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Political culture is the traditional orientation of the citizens of a nation toward politics, affecting their perceptions of political legitimacy.^[1]

Conceptions

In the early 1960s two Americans Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba outlined three pure types of political culture in Great Britain can combine to create civic culture. These three key features expressed by both men were composed in order to establish the link between the public and the government. The first of these features is Deference which looks at the respect, acknowledgment or inferiority of authority and superiors in society.

The second key feature is Consensus. Consensus represents the key link between government and public agreement and appeasement. The appeasement may not always be shared with the whole nation but as a whole people agree to sustain it, meaning it is a common agreement. There are various Examples of Consensus in British Political culture; How we are governed as a whole, agreement on the welfare state, an agreement to whom the powers governed by head of state go to.

The third features of British Political Culture is Homogeneity. Church attendance as a whole is decreasing. Nations within the British Isles such as Scotland and Wales desire independence to become its own state.

As political philosophy[link]

The term political culture was brought into political science to promote the American political system. The concept was used by Gabriel Almond in late 50s, and outlined in The Civic Culture (1963, Almond & Verba), but was soon opposed by two European political scientists, Gerhard Lehmbruch and Arend Lijphart. Lehmbruch analysed politics in Switzerland and Austria and Lijphart analysed politics in Netherlands. Both argued that there are political systems that are more stable than the one in the USA.^[2]

As shared paradigms[link]

According to William Stewart, all political behavior can be explained as participating in one or more of eight political cultures. They are Anarchism, Oligarchy, Tory corporatism, Fascism, Classical liberalism, Radical liberalism, Democratic socialism, and Leninist socialism. Societies that exemplify each of these cultures have existed historically.

Ideological perspectives[link]

Anarchism[link]

An anarchist political culture only exists in small societies in which there are no strangers. Every person has face to face accountability, and will have to continue to live together. The paradigms about society and the role of the individual are shared strongly among all of its members. In such a society institutions of government are not necessary. Family contacts and their constant reinforcement through personal contact hold the single-culture society together.^{[citation needed]}

Tory corporatism[link]

A tory corporatist political culture presumes that responsibility to the group is more important than individual needs and desires. Tradition is the justification of the tory culture. The immediate family connections form its basis. The corporatist culture takes cooperation as far more important than competition.

Oligarchy[link]

Oligarchy is a political culture in which elite, ruling class families maintain a monopoly over the legislative, judicial and executive branches of government, thereby removing the decision making process from the population at large.

Classical liberalism[link]

The classical liberal political culture is not based on tradition as tory corporatism and oligarchy are. It is based in rationality. It takes the individual as the basic unit of society and is competitive rather than cooperative.

Radical liberalism[link]

The radical liberal shares all of the same paradigms as the classical liberal, however it differs in that its hierarchical nature does not apply to its elections, and its competitive nature is more limited.

Democratic socialism[link]

The democratic socialist political ideology is based on the belief that the government is ultimately responsible for progressing social and economic equality. Democratic Socialists tend to hold Skinnerian perspectives^{[citation needed]} towards human development and behavior and thus call for government programs to equalize development as much as possible in order to encourage equality and provide equal opportunity to all citizens. Attempts to be more egalitarian. Plato's Republic outlined an extreme form of Democratic Socialism.

Leninist socialism[link]

Communists like other socialists take rationality as the justification for their culture. They believe that the rich lie and perpetuate paradigms which support their own interests. While they reject a social hierarchy, the government itself is rigidly hierarchical. Communists advocate that the social ownership of means of production is just what is necessary for technological progress not resulting in more unemployment but in easing of the burden of work for all.^[3]

Fascist corporatism[link]

While the tory corporatist culture is established and on-going, the fascist corporatist attempts to create such a culture by force. The tory takes tradition as the legitimate basis of society, while the fascist makes some form of appeal to rationality. The fascist attempts to recreate the conditions of tory corporatism as a response to Leninist socialism.

Types[link]

Almond and Verba[link]

According to their level and type of political participation and the nature of people's attitudes toward politics, Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba outlined three pure types of political culture:

• Parochial - Where citizens are only remotely aware of the presence of central government, and live their lives near enough regardless of the decisions taken by the state. Distant and unaware of political phenomena. He has neither knowledge or interest in politics. In general congruent with a traditional political structure.
• Subject - Where citizens are aware of central government, and are heavily subjected to its decisions with little scope for dissent. The individual is aware of politics, its actors and institutions. It is affectively oriented towards politics, yet he is on the "downward flow" side of the politics. In general congruent with a centralized authoritarian structure.
• Participant - Citizens are able to influence the government in various ways and they are affected by it. The individual is oriented toward the system as a whole, to both the political and administrative structures and processes (to both the input and output aspects). In general congruent with a democratic political structure.

These three 'pure' types of political culture can combine to create the 'civic culture', which mixes the best elements of each.^[4]

Lijphart[link]

By Arend Lijphart, there are different classifications of political culture:

1. classification:

• Political culture of masses
• Political culture of the elite(s)

2. classification (of political culture of the elites):

• coalitional
• contradictive

Lijphart also classified structure of the society:

• homogeneous
• heterogeneous

See also[link]

• Political culture of the United States of America
• Political culture of Canada
• Political culture of Germany
• Political culture of the United Kingdom

References[link]

Further reading[link]

v t e Political culture Anarchism Corporatism Oligarchy Liberalism Socialism Fascism Politics portal Political science portal

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Thomas Sowell (born June 30, 1930) is an American economist, social theorist, political philosopher, and author. A National Humanities Medal winner, he advocates laissez-faire economics and writes from a conservative and libertarian perspective. He is currently a Rose and Milton Friedman Senior Fellow on Public Policy at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University.

Sowell was born in North Carolina, but grew up in Harlem, New York. He dropped out of high school, and served in the United States Marine Corps during the Korean War. He received a bachelor's degree from Harvard University in 1958 and a master's degree from Columbia University in 1959. In 1968, he earned his doctorate degree in economics from the University of Chicago.

Sowell has served on the faculties of several universities, including Cornell and University of California, Los Angeles, and worked for think tanks such as the Urban Institute. Since 1980 he has worked at the Hoover Institution. He is the author of more than 30 books.

Biography[link]

An African-American, Sowell was born in Gastonia, North Carolina. His father died shortly before he was born, and his mother, a house maid, already had four children. A great-aunt and her two grown daughters adopted Sowell and raised him.^[1] In his autobiography, A Personal Odyssey, he said his childhood encounters with white people were so limited that he did not believe blond was really a hair color.^[2] When Sowell was nine, his family moved from Charlotte, North Carolina to Harlem, New York City. He attended Stuyvesant High School, the first in his family to study beyond the sixth grade. However, he was forced to drop out at age 17 because of financial difficulties and problems in his home.^[1] He worked at a number of jobs, including at a machine shop and as a delivery man for Western Union,^[3] and tried out for the Brooklyn Dodgers in 1948.^[4] Sowell was drafted in 1951, during the Korean War, and was assigned to the Marine Corps. Because of his experience in photography, he was assigned as a photographer, but he also trained Marines in .45 caliber pistol proficiency.^[1]

After his discharge, Sowell worked a civil service job in Washington, D.C. and attended night classes at Howard University, admitted on the basis of his General Education certificate. His high scores on the College Board exams and recommendations by two professors helped him gain admission to Harvard University, where he graduated magna cum laude in 1958 with a Bachelor of Arts degree in economics.^[1][5] He received a Master of Arts from Columbia University the following year, and a Ph.D. in economics from the University of Chicago in 1968.^[5]

Sowell had initially chosen Columbia University to study under George Stigler (who would later receive the Nobel Prize in Economics). When he learned that Stigler had moved to the University of Chicago, he followed him there.^[6]

Sowell has taught economics at Howard University, Rutgers, Cornell, Brandeis University, Amherst College, and UCLA. Since 1980 he has been a Senior Fellow of the Hoover Institution at Stanford University, where he holds a fellowship named after Rose and Milton Friedman, his mentor.^[5][7]

In 1987, Sowell testified in favor of federal appeals court judge Robert Bork during the hearings for Bork's nomination to the U.S. Supreme Court. In his testimony, Sowell said that Bork was "the most highly qualified nominee of this generation" and that judicial activism, a concept that Bork opposed, "has not been beneficial to minorities."^[8]

Sowell has stated that he was a Marxist “during the decade of my 20s"; one of his earliest professional publications was a sympathetic examination of Marxist thought vs. Marxist-Leninist practice.^[9] His experience working as a federal government intern during the summer of 1960 caused him to reject Marxian economics in favor of free market economic theory. During his work, Sowell discovered a correlation between the rise of mandated minimum wages for workers in the sugar industry of Puerto Rico and the rise of unemployment in that industry. Studying the patterns led Sowell to theorize that the government employees who administered the minimum wage law cared more about their own jobs than the plight of the poor.^[10]

Writings[link]

Sowell is both a syndicated columnist and an academic economist.

Besides scholarly writing, Sowell has written books, articles, and syndicated columns for a general audience in such publications as Forbes Magazine, The Wall Street Journal, and major newspapers. He is a regular contributor to GOPUSA, a conservative web and email newsletter run by Endeavor Media Group, LLC. He primarily writes on economic subjects, generally advocating a free market approach to capitalism. Sowell, whose autobiography describes his serious study of Brady McGarry, opposes Marxism, providing a critique in his book Marxism: Philosophy and Economics.

Sowell also writes on racial topics and is a critic of affirmative action and race based quotas.^[11][12] While often described as a black conservative, he prefers not to be labeled, and considers himself more libertarian than conservative.^[13]

In another departure from economics, Sowell wrote The Einstein Syndrome: Bright Children Who Talk Late, a follow-up to his Late-Talking Children. This book investigates the phenomenon of late-talking children, frequently misdiagnosed with autism or pervasive developmental disorder. He includes the research of—among others—Professor Stephen Camarata, Ph.D., of Vanderbilt University and Professor Steven Pinker, Ph.D., of Harvard University in this overview of a poorly understood developmental trait. It is a trait which he says affected many historical figures. He includes famous late-talkers such as physicists Albert Einstein, Edward Teller and Richard Feynman; mathematician Julia Robinson; and musicians Arthur Rubenstein and Clara Schumann. The book and its contributing researchers make a case for the theory that some children develop unevenly (asynchronous development) for a period in childhood due to rapid and extraordinary development in the analytical functions of the brain. This may temporarily “rob resources” from neighboring functions such as language development. The book contradicts Simon Baron-Cohen’s speculation that Einstein may have had Asperger syndrome (see also people speculated to have been autistic).

Themes of Sowell’s writing range from social policy on race, ethnic groups, education and decision-making, to classical and Marxist economics, to the problems of children perceived as having disabilities.

In Intelligence and Ethnicity, Sowell argues that IQ gaps are hardly startling or unusual between, or within, ethnic groups. He notes that the roughly 15-point gap in contemporary black–white IQ scores is similar to that between the national average and the scores of particular ethnic white groups in years past.

Sowell has also written a trilogy of books on ideologies and political positions, including A Conflict of Visions where he speaks about the origins of political strife, The Vision of the Anointed, where he compares the conservative/libertarian and liberal/progressive worldviews,The Quest for Cosmic Justice, where, like in many of his other writings, he outlines his thesis of the need for intellectuals, politicians and leaders to fix and perfect the world in utopian, and ultimately he posits, disastrous fashions. Separate from the trilogy, but also in discussion of the subject, he wrote Intellectuals and Society, where he discusses what he argues to be the blind hubris and follies of intellectuals in a variety of areas, building on his earlier work.

Sowell takes strong issue with the notion of government as a helper or savior of minorities, arguing that the historical record shows quite the opposite.

Sowell also challenges the notion that black progress is due to progressive government programs or policies, in The Economics and Politics of Race, (1983), Ethnic America (1981), Affirmative Action (2004), and other books. He claims that many problems identified with blacks in modern society are hardly unique in terms of American ethnic groups, nor in terms of a rural proletariat swept by disruption as it became urbanized, discussed in his book Black Rednecks and White Liberals.

In Affirmative Action Around the World^[14] Sowell holds that affirmative action covers most of the American population, particularly women, and has long since ceased to be directed towards blacks.

Columns[link]

Sowell has a nationally syndicated column distributed by Creators Syndicate that appears in various newspapers, as well as online on websites such as Townhall, WorldNetDaily, OneNewsNow and the Jewish World Review.^[15]

Sowell comments on issues he considers to be problematic in modern-day society, which include liberal media bias;^[16] judicial activism (while staunchly defending originalism);^{[17][18][19][20][21]} partial birth abortion;^[22] the minimum wage; socializing health care; government undermining of familial autonomy; affirmative action; government ^[23] bureaucracy; militancy in U.S. foreign policy; the U.S. war on drugs, and multiculturalism.^[24]

Sowell supports free market and pro-growth economics. In one column he criticized as socialism for the rich certain policies which he describes as benefiting the wealthy at the expense of the poor.^[25]

Sowell in a Townhall editorial, "The Bush Legacy," assessed President George W. Bush, deeming him "a mixed bag," but "an honorable man."^[26]

Sowell also favors decriminalization of all drugs.^[27]

In November, 2011, a column fiercely critical of "Obama's America" and falsely attributed to Sowell was circulated on the Internet.^[28]

Critical reception[link]

Awards[link]

In 1990, he won the Francis Boyer Award, presented by the American Enterprise Institute. In 1998 he received the Sydney Hook Award from the National Association of Scholars.^[29] In 2002, Sowell was awarded the National Humanities Medal for prolific scholarship melding history, economics, and political science. In 2003, he was awarded the Bradley Prize for intellectual achievement.^[30] In 2004 he was given a Lysander Spooner Award for his book Applied Economics: Thinking Beyond Stage One.^[31] In 2008, getAbstract awarded his book Economic Facts and Fallacies with its International Book Award.

Controversies[link]

Sowell has been criticized for various remarks such as a comparison he made between President Barack Obama and Adolf Hitler in an editorial for Investor's Business Daily^[32] after the creation of a relief fund for the BP oil spill. This has been criticized by liberal groups such as Media Matters^[33] and the Democratic National Committee.^[34] However, Republicans such as Sarah Palin^[34] and Representative Louie Gohmert^[35] have endorsed Sowell's comparison.

Sowell was also criticized for an editorial in which he stated that the Democratic Party played the Race card, instigating ethnic divisions and separatism, and argued that a similar situation occurred between the Tutsis and the Hutus in Rwanda.^[36][37]

Economics[link]

The Economist magazine praised Sowell's books Affirmative Action Around the World as "terse, well argued and utterly convincing" and "crammed with striking anecdotes and statistics"^[38] and Economic Facts and Fallacies: "Mr Sowell marshals his arguments with admirable clarity and authority. There is not a chapter in which he does not produce a statistic that both surprises and overturns received wisdom."^[39]

Reviewing Sowell's 1984 book Civil Rights: Rhetoric or Reality?, University of Chicago sociologist William Julius Wilson said that Sowell did not explore "reasonable alternative explanations and hypotheses" in his critiques of affirmative action. For instance, regarding Sowell's theory that women are underrepresented in fields like law and engineering because of the heavy responsibilities of marriage such as childrearing and other household work: "A plausible alternative to Mr. Sowell's hypothesis on women's pay differentials and occupational segregation is that women are virtually excluded from many desirable positions and therefore crowd into obtainable occupations."^[40] Sowell since then has written on affirmative action in an international context to address such criticisms in two books (Preferential Policies, Affirmative Action Around the World) and has written about pay differentials and occupational segregation in Economic Facts and Fallacies.

Patricia Roberts Harris, who was an official in the Carter Administration, once said that Sowell and Walter Williams "don't know what poverty is." Sowell called her position "a pathetic sign of intellectual bankcruptcy," saying that he "was almost 9 years old before [he] lived in a home with [hot] running water" and that she "was a campus social leader in an 'exclusive sorority' - meaning that it was for middle-class (light-skinned) women" while he worked full time and went to [the same college] at night."^[41]

Career highlights[link]

• Senior Fellow, Hoover Institution, Stanford University, September 1980–present
• Professor of Economics, UCLA, July 1974–June 1980
• Visiting Professor of Economics, Amherst College, September–December 1977
• Fellow, Hoover Institution, Stanford University, April–August 1977
• Fellow, Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences, July 1976–March 1977
• Project Director, The Urban Institute, August 1972–July 1974
• Associate Professor of Economics, UCLA, September 1970–June 1972
• Associate Professor of Economics, Brandeis University, September 1969–June 1970
• Assistant Professor of Economics, Cornell University, September 1965–June 1969
• Economic Analyst, American Telephone & Telegraph Co., June 1964–August 1965
• Lecturer in Economics, Howard University, September 1963–June 1964
• Instructor in Economics, Douglass College, Rutgers University, September 1962–June 1963
• Labor Economist, U.S. Department of Labor, June 1961–August 1962

Books by Sowell[link]

• 2011. The Thomas Sowell Reader. Basic Books. pp. 464. ISBN 978-0-465-02250-2. 
• 2010. Basic Economics: A Common Sense Guide to the Economy (4th edition ed.). Cambridge, Mass: Perseus Books Group. ISBN 978-0-465-02252-6. 
• 2010. Dismantling America. Basic Books. pp. 352. ISBN 978-0-465-02251-9. 
• 2010. Intellectuals and Society. Basic Books. pp. 416. ISBN 978-0-465-01948-9. 
• 2009. The Housing Boom and Bust. Basic Books. pp. 184. ISBN 978-0-465-01880-2. 
• 2008. Applied Economics: Thinking Beyond Stage One (2nd ed.). Basic Books. pp. 400. ISBN 978-0-465-00345-7. OCLC 260206351. 
• 2007. Economic Facts and Fallacies. Basic Books. pp. 262. ISBN 978-0-465-00349-5. 
• 2007. Basic Economics: A Common Sense Guide to the Economy (3rd edition ed.). Cambridge, Mass: Perseus Books Group. ISBN 978-0-465-00260-3. OCLC 76897806. 
• 2007. A Man of Letters. San Francisco: Encounter Books. pp. 320. ISBN 978-1-59403-196-0. 
• 2006. Ever Wonder Why? And Other Controversial Essays. Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press. pp. 460. ISBN 978-0-8179-4752-1. 
• 2006. On Classical Economics. New Haven, Conn: Yale University Press. 2006. pp. 320. ISBN 978-0-300-12606-8. 
• 2005. Black Rednecks and White Liberals: And Other Cultural And Ethnic Issues. San Francisco: Encounter Books. pp. 360. ISBN 978-1-59403-086-4. 
• 2004. Affirmative Action Around the World: An Empirical Study. New Haven, Conn: Yale University Press. pp. 256. ISBN 978-0-300-10775-3. 
• 2004. Basic Economics: A Citizen’s Guide to the Economy, revised and expanded ed. Basic Books, ISBN 0-465-08145-2 (1st ed. 2000)
• 2003. Applied Economics: Thinking Beyond Stage One, ISBN 0-465-08143-6
• 2002. The Einstein Syndrome: Bright Children Who Talk Late, ISBN 0-465-08141-X
• 2002. Controversial Essays, ISBN 0-8179-2992-4
• 2002. A Personal Odyssey, ISBN 0-684-86465-7
• 2002. The Quest For Cosmic Justice, ISBN 0-684-86463-0
• 1998. Conquests and Cultures: An International History, ISBN 0-465-01400-3
• 1996. Migrations and Cultures: A World View, ISBN 0-465-04589-8 OCLC 41748039
• 1996. The Vision of the Anointed: Self-Congratulation As a Basis for Social Policy. Basic Books, ISBN 0-465-08995-X
• 1995. Race and Culture: A World View. Description & chapter previews. ISBN 0-465-06796-4
• 1993. Inside American Education, ISBN 0-7432-5408-2
• 1990. Preferential Policies: An International Perspective, ISBN 0-688-08599-7
• 1987. A Conflict of Visions: Ideological Origins of Political Struggles. William Morrow, ISBN 0-688-06912-6
• 1987. Compassion Versus Guilt and Other Essays. William Morrow, ISBN 0-688-07114-7
• 1986. Education: Assumptions Versus History. Hoover Press, ISBN 0-8179-8112-8
• 1985. Marxism: Philosophy and Economics. Quill, ISBN 0-688-06426-4
• 1984. Civil Rights: Rhetoric or Reality? William Morrow, ISBN 0-688-03113-7
• 1983. The Economics and Politics of Race. William Morrow, ISBN 0-688-01891-2
• 1981. Ethnic America: A History. Basic Books, ISBN 0-465-02074-7
• 1981. Markets and Minorities. Basic Books, ISBN 0-465-04399-2
• 1980. Knowledge and Decisions. Basic Books.
• 1975. Race and Economics. David McKay Company Inc, ISBN 0-679-30262-X
• 1972. Say's Law, An Historical Analysis. Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-04166-0

See also[link]

Biography portal

• List of newspaper columnists

References[link]

External links[link]

Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Thomas Sowell

• Thomas Sowell’s home page
  • Complete list of writings
• Thomas Sowell Features at Creators Syndicate
• Column archive at Townhall.com
• Free Podcasts of Sowell’s recent articles
• Archive of Articles by Thomas Sowell at JewishWorldReview.com
• Book review of The Einstein Syndrome by Isabelle Rapin, Albert Einstein College of Medicine.
• Snopes.com on Various articles attributed to Thomas Sowell

Articles and interviews[link]

• 'Uncommon Knowledge' Interviews (2008-2011)
• 'The George Jarkesy Show : Sowell on Derrick Bell, Critical Race Theory and Obama Mentors (2012)
• Booknotes interview with Sowell on Preferential Policies, June 10, 1990.
• Fox News - 'In the Right Direction' interview (2005)
• C-SPAN Q&A interview with Sowell, April 17, 2005

• "A Dangerous Obsession" — Part I II, III, IV, and V
• "Too “Complex”?" — Part I, II, & III
• "Alice in Health Care" — Part I, II, III, IV
• "The 'Costs' of Medical Care" — Part I, II, III, IV
• Socialism for the rich by Thomas Sowell (October 6, 2006)
• “10 Questions With Thomas Sowell”, John Hawkins, Right Wing News. Sowell on flat-tax vs. progressive tax, rent-control, balanced budget amendments, protectionist tariffs, poverty and welfare, profit-restriction, illegal immigration, a weak dollar vs. a strong dollar, affirmative action, and reparations.
• 'Uncommon Knowledge' discussion of affirmative action
• Economic Fallacies -- Interview with Thomas Sowell by Bill Steigerwald
• Thomas Sowell- Columns on Jewish World Review website
• “Race and IQ” Detailed discussion of Race and IQ including techniques that have masked the improvement of black IQ scores.
• “Choosing a College” — discusses benefits and costs including college quality, size, specialty, intellectual rigor, social, political and sexual environment of today’s campuses. Recommends hard-nosed parental analysis (including campus visits) that ignores PR fluff and focuses on the bottom line
• “Affirmative Action around the World” - critical analysis of Affirmative Action and its failures worldwide.
• Salon interview with Sowell
• Audio interview with National Review Online
• Sowell on Economic Facts and Fallacies: Audio interview
• Sowell en español

Elizabeth Evans May OC, LLB (Dalhousie) DHumL (MSVU hc) LLD (UNB hc) LLD (MAU hc)
Elizabeth May in September 2009
Member of the Canadian Parliament for Saanich—Gulf Islands
Incumbent
Assumed office May 30, 2011
Preceded by	Gary Lunn
Leader of the Green Party of Canada
Incumbent
Assumed office August 26, 2006
Preceded by	Jim Harris
Personal details
Born	(1954-06-09) June 9, 1954 (age 58) Hartford, Connecticut, United States
Political party	Green Party of Canada
Other political affiliations	New Democratic Party Liberal Party of Canada[1]
Residence	Sidney, British Columbia
Alma mater	Dalhousie Law School (1983)
Occupation	Politician, lawyer, writer, activist
Religion	Anglican

Elizabeth Evans May, OC, MP (born June 9, 1954) is an American-born Canadian Member of Parliament, environmentalist, writer, activist, lawyer, and the leader of the Green Party of Canada. She was the executive director of the Sierra Club of Canada from 1989 to 2006. She became a Canadian citizen in 1978.^[2]

May's permanent residence is in Sidney, British Columbia.^[3] Her family home is in Margaree Harbour, Cape Breton Island.^[4] On May 2, 2011, she became the first elected Green Party Member of Parliament in Canada, defeating the incumbent, Gary Lunn.^[5][6]

Early life and family[link]

May was born in Hartford, Connecticut^[7][8] to a British father and American mother; she has a younger brother named Geoffrey.^[9][10] Her mother was a prominent anti-nuclear activist and one of the original founders of the peace group SANE, while her father was Assistant Vice President of Aetna Life and Casualty.^[10][11] May's godfather was actor Cliff Robertson.^[12]

May attended Renbrook School and the prestigious Miss Porter's School in Farmington, Connecticut. Her family was rooted in the Welsh Congregationalist tradition of free thinking on religious beliefs.^[13]

The family moved to Margaree Harbour, Nova Scotia in 1972 following a summer vacation spent on Cape Breton Island. On moving to the province, the May family purchased and restored a land-locked schooner, the Marion Elizabeth, in which a restaurant and gift shop was housed. Although the business had been closed for several years before being purchased by the Mays, it became a popular spot along the Cabot Trail. Launched in 1918, and named after the wife and daughter of the ship's first captain, the Marion Elizabeth was the only authentic Bluenose fishing schooner, and was built by the Lunenburg, Nova Scotia firm Smith and Rhuland. Farley Mowat also gave the Mays his schooner, the Happy Adventure, which was featured in his book, The Boat Who Wouldn’t Float, and was displayed next to the gift shop.^[14] The restaurant and gift shop operated from 1974 until 2002 when the property was expropriated for an expanded highway bridge carrying Route 19 across the Margaree River.^[11]

Law school[link]

Heavy financial losses in the early years of the family business made it impossible for Elizabeth and her brother to go to university.^[15] Elizabeth briefly enrolled at St. Francis Xavier University in 1974, but had to leave when she didn’t have enough money for tuition. Returning to Margaree, she took correspondence courses in restaurant management. Beginning in 1980, she worked her way through Dalhousie Law School as a mature student, graduating with an LLB in 1983, with then Governor of Arkansas, Bill Clinton, writing her a letter of reference.^[16]

Early activism[link]

In 1975, following the move to Margaree Harbour, Elizabeth May joined with other local residents in a grassroots effort to stop approved aerial insecticide spraying over the forests of Cape Breton Island. The group “Cape Breton Landowners Against the Spray” was the focus of Elizabeth May’s volunteer effort from 1975-79. Swedish multinational Stora owned the local pulp and paper mill and held licenses to harvest the forests of eastern Nova Scotia. Stora wanted the government to pay for spraying the now-banned, organophosphate insecticide fenitrothion to counter the epidemic of spruce budworm. Within months the provincial government agreed to cancel the permits due to health concerns. The budworm outbreak later collapsed of natural causes. The issue was the subject of Elizabeth May's first book, Budworm Battles,^[17] as well as CBC program The Fifth Estate in a segment called “Miss May's War”, and a National Film Board documentary called Budworks.

Early political activity[link]

In 1980, disillusioned with the federal election sparked by the loss of confidence vote on Prime Minister Joe Clark's budget, May launched a political party to raise environment and anti-nuclear issues. The party, dubbed "the Small Party" and based on the ideas in E.F. Schumacher's book, Small is Beautiful, ran 12 candidates in 6 provinces, in the 1980 federal election. They made no pretense of attempting to win seats, calling the effort a “beau geste” to raise awareness. May, at the time a 25-year-old waitress, ran against the former Deputy Prime Minister, Allan J. MacEachen in Cape Breton Highlands—Canso. She placed fourth in a field of four candidates receiving 272 votes.^[18]

Early 1980s environmental activism[link]

Between 1980 and 1982, May worked in the local movement opposing uranium mining. It succeeded when the provincial government announced a moratorium. She was also very active in the effort to stop approval of the Point Lepreau nuclear plant in New Brunswick.^[19]

In 1982, the Nova Scotia government of Conservative Premier John Buchanan re-approved the spraying of forests with the herbicides 2,4-D and 2,4,5-T. Those same chemicals, in 50-50 combination, were known as Agent Orange and had been used as defoliants during the Vietnam War. All of the major pulp and paper companies in Nova Scotia received permits to spray the herbicides to kill hardwood trees and shrubs. May was between her second and third year of law school when the permits were granted, and began organizing to stop the spraying. The government announced it would convert the spray permits from aerial to ground spray. A total of 17 local residents went to court to stop the spraying. May's role was as both plaintiff and as volunteer lawyer. The plaintiffs received an interim injunction in August 1982 that prevented the spraying. Following the initial hearing, the case against Scott Paper was rejected. That initial decision resulted in a bill of costs against the plaintiffs for $15,000. May's mother sold 80 acres of family land to cover the costs to Scott Paper.^{[citation needed]}

The trial of the 17 plaintiffs against Stora, reported as Vicky Palmer et al v. Stora Kopparberg, Nova Scotia Supreme Court Trial Division, was heard over the month of May 1983.^[20] Mr. Justice Merlin Nunn ruled that the chemicals were not dangerous and had not caused health effects in Vietnam. By the time the judgment came down, the chemicals were no longer available for use in Canada. On behalf of the plaintiffs, Elizabeth May and Chief Ryan Googoo of the Mikmaq First Nation traveled to Sweden to raise funds and support for an appeal. The tour of Sweden gained support for the Nova Scotians opposed to Agent Orange, with Prime Minister Olof Palme endorsing their cause. While they were away, the pulp company pressured the other plaintiffs to drop the appeal and accept a settlement. In the settlement, Stora insisted that, while other plaintiffs and lawyers could be reimbursed for their costs, the May family would not. The herbicide case is documented in an National Film Board film called Herbicide Trials.^[21]

Early legal career[link]

May graduated in 1983 and, following law school, worked as an associate at the firm of Kitz, Matheson, Green and MacIsaac in Halifax (now Patterson Palmer). In 1985 she moved to Ottawa to accept the position of Associate General Counsel to the Public Interest Advocacy Centre. During this time May helped found the Canadian Environmental Defence Fund with the aim of funding groups and individuals in environmental cases. She was admitted to the bar of Nova Scotia in 1984, and the Law Society of Upper Canada in 1989.

In 1986, Elizabeth May was recruited by the federal Minister of Environment, Tom McMillan to provide environmental policy advice. As Senior Policy Advisor, May worked on many critical environmental issues. She was involved in the negotiation of agreements with the seven Eastern provinces and with the U.S. to reduce sulphur dioxide emissions in order to combat acid rain, writing new legislation, the creation of five new national parks, the negotiation of the Montreal Protocol to protect the ozone layer, the clean-up of the Great Lakes, and the first agreement to clean up the Sydney Tar Ponds.

In June 1988, she discovered that the minister had broken the law approving permits for two dams in Saskatchewan (Rafferty and Alameda dams on the Souris River) without environmental review. She resigned on principle, but did not make her reasons for resignation public. In September, the Winnipeg Free Press broke the story of her resignation on the front page, unleashing a storm of anger from Manitoba residents, who were downstream from the Souris. The day after the story broke, the Manitoba Legislature held an emergency debate on the issue. The Canadian Wildlife Federation brought a lawsuit against the decision to grant permits without environmental review. The Federal Court of Canada ruled the permits had been granted illegally.^[22]

May received praise from David Suzuki for her work on Quttinirpaaq National Park (known as Ellesmere National Park prior to February 19, 2001), Gwaii Haanas National Park Reserve and Haida Heritage Site (previously the South Moresby National Park Reserve, it was renamed on February 28, 1996), Grasslands National Park and the ozone protocol files.^[23] She resigned, in 1988, from her post after learning that the government's plan for Grasslands National Park meant granting permits for the Rafferty-Alameda Project^[24] in Saskatchewan without performing environmental assessments in exchange for the parkland and the translation of Saskatchewan's statutes into French.^[25]

Sierra Club of Canada Executive Director[link]

In 1989, May became the founding Executive Director of the Sierra Club of Canada.^[26] May sits on the boards of the International Institute of Sustainable Development^[27] and Prevent Cancer Now!^[28] She is a former vice-chair of the National Round Table on the Environment and the Economy.

In 2001, May went on a 17-day hunger strike in front of Parliament Hill to demand the relocation of families at risk next to Canada’s largest toxic waste site, the Sydney tar ponds in Cape Breton. She had co-authored a book on the tar ponds with Maude Barlow. As a result, the federal government pledged to relocate people living nearby to a safer location.^[29] After that, May was involved in lobbying Paul Martin, then Minister of Finance, that gross domestic product was not a viable measure of economic performance, a position Martin clearly advanced in public in Canada through 2003.^[30]

When Martin became Prime Minister of Canada in late 2003, he was however circumspect on this point, and his replacement in Finance, Ralph Goodale, was concerned mostly to cut Canada's debt to GDP ratio. May rallied and repeated her conversion feat, and by February 2005 Goodale announced "the greenest budget ever", representing the Green Budget Coalition.

May is a supporter of Help Lesotho^[31] and has experience in international lobbying. She said that the Montreal Action Plan (which came out of the 2005 UN Climate Change Conference^[32]) was "a set of agreements that may well save the planet".^[33] She counts Bill Clinton, who attended the Montreal Conference in 2005 at her request, among her contacts; Clinton became acquainted with May and her parents (then living in Connecticut) while a student at Yale University in the 1970s. In his conference speech Clinton thanked May for inviting him to Montreal. Clinton's presence was instrumental in getting the US to agree to talks on climate change for the first time.^{[citation needed]}

May resigned as the Sierra Club's executive director in April 2006, intending to step down that June. As one of her last major acts in this post she participated in a poll of experts that determined that Brian Mulroney was Canada's "greenest" Prime Minister for an award presented by Corporate Knights magazine, due in part to his influence over the USA on acid rain. For her prominent role in this initiative, May took some criticism from leftist commentators and environmentalists. However, as Mulroney himself noted, she saw him as "the best of a bad bunch", and the timing of the event was calculated to pressure current Prime Minister Stephen Harper to improve his environmental policies in the spring 2006 federal budget. This was May's last public nonpartisan announcement.

Leader of Green Party of Canada[link]

May with the fellow candidates at the June 21, 2006, leadership debate in Calgary.

On May 9, 2006, May entered the Green Party of Canada's leadership race.^[34] She announced her intent to make the party "a force". She cited the "major planetary catastrophe" and "climate crisis" and the "crisis of democracy" as primary issues. "I find myself despairing when I see four men in suits engaging in a debate where nothing important is said… if the voters get to hear a whole bunch of really exciting new ideas, they might like them… instead of trying to do a calculation of who they hate the least".^[35]

On August 26, 2006, May won the leadership election on the first ballot. She tallied 65.3% of the votes, beating her main rival, David Chernushenko (33.3%) and Jim Fannon (0.88%). She said one of the main platforms for the next election would be to renegotiate the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). She also said that she would insist on the party being represented on the televised debates.^[36] At the time of her election as leader, May said she intended to run in the riding of Cape Breton-Canso in the next federal election, although she also said she would stand in a federal byelection if one occurred prior to the next general election.^[37]

London North Centre by-election[link]

In the fall of 2006, London North Centre Member of Parliament Joe Fontana announced he was resigning his seat to run for Mayor of London, Ontario. Prime Minister Stephen Harper scheduled a by-election for that seat on November 27, 2006, and May stood as the candidate for the Green Party. She shocked some analysts^[who?] when she finished second to Glen Pearson of the Liberal Party, ahead of the Conservative and New Democratic Party (NDP) candidates. At the time, May's showing in this by-election was the best result, in terms of percentage, ever achieved by the Green Party of Canada. She received 9,864 votes, about 26% of the total votes cast.^[38]

2008 federal election[link]

May on March 17, 2007 after announcing her candidacy in Central Nova

On March 17, 2007, May announced that she would run in the Nova Scotia riding of Central Nova, in the next federal election.^[39] Central Nova is located on mainland Nova Scotia, rather than Cape Breton Island where May once lived. However, it is adjacent to the Cape Breton-Canso riding in which May previously expressed interest, and overlaps with the area covered by the former Cape Breton Highlands—Canso riding in which she ran in 1980^[40] as founder of the "Small Party". The riding was held by Conservative National Defence Minister Peter MacKay. May has explained that she chose Central Nova to avoid running against a Liberal or NDP incumbent.^[41] She acknowledged, however, that this would be a more difficult riding for her to win than others she had considered.^[42] May received 32% of the vote in Central Nova in 2006 to MacKay's 47%.

On April 12, 2007, Liberal Party leader Stéphane Dion announced that the Liberals would not run a candidate in Central Nova in return for the Greens not running a candidate in Dion's safe Saint-Laurent—Cartierville riding.^[43] May had attempted to talk to NDP leader Jack Layton about ways to cooperate to avoid Harper’s party forming government. Layton refused to meet and attacked May for agreeing to a “leader’s courtesy” agreement with Dion. When the May-Dion deal was announced, it was criticized by the Conservatives and NDP, with Layton describing it as "backroom dealing", while former NDP leader Ed Broadbent said that it deprived voters of choice.^[44]

Disputes over leadership debates[link]

May was initially excluded from the televised leadership debate in the 2008 federal election, based on the lack of any elected Green party MPs. She argued that the TV network consortium's initial exclusion of the Green Party of Canada was "anti-democratic" and blamed it on "the decision-making of a small group of TV network executives".^[45] Prime Minister Harper, NDP leader Jack Layton, and Bloc Québécois leader Gilles Duceppe, all initially opposed her inclusion, with Stephen Harper threatening to boycott the debates if May were allowed to participate, on the basis that her arrangement with the Liberal party in Central Nova meant she was not truly independent of them.^[46] Because of this, former Editor-In-Chief of CBC TV News, Tony Burman, characterized the debate process as a sham, stating that, "Some networks worried that adding a fifth leader would make the debate 'unwatchable' but we all knew that the elephant in the room was actually living at 24 Sussex Drive. And he – the Prime Minister – would effectively have veto power. Within days of the [Media Consortium] meeting, we were privately told by the Conservative Party representative that Prime Minister Harper would not participate in the debates if the Green Party leader was there."^[47]

Layton initially said that he was following the rules of the broadcast consortium, while NDP spokesman Brad Lavigne confirmed that Layton had refused to attend if May was present, noting that May had endorsed Liberal leader Stéphane Dion for prime minister, and arguing that her inclusion would in effect give the Liberals two representatives at the debate.^[48] Rod Love, former chief of staff to Ralph Klein, has suggested that the Greens could potentially cut into the NDP's support.^[49] Layton's stance drew criticism from the YWCA, Judy Rebick, and members of his own party.^[50] Layton dropped his opposition to May's inclusion on September 10, 2008.^[51][52] Many commentators proclaimed May’s debut in the leaders debates to be a major breakthrough for the party, and were surprised that she proved to be a strong debater on a wide range of issues.^[53][54]

2008 election[link]

Elizabeth May won 32% of the vote on election day, the highest percentage ever for a Green Party candidate in Canada.^[55] Despite this, May did not win in Central Nova, losing to MacKay by a margin of 5,619 votes, and her party only received 6.8 percent of the popular vote. The party failed to elect a candidate and finished the election either $2 million^[56] or $4 million^[57] in debt. There was criticism from prominent Green Party members of May's failing to support all Green candidates unequivocally during the 2008 election, as she made favorable comments about Liberal leader Stéphane Dion and said that supporters in close ridings might consider voting strategically to attempt to defeat the Conservatives.^[56] Despite this, the Green Party was the only party to see an increase in its popular vote in the 2008 election.

Coalition government support[link]

On December 2, 2008, Liberal leader Stéphane Dion spoke to May about Green Party support for a possible Liberal-NDP coalition government. According to May, these discussions included discussion of a possible Senate appointment for May.^[56] However, the coalition ultimately fell apart. After Prime Minister Stephen Harper prorogued Parliament to avoid a non-confidence vote, Liberal leader Dion resigned and was replaced by Michael Ignatieff. When Parliament finally resumed in January, 2009, the Liberal Party decided to support the Conservative government's new proposed budget. While Parliament was prorogued, Harper also announced his intention to fill all current and upcoming Senate vacancies with Conservative appointees.

Speculation of a Cumberland—Colchester—Musquodoboit Valley by-election bid[link]

May had indicated she would consider running in a by-election in the rural Nova Scotia riding of Cumberland—Colchester—Musquodoboit Valley, which is adjacent to the Central Nova riding she had contested in the 2008 election. The Cumberland—Colchester—Musquodoboit Valley riding became vacant when incumbent independent MP Bill Casey resigned to accept a job as representative of the Nova Scotia provincial government in Ottawa.^[58] Prime Minister Stephen Harper announced on October 3, 2009 that these by-elections would be held on November 9, 2009.^[59] After May made these comments, the Green Party selected Jason Blanch as the candidate for this riding. In the 2008 federal election, May endorsed Casey's independent campaign in Cumberland—Colchester—Musquodoboit Valley and the Green Party did not run a candidate.

2011 federal election[link]

May ran as the Green Party candidate and won in the riding of Saanich—Gulf Islands, in British Columbia. She faced Conservative cabinet minister Gary Lunn, who had held the seat for the preceding 14 years.^[60] May had considered the Ontario riding of Bruce—Grey—Owen Sound where the Green Party received over 27% of the vote in 2008,^[61] and the riding of Guelph, where the Green Party received 21% of the vote.^[62] This election has become marred in controversy following allegations of widespread voter fraud involving robocalls directed at Liberal, NDP and Green Party supporters to the benefit of the Conservative Party of Canada. Elizabeth May's home riding is said to have been influenced by such calls. Elections Canada and the RCMP are investigating.^[63]

Excluded from leaders' debates[link]

On March 29, 2011 the broadcast consortium organizing the televised leaders' debate for the 2011 federal election announced that it would not invite May. May publicly condemned the decision as "anti-democratic in the extreme".^{[64][65][66][67]}

May speaks at the Fair Vote Canada National Day of Action in Ottawa May 14, 2011.

Despite her exclusion from the major leader debates, she won her riding, defeating the incumbent Gary Lunn.^[5] She was the only Green party candidate to be elected. May is the first elected Green Party MP in Canadian history.

Green Party Bi-Annual General Meeting[link]

On August 11, 2010, 85% of the party’s members voted to support Elizabeth May as leader, and 74% of Green party members voted to hold a leadership review after the next election, rather than August 2010, which was when May's term as leader was set to end.^{[citation needed]}

Controversial statements[link]

Stance on abortion[link]

The Green Party's policy is described as “pro-life, pro-choice”, confirming support for legal safe abortions, while also finding ways to support women who find themselves facing economic hardship and wanting to have a child. According to Green Vision 2010, Green Party MPs will "oppose any possible government move to diminish the right of a woman to a safe, legal abortion. We fully support a woman's right to choose. We will also expand programs in reproductive rights and education to avoid unwanted pregnancies, and expand supports for low-income mothers."^{[citation needed]}

During a visit to the Mount St. Joseph's Convent in London, Ontario, May responded to a nun's question about abortion by explaining her personal position, which included the statement that "I don't think a woman has a frivolous right to choose."^[68] May maintains that this comment was misinterpreted. Following reports of May's statements, prominent Canadian feminist Judy Rebick announced that she was withdrawing her previous support of May and the Green Party due to May's questioning "the most important victory of the women's movement of my generation".^[69]

Responding to Rebick's open letter, May explicitly reaffirmed that she supported a woman's right to access a safe and legal abortion and that “I never said a woman's right to choose trivialized anything. Not ever.” May further wrote “Some feminist scholars have pointed out that the slogan 'right to choose' focuses on too narrow a context. What are a woman's real rights in society? Where are our economic rights? While a woman must have the right to terminate a pregnancy, what of the larger context? What about the on-going struggle to create a truly equal relationship of sexual equality that might (would) help avoid unwanted pregnancies in the first place? What about the responsibility of both sexual partners to avoid unwanted pregnancy (and while on the topic, to avoid sexually transmitted diseases that would be reduced through use of condoms)? I believe that respectful dialogue is possible even around such an emotionally charged issue as this. Not every opponent of legal abortions is unthinking. Neither is every supporter of legal abortion unwilling to acknowledge the moral complexity of the issue. Some common ground could be found, I believe, when the discussion shifts to a broader context”.^[70]

Chamberlain analogy[link]

In April 2007, during a speech by May to a London, Ontario United Church of Canada, she quoted British author George Monbiot stating, in reference to climate policy, that "In the eyes of history, John Howard, George Bush, and Stephen Harper will be judged more culpable than Neville Chamberlain."^[71] The statement drew criticism from the Canadian Jewish Congress and the Conservative Party. While Opposition leader Stéphane Dion refused to respond to Harper's request for him to distance himself from May and these remarks during Question Period, Dion did state to reporters outside Commons that May should withdraw the remarks, and that the Nazi regime is beyond any comparison.^[72]

In a Green Party of Canada press release May stated that she was referencing comments made by journalist George Monbiot a few days earlier at the Toronto Green Living Show^[73] saying that he "echoed the views of many people around the world when he expressed his deep distress at Canada's abdication of responsibility in the current climate crisis. As a failure of leadership and moral courage, he compared it to the appeasement efforts of Neville Chamberlain. I made reference to Mr. Monbiot's statement to highlight the damage being done to Canada's international reputation, something that should concern all Canadians."^[74][75] Both Prince Charles and a former British Labour foreign secretary, Margaret Beckett, are on record having made similar analogies.^[76]

The reaction to May's comments led to a Macleans.ca story^[77] recounting several instances of politicians on record using Chamberlain analogies, including NDP leader Jack Layton, Liberal MP Robert Thibault and Conservative MP Peter MacKay.^[78]

Personal life[link]

May lives in Sidney, British Columbia with her daughter, Victoria Cate May Burton (born 1991). She is studying theology at Saint Paul University, and describes herself as a practising Anglican.

She has indicated that her path towards becoming an ordained minister with the Anglican Church does not clash with her role in the Green Party of Canada, and sees a clear separation between religion and politics.^[79]

Electoral record[link]

Honours and awards[link]

• International Conservation Award from Friends of Nature, 1985
• Commemorative Medal for the 125th Anniversary of the Confederation of Canada, in recognition of significant contribution to compatriots, community and to Canada, 1992
• Elizabeth May Chair in Women’s Health and the Environment, Dalhousie University, 1998.^[26]
• Honorary Doctorate of Humane Letters (DHumL), Mount Saint Vincent University, 2000.
• Harkin Award from the Canadian Parks and Wilderness Society for her lifetime achievement in promoting the protection of Canada’s wilderness, 2002
• Best Activist Award, Coast Magazine, Best of Halifax Readers’ Poll, 2002
• Honorary Doctorate of Laws, University of New Brunswick, 2003.^[80]
• United Nations Global 500 award.^[81]
• Officer of the Order of Canada, 2005.
• Couchiching Award for Excellence in Public Policy, 2006
• Honorary Doctorate of Laws, Mount Allison University, 2007.^[82]
• Newsweek Magazine: One of World's Most Influential women, November 28, 2010^[83]

Selected works[link]

• Budworm battles: the fight to stop the aerial insecticide spraying of the forests of eastern Canada (with Richard E.L. Rogers). 1982. Four East Publications. ISBN 0-9690041-5-X
• Paradise Won: the struggle for South Moresby. 1990. McClelland & Stewart. ISBN 0-7710-5772-5
• Frederick Street: life and death on Canada's Love Canal (with Maude Barlow). 2000. HarperCollins Publishers. ISBN 0-00-200036-9
• At the cutting edge: the crisis in Canada's forests. 2005. Key Porter Books. ISBN 1-55263-645-3
• How to Save the World in Your Spare Time. 2006. Key Porter Books. ISBN 1-55263-781-6
• Global Warming for Dummies (with Zoe Caron). 2008. Wiley & Sons Publishing. ISBN 0-470-84098-6
• Losing Confidence: Power, Politics And The Crisis In Canadian Democracy. 2009. McClelland & Stewart. ISBN 0-7710-5760-1

See also[link]

Wikinews has news related to: Elizabeth May

Canadian politics portal

• List of Green party leaders in Canada
• Canadian federal election, 2008

References[link]