A capo (short for capotasto, Italian for "head of fretboard") is a device used on the neck of a stringed (typically fretted) instrument to shorten the playable length of the strings, hence raising the pitch. It is frequently used on guitars, mandolins, and banjos. G.B. Doni first used the term in his Annotazioni of 1640, though capo use likely began earlier in the 17th-century.^[1] The first patented capo was designed by James Ashborn of Walcottville, Connecticut, USA.^[2]

The capo is most commonly used to raise the pitch of a fretted instrument so that a player can perform a piece in a certain key using different fingerings than they would use if played "open" (i.e. without a capo). In effect, a capo uses a fret of an instrument to create a new nut at a higher note than the instrument's actual nut. No matter the style, the capo is typically placed as close to the desired fret as possible, just behind the fret. This holds the strings down behind the fret as securely as possible with the sharpest possible angle to ensure they will remain fretted.

There are numerous styles of capos, but most commercial capos consist of a rubber-covered bar which holds down the strings of the instrument and is clamped to the instrument via one of a number of mechanisms. The same style of capo may be sold in different sizes and shapes for different instruments and fret-board curvatures.

The most relevant mechanical factors which vary by type of capo are their ease/method of use, their size and tendency to interfere with the player's hands, and their ability to hold down the strings uniformly without affecting the tuning of the instrument.

Capos have been used on many other stringed instruments, including relatives of the mandolin (such as the mandola and Greek bouzouki), and four-string banjos. There is a special two-piece capo available for the square-necked Dobro, or resonator guitar, which does not contact the neck, but clamps above and below the strings themselves.

Use[link]

Arrangements often cite the proper capo position for songs which should be played with a capo just as they may cite alternate tunings when those are used by the artist. When referencing fingerings for a song that uses a capo, it must be determined whether reference will be made to the absolute finger position, or whether reference will be made to the position relative to the capo. For example, in tablature, a note played on the fifth fret of an instrument capoed at the 2nd fret could be listed as "5" (absolute) or "3" (relative to capo). Similarly, a D-shaped chord could be referred to as "D" (based on the shape relative to the capo) or E (based on the absolute audible chord produced). Neither method strongly prevails over the other. For this reason, the phrase "chord-shape" is commonly used to clarify that the fingering shape and not the audible pitch is being referred to.

Playing with a capo creates the same musical effect as retuning all of the strings of an instrument up the same number of steps; however, unlike retuning, when using a capo, only the open note of each string is affected. Every other fret remains unaffected (e.g. the 7th fret of an E-string will still play a B note for any capo position at or below the 7th fret), and thus a performer does not need to adjust for or relearn the entire fretboard as they might with retuning. It should be noted that the scale length of the strings of an instrument affects the timbre of the strings, and thus the use of a capo may alter the tone of the instrument while the capo is in use.

Capos can also be used to allow a guitar which has been tuned one or more semitones lower than standard tuning to play as if it were in standard tuning without retuning the instrument. Manufacturers used to recommend that 12-string guitars be tuned a tone below standard guitar tuning because of the additional stress to the instrument of the six additional strings. As a result, a capo was necessary to play a 12-string guitar at the same tuning as a six-string guitar. However, improved manufacturing techniques have allowed many modern 12-strings to be tuned up to pitch without need for a capo.

In different music styles[link]

For guitar playing, some styles such as flamenco, Irish traditional music, and British and American folk music make extensive use of the capo, while it is used very rarely, if at all, in other styles such as classical and jazz playing. Many Rock & Roll musicians who are influenced by folk and blues, such as Richard Thompson, Ry Cooder, Ian Anderson, Steve Earle, George Harrison, Bob Dylan, Noel Gallagher and others also use the capo. In many cases, they have extended its use past the traditional purpose of changing the key, and broken new ground, employing it in new ways. A good example of using a partial capo to produce alternative sounds can be heard from guitar artist Antoine Dufour.

Capo mechanisms and styles[link]

In a strap-on capo, the rubber-covered bar is placed over the strings and a strap is attached to either end of the bar (wrapped around the back of the neck of the instrument) which holds the bar tight to the neck. A strap-on capo commonly features either an elastic strap, or a fabric strap which can be adjusted via some method to set tightness. Modern twists on the strap-on include a semi-flexible plastic "strap" connected to the bar on one side which is adjustable on the other side by a ratchet system. Strap-on capos vary from the other types of capos in that most other capos contain only rigid parts, and most other styles do not wrap entire around the neck of the instrument. This full wrap allows for fairly even pressure of the capo bar across all of the strings of the instrument. The strap-on capo is commonly a low-cost capo option, and is one of the earlier styles of capo. Because the strap material is stretched to create a tight fit, the straps on these capos can be prone to stretching and wear.

One of the more common modern capo styles is the spring-clamp "trigger-style" capo. The most common form of this type of capo has two bars: a rubber-covered bar to barre the strings, and another which presses against the back of the neck of the instrument to hold the first bar to the strings (this second bar is commonly curved or shaped to match the contour of the back of the neck. The two bars are attached on a pivot at one end; a spring presses the bars together. Each bar has a 'grip' attached at a right angle to the bar; the two grips, when squeezed together by the user, pull the two bars apart, allowing the user to quickly release the capo's grip, apply or adjust the capo, then release the grips, allowing the spring to pull the bars together again. The look of the grips, and the action of squeezing them is akin to a gun's trigger, leading to the name of this capo. These are the most common design referred to as "quick-release" capos. Though other styles also use that term, the trigger-style capo, because it can be operated by one hand in one single squeezing motion) are typically the quickest capos to apply or move on the instrument; other capos can be quicker and easier to remove from the instrument. One disadvantage to the trigger-style capo is that the pressure of the spring is not adjustable. The spring will apply its maximum pressure to hold the strings down which could have an effect on the tuning of some guitars if not applied properly. These capos can typically be applied either to the treble or bass side of the instrument, depending on the player's preference. Two of the most recognizable models of trigger-style capos are manufactured by Dunlop and Keyser.

Certain manufacturers have created their own unique attempts to create the ideal capo. One of the more popular and well-recognized capos is the Shubb capo. The Shubb capo is applied by holding the capo in its desired location, and closing a lever to secure the capo. The unique aspect of this capo is that the lever presses against a second arm that presses against the back of the neck of the instrument. The amount of pressure the lever exerts is adjustable by a screw so that the capo can exert the minimal amount of pressure required to hold down the strings. This is claimed to have the least impact possible on the tuning of the instrument. The Shubb capo has the disadvantage of requiring two hands to properly apply or move, and its adjustment is more complicated than some other capos; however, due to the lever design, the capo can be removed very quickly by simply releasing the lever. This is particularly true if the capo is applied from the treble side of the instrument, which will allow the capo to drop off of the instrument in an instant.

Variations[link]

A G7th Capo Company capo, which uses a wrap spring clutch

There are numerous other forms of capos, many of which are variations on the above-noted designs.

• A screw-on capo has some form of surface that presses against the back of the neck of the instrument to hold the bar in place against the strings. This back surface is held to the neck by a screw which is tightened to apply direct pressure. One form of this capo is effectively a rubber-covered bar built into a C-clamp.
• A roller capo facilitates quick key changes in the middle of tunes or sets by having rollers both holding down the strings and behind the neck, allowing the capo to roll along the neck when needed. This is a particular advantage in playing Irish music on the guitar, as it enables the player to move quickly between keys without sacrificing drone strings.
• Fifth-string capo: The five-string banjo, with its short fifth string, poses a particular problem for using the capo. For many years now Shubb has had available a fifth-string capo, consisting of a narrow metal strip fixed to the side of the neck of the instrument, with a sliding stopper for the string. Other options are to use model railroad spikes to hold the string down at higher frets or simply to retune the string to fit with the pitch of the other strings with the capo applied.

Partial capo[link]

Though most capos are designed to raise all of the strings of an instrument, there are niche designs called partial capos which specifically capo only some of the strings of an instrument. This may appear to have a similar effect to alternate tunings, but there are differences. A common example is a capo which covers the top five strings of a guitar leaving the bass E string uncapoed. When played at the second fret, this appears to create a drop D tuning (where the bass E string is detuned to a D) raised one full tone in pitch. In fact, these are often marketed as "drop D capos". However, the same difference applies with a drop D capo as with a regular capo; namely, only the open tuning of the strings is affected, and thus, when used at the second fret, an E chord using the D shape will have the "Drop D sound" with a low E note. However, a G-shape chord can be played as well, as the fretted E string will not be affected as it would be if the string was retuned.

Partial capos are a relatively recent development in capo design. Prior to their creation, some innovative players used their standard capos (or altered capos) to cover only some of the strings of their instruments. The above-mentioned drop D design was previously achieved, for example, by applying a trigger-style capo to the treble side of the fretboard but leaving the bass E string uncovered. Similarly, users of the Shubb capo altered their capos by cutting off some of the rubber-covered bar's length or by altering the rubber covering to leave certain strings uncapoed.

Other common partial capo schemes include capoing the 2nd fret of the 3rd, 4th and 5th strings (producing the effect of DADGAD tuning raised two semitones), or on the 2nd fret of the 2nd, 3rd and 4th strings (open A major). Again, this creates no change of fingering above the capo.

Guitarist Dominic Frasca uses unusual single string "mini capo", attached by drilling through the neck of his customized 10-string guitar. These are similar to the single-string "capos" many Eastern instruments use, which look like nails driven down into the fingerboard; the string is hooked under the head of the "nail" when one wants to capo it. This is often done during the performance of a musical piece, so that the "tuning" at the end of the piece can be quite different from the one used at the start.

This is a common method of capoing the fifth string of the banjo, since the string begins at the 5th fret. Thus, it needs to be capoed individually since it is not covered by a capo on the other four strings.

References[link]

External links[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Capo

Guitar portal

• Make your own capo using K'NEX Simple DIY guitar capo
• How To Make your own Capo - Detailed instructions for making a poor-man's capo.
• Accessory Fetish A Complete List of Capo Manufacturers
• The Sterner Online Capo Museum
• Julie Waters' Partial Capos w/photos and Descriptions Page
• Capos for Alternate Tunings Capos for Alternate Tunings
• The Underappreciated Art of Using a Capo

Jaime Bayly Letts (born (1965-02-19) February 19, 1965 (age 47), in Lima, Peru) is a Peruvian writer, journalist and television personality.^[1] He is the third of 10 children and is known as "el niño terrible" (the terrible boy).^{[citation needed]}

Early life[link]

A student at Markham College, an English private school in Lima, and later at Colegio San Agustín of Lima. In his early youth he was coerced by his mother to work at daily newspaper La Prensa of Lima in order to become more responsible through a part-time job. He spent every afternoon after school working in journalism until late.

In 1982 he was accepted to the Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú. After studying for four years, he had to leave the university as he could not pass a mandatory subject.

Career[link]

His first television appearance was in 1983 during Peruvian municipal elections, interviewing candidates and politicians. Later on, he began a career as a late show host interviewing celebrities.

Bayly's first late-night show, '1990 en America', got the attention of TV audiences and critics. The following year he hosted a copy of David Letterman's Late Show called 'Que hay de nuevo?', also highly popular.^[2]

During the 1990s Bayly hosted late-night shows in the United States at CBS Telenoticias Network Latin America and Telemundo for six years.

After President of Peru Alberto Fujimori sought asylum in Japan in 2001 following a ten-year term in order to avoid prosecution on charges of corruption, independent news media found itself in a better position. Bayly was able to host political programme 'El Francotirador' ('The Sniper'), interviewing candidates to the 2001 Presidential Election. In that program, he apparently offended several personalities with his political opinions, and finally had to quit. Inspired by the experience, Bayly wrote a book, taking the title from the show. Later he resumed the program.^{[citation needed]} His interviewing style is somewhat aggressive & controversial leaving him looking calm & collected but reflecting poorly on his guests.^{[citation needed]}

In 2010, Bayly announced he intended to run for President in the Peruvian general election, 2011 to succeed Alan García^{[citation needed]}. Later that year, he supported leftist candidate Susana Villaran in her successful campaign to become mayor of Lima^{[citation needed]}. As a consequence, broadcasting company Frecuencia Latina cancelled his show.^{[citation needed]}

On his U.S. program which airs on the Miami-based MegaTV channel, Bayly is well-known for his radical right-wing views which have included attacks against indigenous movements in Bolivia and Peru, support for the 2009 military coup in Honduras and attacks against the governments of Venezuela and Cuba^{[citation needed]}. Bayly has constantly warned about Hugo Chavez trying to "form an empire" in South America^{[citation needed]}. During the 2008 U.S. presidential elections, Bayly initially supported John McCain^{[citation needed]}, stating that he believed McCain would be willing to invade Cuba and "hang the Castro brothers from palm trees."^{[citation needed]} Bayly later switched his support to Obama when it became obvious McCain would lose the elections.^{[citation needed]}

Bayly routinely mocks Bolivian president Evo Morales on his television show, calling him "mentally challenged," "ignorant" and makes fun of his heavy native accent^{[citation needed]}. When the democratically elected Honduran government of Manuel Zelaya was overthrown by a military coup in June 2009, Bayly stated he "would not shed tears over the coup" and poked fun at Zelaya's appearance, labeling him "El Mariachi Zelaya." Since then Honduras has become one of the region's most dangerous countries for journalists as several reporters and activists have been assassinated.^{[citation needed]}

During his MegaTV program on February 2, 2012, Bayly announced that when Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez dies, he and the network would throw "a big party" to celebrate.^{[citation needed]}

In March 2012 Bayly stated on his show that anyone who "is a coup plotter against Chavez will be considered a friend and ally..."

Books[link]

His novel No se lo Digas a Nadie (Don't Tell Anyone) inspired a screenplay in 1998 directed by Francisco Lombardi starring Santiago Magill and Christian Meier. He wrote other novels, all of them on politics, sexual freedom and friendship. Several of his books contain recurring semi-autobiographical elements (e.g. bisexual cocaine using Peruvian newscaster who moves to Miami). The character for "El Cojo" is supposedly based on his father who was also crippled. His characters are often heartless, and reflect moral ambivalence, which makes it difficult to identify with them.

• No se lo Digas a Nadie (Don't Tell Anyone) (1994); film by Francisco Lombardi in 1998.
• Fue Ayer y No Me Acuerdo (It Was Yesterday, I Don't Remember It) (1995).
• Los Últimos Días de La Prensa (The Last Days of La Prensa) (1996).
• La Noche es Virgen (The Night Is Virgin) (1997).
• Yo Amo a Mi Mami (I Love My Mommy) (1999).
• Los Amigos que Perdí (The Friends I Lost) (2000).
• Aquí no hay Poesía (There Is No Poetry Here) (2001)
• La Mujer de mi Hermano (My Brother's Wife) (2002), film by Ricardo de Montreuil in 2005.
• El Huracán Lleva tu Nombre (The Hurricane Has Your Name) (2004)
• Y de Repente, Un Ángel (Suddenly, An Angel) (2005), finalist of Premio Planeta
• El Canalla Sentimental (The Sentimental Jerk) (2008).
• El Cojo y el Loco (The Crippled And The Crazy) (2009).
• Morirás Mañana: El Escritor Sale a Matar (You Will Die Tomorrow: The Writer Goes On to Kill) (2010).

References[link]

External links[link]

• Jaime Bayly in NTN24 from Bogotá, Colombia - November 2009

Pablo Emilio Escobar Gaviria (December 1, 1949 – December 2, 1993) was a Colombian drug lord. He was an elusive cocaine trafficker^[1] and a rich and successful criminal.^[2] In 1986, he had a short-lived career in Colombian politics.

Early life[link]

Escobar was born in the village of Rionegro in Antioquia, Colombia, the third of seven children to Abel de Jesus Escobar, a farmer, and Hemilda Gaviria, an elementary school teacher.^[3] As a teenager on the streets of Medellin, he would begin his criminal career, allegedly stealing gravestones and sanding them down for resale to smugglers. His brother, Roberto Escobar, denies this, claiming that the gravestones came from cemetery owners whose clients had stopped paying for site care and that they had a relative who had a legitimate monuments business.^[4] He studied for a short time at the University of Antioquia.^[5]

Pablo was involved in many criminal activities — running petty street scams, selling contraband cigarettes and fake lottery tickets, and stealing cars.^[1] In the early 1970s, he was a thief and bodyguard, and he made a quick $100,000 on the side kidnapping and ransoming a Medellín executive before entering the drug trade.^[6] His next step on the ladder was to become a millionaire by working for the multi-millionaire contraband smuggler Alvaro Prieto. Pablo's childhood ambition was to become a millionaire by the time he was 22.^[7]

Rise to power[link]

In The Accountant's Story, Pablo's brother, Roberto Escobar, discusses how Pablo rose from poverty and obscurity to become one of the wealthiest men in the world. At the height of its power, the Medellín drug cartel was smuggling 15 tons of cocaine a day, worth more than half a billion dollars, into the United States. According to Roberto, Pablo's accountant, he and his brother's operation spent $2500 a month just purchasing rubber bands to wrap the stacks of cash—and since they had more illegal money than they could deposit in the banks, they stored the bricks of cash in their warehouses, annually writing off 10% as "spoilage" when the rats crept in at night and nibbled on the hundred dollar bills.^[7]

In 1975, Escobar started developing his cocaine operation. He even flew a plane himself several times, mainly between Colombia and Panama, to smuggle a load into the United States. When he later bought 15 new and bigger airplanes (including a Learjet) and 6 helicopters, he decommissioned the plane and hung it above the gate to his ranch at Hacienda Napoles. His reputation grew after a well known Medellín dealer named Fabio Restrepo was murdered in 1975 ostensibly by Escobar, from whom he had purchased 14 kilograms. Afterwards, all of Restrepo's men were informed that they now worked for Pablo Escobar. In May 1976 Escobar and several of his men were arrested and were found in possession of 39 pounds (18 kg) of white paste after returning to Medellín with a heavy load from Ecuador. Initially, Pablo tried unsuccessfully to bribe the Medellín judges who were forming the case against him. Instead, after many months of legal wrangling Pablo had the two arresting officers bribed and the case was dropped. It was here that he began his pattern of dealing with the authorities by either bribing them or killing them.^[8] Roberto Escobar maintains Pablo fell into the business simply because contraband became too dangerous to traffic. There were no drug cartels then and only a few drug barons, so there was plenty of business for everyone. In Peru, they bought the cocaine paste, which they refined in a laboratory in a two-story house in Medellín. On his first trip, Pablo bought a paltry £30 worth of paste in what was to become the first step towards the building of his empire. At first, he smuggled the cocaine in old plane tires and a pilot could earn as much as £500,000 a flight depending on how much he could smuggle.^[9]

Soon the demand for cocaine was skyrocketing in the United States and Pablo organized more smuggling shipments, routes, and distribution networks in South Florida, California and other parts of the USA. He and Carlos Lehder worked together to develop a new island trans-shipment point in the Bahamas, called Norman's Cay. Carlos and Robert Vesco purchased most of the land on the Island which included a 3,300 foot airstrip, a harbor, hotel, houses, boats, aircraft and even built a refrigerated warehouse to store the cocaine. From 1978–1982, this was used as a central smuggling route for the Medellín Cartel. (According to his brother's account, Pablo did not purchase Norman's Cay. It was, instead, a sole venture of Carlos Lehder.) Escobar was able to purchase the 7.7 square miles (20 km²) of land, which included Hacienda Napoles, for several million dollars. He created a zoo, a lake and other diversions for his family and organization.^[10] At one point it was estimated that 70 to 80 tons of cocaine were being shipped from Colombia to the U.S. every month. At the peak of his power in the mid-1980s, he was shipping as much as 11 tonnes per flight in jetliners to the United States (the biggest load shipped by Pablo was 23,000 kg mixed with fish paste and shipped via boat, this is confirmed by his brother in the book Escobar). In addition to using the planes, Pablo's brother, Roberto Escobar, said he also used two small remote-controlled submarines as a way to transport the massive loads (these subs were, in fact, manned and this is again documented in Roberto's book).^[1]

In 1982, Escobar was elected as a deputy/alternative representative to the Chamber of Representatives of Colombia's Congress, as part of the Colombian Liberal Party.^[11] During the 1980s, Escobar became known internationally as his drug network gained notoriety; the Medellín Cartel controlled a large portion of the drugs that entered into the United States, Mexico, Puerto Rico, and the Dominican Republic with cocaine brought mostly from Peru and Bolivia, as Colombian coca was initially of substandard quality. Escobar's product reached many other nations, mostly around the Americas, although it is said that his network reached as far as Asia.

Corruption and intimidation characterized Escobar's dealings with the Colombian system. He had an effective, inescapable policy in dealing with law enforcement and the government, referred to as "plata o plomo," (literally silver or lead, colloquially [accept] money or [face] bullets). This resulted in the deaths of hundreds of individuals, including civilians, policemen and state officials. At the same time, Escobar bribed countless government officials, judges and other politicians. Escobar was allegedly responsible for the murder of Colombian presidential candidate Luis Carlos Galán, one of three assassinated candidates who were all competing in the same election, as well as the bombing of Avianca Flight 203 and the DAS Building bombing in Bogotá in 1989. The Cartel de Medellín was also involved in a deadly drug war with its primary rival, the Cartel de Cali, for most of its existence. It is sometimes alleged that Escobar backed the 1985 storming of the Colombian Supreme Court by left-wing guerrillas from the 19th of April Movement, also known as M-19, which resulted in the murder of half the judges on the court. Some of these claims were included in a late 2006 report by a Truth Commission of three judges of the current Supreme Court. One of those who discusses the attack is "Popeye", a former Escobar hitman. At the time of the siege, the Supreme Court was studying the constitutionality of Colombia's extradition treaty with the U.S.^[12] Roberto Escobar stated in his book, that indeed the M-19 were paid to break into the building of the supreme court, and burn all papers and files on Los Extraditables - the group of cocaine smugglers who were under threat of being extradited to the US by their Colombian government. But the plan backfired and hostages were taken for negotiation of their release, so Los Extraditables were not directly responsible for the actions of the M-19.

Height of power[link]

Pablo Escobar said that the essence of the cocaine business was "simple - you bribe someone here, you bribe someone there, and you pay a friendly banker to help you bring the money back."^[13] In 1989, Forbes magazine estimated Escobar to be one of 227 billionaires in the world with a personal net worth of close to US$3 billion^[14] while his Medellín cartel controlled 80% of the global cocaine market.^[15]

While seen as an enemy of the United States and Colombian governments, Escobar was a hero to many in Medellín (especially the poor people); he was a natural at public relations and he worked to create goodwill among the poor people of Colombia. A lifelong sports fan, he was credited with building football fields and multi-sports courts, as well as sponsoring children's football teams.^[7]

Escobar was responsible for the construction of many hospitals, schools and churches in western Colombia, which gained him popularity inside the local Roman Catholic Church.^[16] He worked hard to cultivate his "Robin Hood" image, and frequently distributed money to the poor through housing projects and other civic activities, which gained him notable popularity among the poor. The population of Medellín often helped Escobar serving as lookouts, hiding information from the authorities, or doing whatever else they could do to protect him.

Despite his popular image among Medellín's impoverished community, Escobar was well-known among his business associates to be a calm and sensible negotiator, that preferred to use money before the gun^{[citation needed]}. Many of the wealthier residents of Medellín also viewed him as a threat. His brother said that Pablo knew that money generated more loyalty than fear, so violence was often unnecessary^{[citation needed]}. At the height of his power, drug traffickers from Medellín and other areas were handing over between 20% and 35% of their Colombian cocaine-related profits to Escobar, because he was the one who shipped the cocaine successfully to the US.

The Colombian cartels' continuing struggles to maintain supremacy resulted in Colombia quickly becoming the world’s murder capital with 25,100 violent deaths in 1991 and 27,100 in 1992.^[17] This increased murder rate was fueled by Escobar's giving money to his hitmen as a reward for killing police officers, over 600 of whom died in this way.^[18]

Personal life[link]

In March 1976 at the age of 26, Escobar married Maria Victoria who was 15 years old. Together they had two children: Juan Pablo and Manuela. Escobar created and lived in a luxurious estate called Hacienda Nápoles (Spanish for Naples Estate) and had planned to construct a Greek-style citadel near it. Construction of the citadel was begun but never finished. The ranch, the zoo and the citadel were expropriated by the government and given to low-income families in the 1990s under a law called extinción de dominio (domain extinction). The property has been converted into a theme park.^[19]

La Catedral prison[link]

After the assassination of Luis Carlos Galán, a presidential candidate, the administration of César Gaviria moved against Escobar and the drug cartels. Eventually, the government negotiated with Escobar, convincing him to surrender and cease all criminal activity in exchange for a reduced sentence and preferential treatment during his captivity.

After declaring an end to a series of previous violent or terrorist acts meant to pressure authorities and public opinion, Escobar turned himself in. He was confined in what became his own luxurious private prison, La Catedral. Before Escobar gave himself up, the extradition of Colombian citizens had been prohibited by the newly approved Colombian Constitution of 1991. That was controversial, as it was suspected that Escobar or other drug lords had influenced members of the Constituent Assembly.

Accounts of Escobar's continued criminal activities began to surface in the media. When the government found out that Escobar was continuing his criminal activities within La Catedral, it attempted to move Escobar to another jail on July 22, 1992. Escobar's influence allowed him to discover the plan in advance and make a well-timed, unhurried escape.^[20] He was still worried that he could be extradited to the United States.

Search Bloc and Los Pepes[link]

In 1992, the United States Joint Special Operations Command and Centra Spike joined the manhunt for Escobar. They trained and advised a special Colombian police task force, known as the Search Bloc, which had been created to locate Escobar. Later, as the conflict between Escobar and the United States and Colombian governments dragged on and the numbers of his enemies grew, a vigilante group known as Los Pepes (Los Perseguidos por Pablo Escobar, "People Persecuted by Pablo Escobar") financed by his rivals and former associates, including the Cali Cartel and right-wing paramilitaries led by Carlos Castaño, who would later found the Peasant Self-Defense Forces of Córdoba and Urabá. Los Pepes carried out a bloody campaign fueled by vengeance in which more than 300 of Escobar's associates and relatives were slain and large amounts of his cartel's property were destroyed.

Rumors abounded^[16] that members of the Search Bloc, and also of Colombian and the United States intelligence agencies, in their efforts to find and punish Escobar, either colluded with Los Pepes or moonlighted as both Search Bloc and Los Pepes simultaneously. This coordination was allegedly conducted mainly through the sharing of intelligence in order to allow Los Pepes to bring down Escobar and his few remaining allies, but there are reports that some individual Search Bloc members directly participated in missions of the Los Pepes death squads.^[16] One of the leaders of Los Pepes was Diego Murillo Bejarano (also known as "Don Berna"), a former Medellín Cartel associate who became a drug kingpin and eventually emerged as a leader of one of the most powerful factions within the AUC.

Death and afterward[link]

Colombian policemen standing by Pablo Escobar's dead body

Police posing with Escobar's dead body

The war against Escobar ended on December 2, 1993, amid another attempt to elude the Search Bloc. Using radio triangulation technology provided as part of the United States efforts, a Colombian electronic surveillance team, led by Brigadier Hugo Martinez,^[21] found him hiding in a middle-class barrio in Medellín. With authorities closing in, a firefight with Escobar and his bodyguard, Alvaro de Jesús Agudelo AKA "El Limón," ensued. The two fugitives attempted to escape by running across the roofs of adjoining houses to reach a back street, but both were shot and killed by Colombian National Police.^[22] Escobar suffered gunshots to the leg, torso, and the fatal one in his ear. It has never been proven who actually fired the final shot into his head, or determined whether this shot was made during the gunfight or as part of possible execution, and there is wide speculation about the subject. Some of the family members believe that Escobar could have committed suicide.^[23][24] His two brothers, Roberto Escobar and Fernando Sánchez Arellano, believe that he shot himself through the ears: "He committed suicide, he did not get killed. During all the years they went after him, he would say to me every day that if he was really cornered without a way out, he would shoot himself through the ears."^[25]

After Escobar's death and the fragmentation of the Medellín Cartel the cocaine market soon became dominated by the rival Cali Cartel, until the mid-1990s when its leaders, too, were either killed or captured by the Colombian government.

The Robin Hood image that he had cultivated continued to have lasting influence in Medellín. Many there, especially many of the city's poor that had been aided by him while he was alive, lamented his death.

Exhumation[link]

On 28 October 2006, Escobar's body was exhumed by request of his nephew Nicolás Escobar, two days after the death of mother Hermilda Gaviria (who opposed exhumation) to verify that the body in the tomb was in fact that of Escobar and also to collect DNA for a paternity test claim. According to the report by the El Tiempo newspaper, Escobar's widow Maria Victoria was present recording the exhumation with a video camera.

Virginia Vallejo's version[link]

On July 4, 2006, Virginia Vallejo, a television anchorwoman who was romantically involved with Escobar from 1983 to 1987, offered her testimony in the trial against former Senator Alberto Santofimio, accused of conspiracy in the 1989 assassination of Presidential Candidate Luis Carlos Galán, to the Colombian Attorney General Mario Iguaran. Iguaran acknowledged that, although Vallejo contacted his office on the 4th, the judge had decided to close the trial on the 9th, several weeks before the prospective closing date and, in (Iguaran's) opinion, “too soon”.^[26]

On July 16, 2006, Vallejo was taken to the United States in a special flight of the Drug Enforcement Administration.^[27] According to the American Embassy in Bogotá, this was done for "safety and security reasons" because Vallejo’s cooperation was needed in high-profile criminal cases.^[28] On July 24, 2006, a video in which Vallejo accused former Senator Alberto Santofimio of instigating Escobar to eliminate presidential candidate Luis Carlos Galán in her presence was aired on Colombian television. In 2007, Vallejo published her book Amando a Pablo, odiando a Escobar^[29] (Loving Pablo, Hating Escobar),^[30] where she describes her relationship with the drug lord during the early years of the cocaine boom, and his charity projects for the poor when he was a deputy congressman. She gives her account of Escobar’s relationship with Caribbean governments and dictators and his role in the birth of the M.A.S. (Death to Kidnappers) and Los Extraditables (The Extraditables). Vallejo also gives her account of numerous incidents throughout Escobar's political and criminal career, such as the assassination of Justice Minister Rodrigo Lara Bonilla in 1984, her lover’s feud with the Cali Cartel and the era of narcoterrorism that began after the couple's farewell in September 1987.

Among Escobar’s biographers, only Vallejo has given a detailed explanation of his role in the 1985 Palace of Justice siege and the atrocities that took place before, during and after the tragedy. (“Amando a Pablo, odiando a Escobar”, “Aquel Palacio en llamas”, pages 227-264). The journalist stated that Escobar financed the operation, committed by the rebel M-19 group, but blamed the army for the killings of the Supreme Court Justices and the detained after the coup. In 2008 she was asked to testify in the reopened Palace case,^[31] and in 2009 most of the events that she had described in her book and testimonial were confirmed by the Commission of Truth.^[32] In 2010 and 2011, a high-ranking former colonel ^[33] and a former general ^[34] were sentenced to thirty and thirty-five years in prison for forced disappearance of the detained after the siege.

In August 2009, Vallejo testified in the case of Luis Carlos Galán's assassination, which had also been reopened.^[35] She also accused several politicians, including Colombian presidents Alfonso López Michelsen, Ernesto Samper and Álvaro Uribe of links to the drug cartels. Uribe denied Vallejo's allegations.^[36] On June 3, 2010 Vallejo was granted political asylum in the United States of America.

Relatives[link]

Escobar's widow, Maria Victoria Henao (now Maria Isabel Santos Caballero), son, Juan Pablo (now Juan Sebastian Marroquín Santos), and daughter, Manuela, fled Colombia in 1995 after failing to find a country that would grant asylum.^[37] Argentinian filmmaker Nicolas Entel's documentary Sins of My Father chronicles Marroquín's efforts to seek forgiveness from the sons of Rodrigo Lara Bonilla, Colombia's justice minister in the early 1980s, who was assassinated in 1984, as well as the sons of Luis Carlos Galán, the presidential candidate, who was assassinated in 1989. The film was shown at the 2010 Sundance Film Festival and premiered in the US on HBO on October 2010.^[38]

Quotations[link]

Some of Pablo Escobar's memorable quotations are:

• "I prefer to be in the grave in Colombia than in a jail cell in the United States."^[39]
• "I'm a decent man who exports flowers."^[39]
• "All empires are created of blood and fire."^[39]
• "I can replace things, but I could never replace my wife and kids."^[39]
• "Everyone has a price, the important thing is to find out what it is."^[39]
• "There can only be one king."^[39]
• "Sometimes I am God, if I say a man dies, he dies that same day."^[39]
• "There are two hundred million idiots, manipulated by a million intelligent men."^[39]
• "You go hard or you go home."^[39]

Popular depiction[link]

Two major feature films on the Colombian drug lord, Escobar and Killing Pablo, were announced in 2007,^[40] around the same time. Escobar has been delayed due to producer Oliver Stone's involvement with the George W. Bush biopic W. The date of Escobar’s release is still unconfirmed.^[41] Regarding the film, producer Oliver Stone said "This is a great project about a fascinating man who took on the system. I think I have to thank Scarface, and maybe even Ari Gold."^[42]

Killing Pablo, in development for several years and directed by Joe Carnahan, is based on Mark Bowden’s book Killing Pablo: The Hunt for the World's Greatest Outlaw.^[43][44] The plot tells the story of how Escobar was killed and his cartel dismantled by US special forces and intelligence, the Colombian military and Los Pepes, controlled by the Cali cartel. The cast was reported to include Christian Bale as Major Steve Jacoby and Venezuelan actor Édgar Ramírez as Escobar.^[45][46] In December 2008, Bob Yari, producer of Killing Pablo, filed for bankruptcy.^[47]

Escobar has been portrayed in several films already. Played by Cliff Curtis, he is depicted in the 2001 George Jung biopic Blow. In the HBO television series Entourage, actor Vincent Chase (played by Adrian Grenier) plays Escobar in a fictional film entitled Medellin.

Escobar has also been the subject of several books, including photographer James Mollison's book The Memory of Pablo Escobar, which tells Pablo's story with over 350 photographs and documents. Gabriel García Márquez' book, News of a Kidnapping,^[48] details the series of abductions that Escobar masterminded to pressure the then Colombian government into guaranteeing him non-extradition if he turned himself in.

In the 2010 ESPN broadcast 30 for 30, a series of sports-themed documentaries timed to coincide with the 30th anniversary of the Entertainment and Sports Network. The Two Escobars by directors Jeff and Michael Zimbalist looked back at Colombia's World Cup run in 1994 and the relationship of sports and the country's criminal gangs—notably the Medellín narcotics cartel run by Escobar. The other Escobar in the film title refers to former Colombian National Team defender Andrés Escobar (no relation to Pablo), who was shot and killed one month after an own goal that cost Colombia in the 1994 FIFA World Cup.

The 2008 film Pablo, Angel o Demonio (English title: Pablo of Medellin) by Jorge Granier explores the mixed legacy of a man hailed in the Barrio as a saint while despised elsewhere as a demon. It is the highest grossing documentary of all time in Colombia.

In 2010 ZORBA began Pablo Escobar tours in Medellin to cater for the hundreds of tourists who visit his grave each year.

In a popular 2002 video game, Grand Theft Auto: Vice City, the airport is named "Escobar International Airport" after Pablo Escobar.

In the 2009 on-rails shooter game, Resident Evil: The Darkside Chronicles, the main antagonist, Javier Hidalgo, seems to based on Pablo Escobar. Both were drug lords, both of them possessed a personal militia, and both also had "mini" zoo of exotic animals. Pablo had a collection of African animals and Javier had a "collection" of B.O.Ws (Bio Organic Weapons), and both of them had the population under their control and both shared the same fate (both of them were killed by US special forces). Both had a daughter called Manuela.

Caracol TV produced a television series, Pablo Escobar, the drug lord, which broadcasts since 28 May 2012.

In the 2009 episode of NCIS "Deliverance", it is implied that NCIS Special Agent Leroy Jethro Gibbs killed a Columbian drug lord in 1992-1993, and was wounded in Columbia. It is not mentioned that this drug lord was Escobar, but it is strongly implied that it was either the killing of Escobar, or a similar situation.

References[link]

Books[link]

• Bowden, Mark (2002). Killing Pablo: The Hunt for the World's Greatest Outlaw. Penguin Pub.
• Escobar, Roberto (2009). The Accountant's Story: Inside the Violent World of the Medellín Cartel. Grand Central Pub.
• McAleese, Peter (1993, 2001). No Mean Soldier. Cassell Pub.

External links[link]

Media related to Pablo Escobar at Wikimedia Commons