Malaysia

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The Conference of Rulers (also Council of Rulers or Durbar, (Malay: Majlis Raja-Raja; Jawi: مجليس راج-راج)) in Malaysia is a council comprising the nine rulers of the Malay states, and the governors or Yang di-Pertua Negeri of the other four states. It was officially established by Article 38 of the Constitution of Malaysia, and is the "only such institution in the world" according to the Malaysian National Library. Its main responsibility is the election of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong (King) and his deputy, the Timbalan Yang di-Pertuan Agong, which occurs every five years or when the positions fall vacant (either through death, resignation, or removal from office). Although its position in the process of elective monarchy is unique, the Conference of Rulers also plays a role in amending the Constitution of Malaysia and some other policies, in particular, those Articles which have been "entrenched", namely those pertaining to the status of the rulers, the special privileges of the indigenous Bumiputra (see Article 153 of the Constitution of Malaysia), the status of the Malay language as the national language, and the clause governing the entrenchment of such Articles.

History[link]

First Malay Rulers Durbar, Kuala Kangsar

The Conference of Rulers has its origins in the 1897 Durbar, the Council of Rulers for the Federated Malay States, under the British colonial regime. Only the four Federated Malay States of Perak, Selangor, Negeri Sembilan, and Pahang were represented at the Durbar, which first convened in 1897. The purpose of the Durbar, as described by Resident-General Frank Swettenham, was to "bring home to the Malays, in the most striking manner possible, the reality of federation".^[1]

After World War II, a similar body called the Council of Sultans was constituted under the short-lived Malayan Union. The Council comprised the Governor of the Union, who acted as President, the nine rulers, and the Chief Secretary, Attorney-General and Financial Secretary as ex officio members. The sole functions of the Council were to consider legislation related to Islam (a function carried out by a subcommittee of the Council, comprising only the Muslim members) and to advise the Governor of the Union or the ruler of any state as necessary.^[2]

The first Conference of Rulers was convened on August 31, 1948, the year the British established the semi-autonomous Federation of Malaya, where it was attended by the rulers of all nine Malay states. The Conference of Rulers continued after independence, when it was formally established under the Constitution.

Membership[link]

Only the rulers of the Malay states of (Negeri Sembilan, Selangor, Perlis, Terengganu, Kedah, Kelantan, Pahang, Johor, and Perak) are permitted to participate in the election of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, and stand as candidates. The governors of the other states (Penang, Melaka, Sabah, and Sarawak) do not participate when the Conference of Rulers meets to decide matters related to the election or removal of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong or his deputy, those related to privileges of the Malay rulers and those related to the observance of Islam.

The membership of the Conference will depend on the succession of the Malay sultans, and the appointment of the governors. The Yang di-Pertuan Agong himself appoints the governors, while each state has its own procedure for succession to the throne. One, Negeri Sembilan, is itself an elective monarchy.

Should a member of the Conference be unable to attend a meeting, his or her state must designate a temporary replacement; this process is set out by each state's own constitution, and therefore varies. Once elected, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong delegates his state representation in the Conference to the Regent he has selected to rule in his stead in his home state. The Yang di-Pertuan Agong still attends the meetings of the Conference, though he does so intermittently, usually only when the Conference would be discussing national policy or electing a new Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

When attending Conference meetings, each ruler and governor is accompanied by the Menteri Besar (for states with a ruler) or Chief Minister (for states with a governor) of his state. When the Yang di-Pertuan Agong attends, he is accompanied by the Prime Minister.

Every meeting of the Conference is chaired by one of the nine Malay rulers, who is appointed rotationally.

Roles and procedure[link]

The National Library has called the Conference of Rulers "the supreme institution in the country", which would mean even Parliament is subordinate to it. However, its role is de facto largely symbolic, as even the election of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong generally follows a fixed order based on the seniority of the Malay rulers at the time of independence in 1957.

In policy-making, if the Conference of Rulers is involved, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong is constitutionally required to consult with not only the Prime Minister and the members of the Conference, but also with the Menteri Besar (Chief Ministers) of each state.

Amending the Constitution[link]

The Conference's role in amending the Constitution was first set out by the Constitution (Amendment) Act 1971, one of the first pieces of legislation passed by Parliament after the catastrophic May 13 Incident, which saw at least 200 deaths after racial rioting in the federal capital of Kuala Lumpur.

The Act named Article 152, 153, and 181, and also Part III of the Constitution as specially protected; any public questioning of these provisions could now be criminalised by Parliament (this was done separately at the same time in amendments to the Sedition Act).^[3] The provisions in question covered the social contract (not to be confused with the philosophy of a social contract between the government and the governed), a quid pro quo agreement between the Bumiputra and the non-Bumiputra. In return for the granting of citizenship to the non-Bumiputra, the Bumiputra were guaranteed special rights (or, some insist, Malay supremacy — ketuanan Melayu). The amendments thus effectively "entrenched" the social contract, making the contract alterable only with the agreement of the Conference of Rulers. Some have subsequently described the Conference of Rulers as a symbol of "Malay dominance".^[4]

The provisions covered were (respectively) those relating to Malay as the national language, the special privileges and rights of the Malays and other indigenous peoples (Bumiputra, constituting more than half the Malaysian population), the status of the Malay rulers, and the provisions for Malaysian citizenship. These restrictions applied to all Malaysians, including Members of Parliament, overruling their Parliamentary immunity. In addition, Article 159(5), which governed amendments to the Constitution, was also amended to require the provisions of the Constitution relating to the "sensitive issues" mentioned earlier be amended only with the consent of the Conference of Rulers. This regulation would also apply to Article 159(5).^[3]

These changes met with strong opposition from the Democratic Action Party (DAP) and People's Progressive Party (PPP), both of which had called for changes in government policies related to those "sensitive issues" mentioned during their campaigns in the 1969 general election. The changes were criticised as undermining Parliamentary supremacy, and some considered the legislation to insufficiently clarify the bans on discussion; in particular, it was wondered if the ban on discussion applied to Article 159(5) as well.^[3]

Others, such as The Times of London in the United Kingdom, lambasted the constitutional amendments, stating they would "preserve as immutable the feudal system dominating Malay society" by "giving this archaic body of petty constitutional monarchs incredible blocking power", suggesting that this move was hypocritical in light of Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak's declaration of "the full realization that important matters must no longer be swept under the carpet..."^[5] Nevertheless, despite fierce opposition, the Alliance coalition government passed the constitutional amendments in Parliament without the opposition votes because of its two-thirds Parliamentary majority.

Meetings[link]

The Conference of Rulers generally meets triannually, or three a times a year. Should the Yang di-Pertuan Agong or at least three members of the Conference request it, however, the Keeper of the Rulers' Seal may convene a meeting of the Conference of Rulers. Meetings will also be convened not later than four weeks before the end of the five-year reign of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, or whenever there is a vacancy in either his seat or that of his deputy.

The Conference generally meets at the Istana Negara (National Palace), but meetings may be held at other venues should the members of the Conference consent. Meetings have been held on occasion at various state palaces, a State Assembly, and at hotel resorts.

Each Malay ruler generally takes turns chairing each meeting. The agenda is generally outlined and made known to the Rulers prior to the meeting. During the meeting, none of the Malay Rulers take precedence above another and all are considered equal. Even the Yang di-Pertuan Agong has no precedence above the Malay Rulers and serves to represent the federal government. However, a Ruler who has been on the throne for a longer period of time is considered more senior and his advice is widely respected due to the wealth of his experience, but this advice need not necessarily be followed.

The Secretary of the Conference is the Keeper of the Rulers' Seal.

See also[link]

• Yang di-Pertuan Agong
• Royal Regalia of Malaysia

Notes[link]

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References[link]

Other references[link]

• Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia (2003). "Role Of The Conference Of Rulers In Constitutional Monarchy System In Malaysia". Retrieved August 25, 2006.

Zakir Naik
Born	Zakir Abdul Karim Naik (1965-10-18) 18 October 1965 (age 46) Mumbai, Maharashtra, India
Education	Bachelor of Medicine and Surgery
Alma mater	Kishinchand Chellaram College Topiwala National Medical College and Nair Hospital University of Mumbai
Occupation	President of Islamic Research Foundation, public speaker
Years active	1991–present
Known for	Dawah
Influenced by	Ahmed Deedat
Board member of	Islamic Research Foundation
Religion	Islam
Spouse	Farhat Naik
Website
IRF.net PeaceTV.tv

Zakir Abdul Karim Naik (Urdu: ذاکر عبدالکریم نائیک; born 18 October 1965) is an Indian public speaker on the subject of Islam and comparative religion. He is the founder and president of the Islamic Research Foundation (IRF),^[1] a non-profit organisation that owns the Peace TV channel based in Dubai, UAE. He is sometimes referred to as a televangelist.^[2][3] Before becoming a public speaker, he trained as a doctor.^[3] He has written two booklets on Islam and comparative religion. He is regarded as an exponent of the Salafi ideology; ^[4] he places a strong emphasis on individual scholarship and the rejection of "blind Taqlid", which has led him to repudiate the relevance of sectarian or Madh'hab designations, all the while reaffirming their importance. ^[5][6]

Biography[link]

Zakir Abdul Karim Naik was born on 18 October 1965 in Mumbai, India. He attended St. Peter's High School in Mumbai. Later he enrolled at Kishinchand Chellaram College, before studying medicine at Topiwala National Medical College and Nair Hospital and later the University of Mumbai, where he obtained a Bachelor of Medicine and Surgery (MBBS).^[1] His wife, Farhat Naik, works for the women's section of the IRF.^[7]

In 1991 he started working in the field of Dawah, and founded the IRF.^[8] Naik says he was inspired by Ahmed Deedat, an Islamic preacher, having met him in 1987.^[9] (Naik is sometimes referred to as "Deedat plus", a label given to him by Deedat himself.)^[9][10] Naik says that his goal is to "concentrate on the educated Muslim youth who have become apologetic about their own religion and have started to feel the religion is outdated."^[11] He considers it a duty of every Muslim to remove perceived misconceptions about Islam and to counter what he views as the Western media's anti-Islamic bias in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 attacks (also known as 9/11) in the United States.^[12] Some of his articles are published in magazines such as Islamic Voice.^[13]

Anthropologist Thomas Blom Hansen has written that Naik's style of memorising the Quran and Hadith literature in various languages, and his related missionary activity, has made him extremely popular in Muslim and non-Muslim circles.^[11] Many of his debates are recorded and widely distributed in video and DVD media and online. His talks are usually recorded in English and broadcast on weekends on several cable networks in Mumbai's Muslim neighbourhoods, and on the Peace TV channel, which he co-produces.^[14][15] Topics he speaks on include: "Islam and Modern Science", "Islam and Christianity", and "Islam and secularism".

Naik is the founder of the Islamic International School in Mumbai.^[16]

Lectures and debates[link]

Naik has held many debates and lectures around the world. One of Naik's most-cited debates was with William Campbell in Chicago in April 2000 on the topic of "The Qur'an and the Bible: In the Light of Science".^[17]

Naik has said that "despite the strident anti-Islam campaign, 34,000 Americans have embraced Islam from September 2001 to July 2002." He says Islam is a religion of reason and logic, and that the Quran contains 1000 verses relating to science, which he says explains the number of Western converts.^[18] A popular theme of Naik's is to try to demonstrate how scientific theories were prophesised by the Quran. For example, he says certain verses of the Quran accurately describe embryological development.^[19]

On 21 January 2006 Naik held an inter-religious debate with Sri Sri Ravi Shankar in Bangalore about the concept of God in Islam and Hinduism.^[20]

In February 2011 Naik addressed the Oxford Union via video link from India.^[21]

Peace conference[link]

Every year since November 2007 Naik has led a 10-day Peace Conference at Somaiya Ground, Sion, Mumbai. Lectures on Islam have been presented by Naik and twenty other Islamic scholars.^[22]

During one of the lectures at the 2007 Peace Conference, Naik provoked anger between members of the Shia and Sunni communities, when he said the words "Radiallah ta'la anho" ("May Allah be pleased with him") after mentioning the name of Caliph Yazid I—a figure hated by many Muslims, but particularly by Shias—and said the battle of Karbala was political.^[23] Others, however, believed the comment was blown out of proportion.^[24]

Naik's views[link]

Biological evolution[link]

Naik has said that the theory of evolution is "only a hypothesis, and an unproven conjecture at best".^[25] According to Naik, most scientists "support the theory, because it went against the Bible – not because it was true."^[26]

Religions apart from Islam[link]

Naik says that Islam is the only correct religion (the equivalent of a maths teacher demonstrating that 2+2=4) while other religions are mistaken (the equivalent of saying that 2+2=3 or 2+2=6). He adds that other religions should not be allowed to propagate, and he supports banning the construction of non-Muslim houses of worship in Muslim lands.^[27]

Apostasy[link]

Naik has said that any Muslim is free to convert from Islam if the person so chooses, but added that if a Muslim converts and then speaks against Islam or propagates this other religion, it should be considered treason (as in treason to a country). Naik stated that under Islamic law this is punishable by death.^[28][29]

Terrorism[link]

Naik's views and statements on terrorism have at times been criticised in the media. In a YouTube video, speaking of Osama bin Laden, Naik said that he would not criticise bin Laden because he had not met him and did not know him personally. He added that, "If bin Laden is fighting enemies of Islam, I am for him," and that "If he is terrorizing the terrorist, if he is terrorizing America – the terrorist, biggest terrorist – I am with him. Every Muslim should be a terrorist. The thing is that if he is terrorizing the terrorist, he is following Islam. Whether he is or not, I don’t know, but you as Muslims know that, without checking up, laying allegations is also wrong."^[30][31] When Time hinted that this remark could have inspired Najibullah Zazi's terrorist activities, Naik insisted: "I have always condemned terrorism, because according to the glorious Koran, if you kill one innocent person, then you have killed the whole of humanity".^[30]

In 2010, Naik said that he had been quoted out of context regarding the remarks on terrorism. "As far as terrorist is concerned," he said, "I tell the Muslims that every Muslim should be a terrorist. ... What is the meaning of the word terrorist? Terrorist by definition means a person who terrorises. So in this context every Muslim should be a terrorist to each and every anti-social element. I’m aware that terrorist is more commonly used for a person who terrorises innocent human beings. So in this context no Muslim should ever terrorise a single innocent human being."^[32]

In a lecture delivered on 31 July 2008 on Peace TV, Naik commented on the attacks of 11 September: "it is a blatant, open secret that this attack on the Twin Towers was done by George Bush himself".^[33]

Other countries[link]

Visit to Australia and Wales[link]

In 2004 Naik, at the invitation of the Islamic Information and Services Network of Australasia, made an appearance at Melbourne University, where he argued that only Islam gave women true equality.^[34] He said the more "revealing Western dress" makes women more susceptible to rape.^[35] Sushi Das of The Agecommented that "Naik extolled the moral and spiritual superiority of Islam and lampooned other faiths and the West in general", further criticising that Naik's words "fostered a spirit of separateness and reinforced prejudice".^[36]

In August 2006 Naik's visit and conference in Cardiff caused controversy when Welsh MP David Davies called for his appearance to be cancelled. He said Naik was a "hate-monger", and that his views did not deserve a public platform; Muslims from Cardiff, however, defended Naik's right to speak in the city. Saleem Kidwai, Secretary General of the Muslim Council of Wales, disagreed with Davies, stating that "people who know about him [Naik] know that he is one of the most uncontroversial persons you could find. He talks about the similarities between religions, and how should we work on the common ground between them", whilst also inviting Davies to discuss further with Naik personally in the conference. The conference went ahead, after the Cardiff council stated it was satisfied that he would not be preaching extremist views.^[37]

2010 exclusion from the UK and Canada[link]

Naik was denied entry into the United Kingdom and Canada in June 2010.^[38][39] He was banned from entering the UK by Home Secretary Theresa May after arranging to give talks in London and Sheffield. May said of the exclusion order, "Numerous comments made by Dr Naik are evidence to me of his unacceptable behaviour".^[38] Naik argued that the Home Secretary was making a political decision and not a legal one, and his lawyer said the decision was "barbaric and inhuman". He also claimed that his comments were taken out of context.^[40] Film producer Mahesh Bhatt supported Naik, saying the ban constituted an attack on freedom of speech.^[41] It was reported that Naik would attempt to challenge the ruling in the High Court.^[42] His application for judicial review was dismissed on 5 November 2010.^[8] Naik was forbidden from entering Canada after Tarek Fatah, founder of Muslim Canadian Congress, warned MPs of Naik's views.^[39]

Reception[link]

Naik was ranked 89 on The Indian Express's list of the "100 Most Powerful Indians in 2010".^[43] He was ranked 82 in the 2009 edition.^[44] According to Praveen Swami, Naik is "perhaps the most influential Salafi ideologue in India".^[45] Sanjiv Buttoo says he is acknowledged as an authority on Islam, but is known for making negative remarks about other religions.^[38] Sadanand Dhume writes that Naik has a "carefully crafted image of moderation", because of his gentle demeanor, his wearing of a suit and tie, and his quoting of scriptures of other religions.^[46] He is also mentioned in the book "The 500 most influential muslims – 2011" under honourable mentions.^{[citation needed]}

Criticism[link]

Khushwant Singh, a prominent Indian journalist, politician, and author, says he "disagree[s] with almost everything [Naik] has to say about misconceptions about Islam". Singh argues that Naik's pronouncements are "juvenile", and said "they seldom rise above the level of undergraduate college debates, where contestants vie with each other to score brownie points".^[47] Singh also says Naik's audiences "listen to him with rapt attention and often explode in enthusiastic applause when he rubbishes other religious texts".^[48]

Yoginder Sikand wrote in 2011 that influential sections of the Deobandi community in India were beginning to hold a negative view of Naik. They said he was not abiding by ijma (Islamic consensus) and qiyas (analogical deduction of the Quran and Hadith), and therefore, in Sikand's view, was undermining their authority.^[49]

Khaled Ahmed criticised Naik for "indirectly support[ing]" Al-Qaeda by referring to Osama bin Laden as a "soldier of Islam".^[50] In 2008 an Islamic scholar in Lucknow, shahar qazi Mufti Abul Irfan Mian Firangi Mahali, issued a fatwa against Naik, saying that he supported Osama bin Laden, and that his teachings were un-Islamic.^[51]

Torkel Brekke, a professor of religious history in Norway, calls Naik a "very controversial figure" because of his rhetorical attack on other religions and other varieties of Islam.^[52] He writes that Naik is "strongly disliked" by many members of the Indian ulema for ignoring their authority and stating that anybody can interpret the Quran.^[52] Conservative Deobandi mullahs have accused Naik of "destroying Islam" by driving Muslims away from the correct religious authorities.^[52]

Praveen Swami considers Naik to be a part of the ideological infrastructure created to feed "Tempered Jihad", which he defines as Jihad calibrated to advance Islamist political objectives.^[45] He alleges that Naik's IRF has proved to be a "magnet" for figures linked to the Lashkar-e-Taiba, his message has mesmerised violent Islamists, and his works "help make sense of the motivations of Indian recruits to the jihad."^[45]

References[link]

External links[link]

	Mumbai portal
	Biography portal
	Islam portal

• Islamic Research Foundation
• Zakir Naik's All Video Debates and Lectures
• Collection of Books by Zakir Naik in PDF