partner. Isaias Afewerki allowed Ethiopia to use the port of Assab almost to the same extent that Eritrea used it. Ethiopian forces of the Tigray Region were believed to have operated in collaboration with Eritrean forces to invade the Afar region on the border between the two states. The objective of the operation was reportedly to push the Afar people and Ugugumo militia towards the desert area beyond the demarcation line defining the regions. Joint armed conflict between Eritrea and Ethiopia against the ARDUF rebels continued into 1996. ARDUF claimed that armed clashes had taken place between Ethiopian security forces, the Eritrean Militia against Afar militias and civilians in the border zone. The Eritrean and Tigrean forces invaded the Afar regions of both countries in 1996.

Isaias Afewerki and Meles Zenawi's government on political and military coordination on regional issues was close and actually amounted to an alliance. When the Sudanese government based in Khartoum began to use the ethnic and religious problems in both Eritrea and Ethiopia to subvert the new governments, they both reacted in coordinated fashion to counter this threat. They gave political support to the Sudanese National Democratic Alliance (NDA), the umbrella organization of Sudanese opposition movements, and military help to the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) fighting in the South. Further afield both Addis Ababa and Asmara supported Laurent-Désiré Kabila’s uprising in the Congo in September 1996.

Incidents started to occur between Eritrea and Ethiopia on the 6 May 1998 in the Badme border area in Eritrea's Gash-Barka Region and Ethiopia's Tigray Region. A bilateral Ethio-Eritrean commission had been set up in November 1997 after tensions rose between the two nations. They met regularly either in Asmara or in Addis Ababa. Therefore the incidents were not taken particularly seriously at first. But while bilateral contacts were resumed, Eritrea massed large amounts of troops, with their accompanying weaponry, and invaded the Badme area on 12 May. The first outside mediation effort started on 17 May when Rwanda’s Vice-President Paul Kagame came to Addis Ababa, soon followed by US Under-Secretary of State for African Affairs Susan Rice. Their mediation efforts were not welcomed by either side, but there was a lull in the fighting. The war quickly resumed and tens of thousands of people were killed in a two year border war known as the Eritrean-Ethiopian War. The war ended after a ceasefire. Most of the disputed territory was awarded to Eritrea in the end of the war.

On April 2002 The Commission released its decision (with a clarification in 2003).^[27] Disagreements following the war have resulted in stalemate punctuated by periods of elevated tension and renewed threats of war.^[28][29] Since these decisions Ethiopia has refused to permit the physical demarcation of the border while Eritrea insists the border must be demarcated as defined by the Commission. Consequently, the Boundary Commission ruled boundary as virtually demarcated and effective. Eritrea maintains a military force on its border with Ethiopia roughly equal in size to Ethiopia's force, which has required a general mobilization of a significant portion of the population.^[30] Eritrea has viewed this border dispute as an existential threat to itself in particular and the African Union in general, because it deals with the supremacy of colonial boundaries in Africa.^[31] Since the border conflict Ethiopia no longer uses Eritrean ports for its trade.^[32] During the border conflict and since, Ethiopia has fostered militants against Eritrea (including ethnic separatists and religiously based organizations).^[33] Eritrea has retaliated by hosting militant groups against Ethiopia as well. The United Nations Security Council argues that Eritrea and Ethiopia have expanded their dispute to a second theater, Somalia.^[34]

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