#occupygezi et cetera

See also : What is Happenning in Istanbul?, tarihinde yayımlandı, June 1, 2013 | www.whatishappeninginistanbul.com.


source : #occupygezipics

Interesting times in Istanbul. The protests appear to be growing, but who knows where they’re going.
I’m not sure what are the best English-language sources for what’s going down, but libcom will no doubt throw up some interesting links and accounts in the coming days.
In the meantime I recommend Dave’s blog, Citizen K, for updates and infos. Dave’s on the ground in Istanbul and hopefully keeping safe.
Some token links to @ groups/projects in the state of Turkey: Aforum | anarsi.org | karakok.org

Occupy Gezi?
June 1, 2013

The Turkish media, for the most part, are pretending this isn’t happening. So people are using Twitter, Facebook and Tumblr to communicate to the outside world what’s happening. When independent media emerged in Seattle in ’99 it was at least semi-reliable. The crap that people are thoughtlessly retweeting makes for depressing reading. I think “Let’s request and early election” is probably the most ridiculous. Yes, let’s do that. This is not the Turkish Spring…

On the ground in Taksim.
June 2, 2013

Despite my reservations on the potential success of #occupyturkishhashtags, I went to Taksim today. The cops have surrendered it to the protesters, and from Istiklal to Mecedikoy there wasn’t a polis officer to be seen (note: they were in Besiktas, gassing the crap out of everyone). The experience was interesting – at times the atmosphere was like a giant political rally, at times it was like a football riot, at times it was like the sectioned area we had for two and a half days at S11 in Melbourne in 2000 – a Temporary Autonomous Zone.

Finally, a statement from some anarchists in Istanbul, ‘Massive Riot Against State Terrorism in Turkey’ (June 1):

This is an informative mail about current situation in Istanbul, Turkey.

After two days of protest about the urban gentrification of Gezi Park (biggest park in Taksim where green areas continually being destroyed), people got fed up with police brutality and violence.

Especially silence of the media, increasing attacks of government and freedom of individuals, imperial aims of the state trying to take advantage of the Syria have expended the recent conflict in riots.

The clashes continued all day and night yesterday. At least seven civilians were murdered by the police attacks, hundreds were injured, hundreds are in custody where they are beaten up and some tortured.

All temples of capitalism had to close down in Taksim. There is a great deal of solidarity on the streets, many small shops and homes, universities; all pharmacies opened their doors to protesters. Turkish Chamber of Architects and Engineers Office is turned into a hospital with volunteer doctors and nurses. And they are treating wounded protesters.

In many places in Istanbul, police stations has been attacked. Fascist groups were beaten up by anarchists. People from the Asian side who wanted to join the riot were blocked by the police, but they walked on the highway after midnight, crossing the Bosphorus Bridge on foot and made it. The Prime Minister blamed the social web informing the murders, and ironically called the people who are sharing news as fascists.

The protest has spread all over Turkey. People are on streets in Ankara, Izmir, Eskisehir, Sakarya, Isparta and many others.

These protests are not only for the Gezi Park as state-suppressed mainstream media claims. The riot is now the revolt of the hundreds of thousands of people protesting against state oppression and violence. We as revolutionary anarchists have been and we are going to be on the streets, against the police violence state terrorism.

We are expecting solidarity action from all anarchists and anti-authoritarians all around the world.

Everywhere is Istanbul and everywhere is resistance against state terrorism, police violence and capitalist exploitation.

We will continue to report as riot continues.

Revolutionary Anarchist Action (DAF)

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Comment on recommending my favourite anarchist texts

[See : Recommend your favourite Anarchist texts, Fieldnotes & Footnotes, May 29, 2013.] I don’t know that I have any particular favourite anarchist texts, though there are several that have assumed particular importance to me over the years.

In high school, the first extended analyses of anarchism I read were George Woodcock’s book on its history (in its second, 1986 edition) and Noam Chomsky’s essay ‘Notes on Anarchism’, which I read in the form of a zine distributed by local (Melbourne) Spanish anarchists-in-exile. The book I enjoyed because, while flawed (as I discovered later), it served to introduce me to a whole world of political and social movement which had previously been almost completely unknown to me outside of song; the essay because it was written so clearly and precisely. (It was written to serve as the introduction to Daniel Guerin’s Anarchism, which is also worthwhile reading.)

Peter Marshall’s Demanding the Impossible (1992) – which has come to take the place of Woodcock in terms of being the standard, English-language account of anarchism’s global history – is also a good resource. Michael Schmidt and Lucien van der Walt do a good job of drawing attention to some of the central flaws in both these earlier accounts in chapter two of 2009′s Black Flame, faults which they argue proceed from particular conceptual failings in the pair’s approach to defining ‘anarchism’ (the second volume of Black Flame will also provide something of a counter-narrative to Woodcock and Marshall).

NB. Gabriel Kuhn has written an interesting review of some of the definitional problems that emerge from Black Flame; he has also translated into English important writings by the German anarchists Gustav Landauer and Erich Mühsam.

With regards introductory texts, I really like Clifford Harper‘s illustrated volume Anarchy (1987), partly ’cause it’s simply-written, partly ’cause I’m a fan of his art. Otherwise, I like Colin Ward’s new-ish (2004) Anarchism: A Very Short Introduction, Albert Meltzer’s Arguments is OK, as is Nicholas Walter’s About Anarchism and so too Kropotkin’s 1910 encyclopedic contribution. Sean Sheehan’s Anarchism (2003) is, if I recall correctly, good in parts and ungood in others.

Of the Russian and Spanish revolutions, there’s a number of good anarchist writings. Of Russia, I think Voline’s Unknown Revolution and Gregory Maximoff’s Guillotine (1940/1979) are good (though there are of course many, many more, and I especially appreciate Aufheben‘s articles on the subject of (what was) the Soviet Union). Regarding Spain, I liked Vernon Richards’ Lessons, and I also liked Stuart Christie’s history of the FAI. Both texts helped me to understand how mass organisations like the CNT and FAI both failed and succeeded in their respective roles. Three other really good texts are Blood of Spain by Ronald Fraser, Mujeres Libres by Martha Ackelsberg and (of course) Homage to Catalonia (1938). Orwell’s writings are reminiscent of many of the classic anarchist texts in their simplicity and elegance.

When Woodcock published the first edition of his history (1962) he declared that anarchism was dead, or at least insofar as it constituted any kind of serious, revolutionary doctrine capable of commanding any real or serious attention. Some contend that since then a new, qualitatively different anarchist philosophy and movement has, can or must (be) develop/ed: Paul Nursey-Bray’s essay on this subject is really useful, while Heather Gautney’s essay helps to distinguish other, recent anarchist theoretical developments vis-a-vis autonomism and autonomist Marxism.

Most recently, I thought Uri Gordon‘s book Anarchy Alive! (2008) was really good, and many of the writings in Anarchy are useful and interesting, as are those emanating from segments of the ecological, feminist, indigenous, socialist, Marxist, peace and queer camps which examine anarchist themes: the Anarchist Studies Network provides really useful reading lists by, on, about and drawn from these subjects. The Institute of Anarchist Studies also provides many useful resources.

CrimethInc’s book Days of War, Nights of Love (2000) is an interesting, easily-digestible but also flawed recent re-articulation of anarchist politics of which Ken Knabb provides a really useful critique. His essay on the ‘Joy of Revolution’ is a really good, radical, libertarian account of revolutionary politics, the anarchist equivalent of which I’m yet to encounter (though I’m only familiar with English-language materials, and there are simply vast amounts of anarchist literature in French, Italian, Spanish and so on).

Finally, I really enjoy reading biographies: autobiographies of Alexander Berkman (1912), Stuart Christie (2007) and Albert Meltzer (1996); Dorothy Gallagher’s biography of Carlo Tresca, Mark Leier on Bakunin (2006) and Anne Coombs’ book on the Sydney Push (Sex and Anarchy, 1996) are all recommended. Richard Porton’s Film and the Anarchist Imagination (1999) is neat and also provides a good, analytical account of anarchism.
[More blah blah blah of possible interest here and below.]

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Freedom Flotilla : Original Nations Passport Ceremony, Saturday, June 1, 2013

+ PRESS RELEASE +

An historical ceremony will be held outside Victorian Trades Hall this Saturday for the issuing of “Original Nations” passports and West Papuan visas in conjunction with the Freedom Flotilla from Lake Eyre to West Papua.

In solidarity with the passport ceremony in Melbourne, a peaceful rally will be held in Manokwari, Papua.

The “Freedom Flotilla” convoy, which will travel through central and northern Australia and leave from Cairns, aims to highlight the abuse of human rights and land rights occurring in West Papua.

Indonesia invaded the western half of the island of New Guinea in May 1963, and since then over 500,000 West Papuans deaths and disappearances have been unaccounted as a result of violence and poverty inflicted by the military occupation.

West Papuan leaders together with traditional owners of the Kulan, Gunnai and Arabunna Aboriginal nations, which once shared the same continent, have initiated this peaceful action to draw international attention to the situation in West Papua and take a stand against the Indonesian military and the governments and multinational corporations that are complicit in the crimes against humanity taking place there.

“For as long as these human rights abuses occur, the Australian and Indonesian government are complicit in genocide,” says Robert Thorpe, an Elder of the Gunnai Nation.

“This mission will reunite our Indigenous family link, which was broken by geological evolution and colonial boundaries,” says Jacob Rumbiak, the Foreign Minister of the Federated Republic of West Papuan government in exile.

“This was one land; we still are one people, one soul.” says Uncle Kevin Buzzacott, an Elder of the Arabunna Nation.

The Freedom Flotilla is being crowd-funded, and has so far received support from environmental and human rights activists, politicians, musicians, unions and West Papuans both in and outside of West Papua.

Saturday’s ceremony will be held in front of the steps of the Trades Hall Building (Lygon St entrance), 54 Victoria St, Carlton, at 10am on Saturday 1 June 2013, and will be followed by music, food and guest speakers from the Kulan and Gunnai nations, Gooniyandi country, West Papua, the Greens and the MUA.

For more information go to: http://freedomflotillawestpapua.org

For media contact: Ronny Kareni on 0401 222 177; Izzy Brown on 0410 535 896; Nicky Stott on 0424 307 921.

+ PRESS RELEASE +

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Goodbye Monsieur Venner, Hello French Hammerskins!

French far-right historian Dominique Venner (April 16, 1935–May 21, 2013) has committed suicide in a rather spectacular fashion. Venner’s action was apparently prompted by his fear that France was becoming ghey and Muslamic. You can read his suicide note here; The Huffington Post records some thoughts here, including the reaction of others on the French far right to his death. For her part, Marine Le Pen, leader of the French fascist party Front National, reckons Venner was a top bloke, and his action laudable. Others agree, but it may be that the example may have to be repeated several thousand times before Venner’s argument really cuts through…

As an aside, and further to the margins of the political right, a few days ago (May 18/19) neo-Nazis in France gathered under the sheltering umbrella of the French Hammerskins. Or did they? Accounts vary. It seems that, while there was meant to be a large gathering of European neo-Nazis on the weekend, there was instead only a small meeting near Montpellier, involving perhaps 100 or so key members of various neo-Nazi organisations from across Europe, meeting overnight. A French antifa website (fafwatch) reckons it was organised by the French Hammerskins. A few hundred antifa demonstrated on Friday and Sunday in Perpignan – which is where they thought the meeting would take place (instead, it took place in a community room, one booked, typically, under false pretences).

In Australia, two weeks ago the boneheads belonging to the Australian franchise (Southern Cross Hammerskins) rocked out in Queensland (May 4), while more recently in the United States (the birthplace of the Hammerskins) the FBI has released some documents regarding the boneheads’ mass-murdering comrade-in-arms Wade Michael Page. Note that Ultimately, the FBI found there was no conspiracy behind the shooting, which officials labeled an act of “domestic terrorism.” In November, the FBI said Page acted alone in the rampage, finding no evidence to suggest the attack was “directed or facilitated by any white supremacist group.”

Of nazis with guns, David Sterman (The Atlantic, April 23, 2013) writes:

Right-wing extremists are more likely than violent Islamist extremists–or, as they are sometimes called, jihadists–to have military experience. They are also better armed, and are responsible for more incidents. The past two decades have seen multiple attacks from right-wing extremist veterans, from Wade Michael Page, who trained at Fort Bragg, to the group of former and active-duty soldiers in Georgia, who collected weapons to carry out a plan to assassinate President Obama. In 2011, Kevin Harpham, who had served in the army, placed a bomb along the route of a Martin Luther King Jr. Day parade. During the 1990s, violent extremism in the militia movement and other right-wing movements relied heavily upon those who served in the military. Timothy McVeigh, the perpetrator of the most deadly terrorist attack on American soil before 9/11, was a military veteran whose libertarian views were also heavily influenced by a novel by a former American Nazi Party official. Eric Rudolph, the anti-abortion extremist who bombed the 1996 Olympics, had also enlisted in the army.

See also : Happy Birthday Mister Hitler! (April 20, 2011) | Dieter Samoy : Still Dead Baby, Dead (January 15, 2012). For an interesting account of the ways in which shootings are portrayed by the media and their meanings, see Who Becomes The Face Of A Horrific Attack?, WUNC.org, May 21, 2013.

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Bullying is bad, mmmkay David?

D’oh!

The Age today reports that a Federal Court judge has ruled that RMIT done wrogn when it fired a professor, Judith Bessant, breaking workplace laws intended to prevent employers from silencing critics (RMIT professor unfairly sacked, Clay Lucas, May 20, 2013). Bessant was fired after she raised criticisms of David Hayward, currently the Dean of Global, Urban and Social Studies at RMIT. You may remember Hayward from when he presided over the dismantling of the Youth Work degree at RMIT; he also had the unfortunate task of defending his former deputy, Julian Bondy, when Bondy was stripped of his doctorate for plagiarism. A life member of the Victorian Council of Social Service, when he’s not trying to silence dissent, Hayward may be found pontificating about economics at The Conversation.

Speaking of industrialised, mass bullying, this week (Thursday, May 23) students and staff at the University of Sydney will be again rallying against police being used to break legs and pickets. The rally comes after the Vice Chancellor, Michael Spence, authorised the use of police to break the picket of May 14:

One student has a broken leg, other students and staff have cracked ribs, another internal bleeding, one protestor has a broken nose. At least several students were trampled badly. Many students suffered severe psychological distress and at least one came very near to an epileptic fit. One student was choked and deprived of oxygen for a minute and [a] half.

All of this could have been avoided if Michael Spence hadn’t welcomed the riot squad onto campus in order to try and break the pickets and undermine wages and conditions.

In many universities around the world police aren’t allowed on campus, and until recently at Sydney University it was the same. It’s time to say no to cops on campus, and yes to a fair enterprise bargaining agreement.

Michael Spence, MUST take responsibility for the violence of the riot police and stop allowing them on campus.

As elsewhere, the limits of police violence will be determined by the endurance and solidarity of picketers.

Bonus liberalism!

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Your rights with ASIO – advice for activists (Dale Mills)

Dale Mills has some advice for activists on how to deal ASIO if it comes knocking:


Personally, I think ASIO does a superb job.

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#studentstrike #brokenleg #solidarity #usyd

Around Australia, thousands of students (seemingly concentrated in Melbourne and Sydney) went on strike and rallied and marched today, in protest at the cuts ($2.3 billion) by the Federal government to the tertiary education sector.

Their protests will of course be ignored — but may constitute a step in the right direction.

In any event, at the University of Sydney, police attacked a picket, breaking one man’s leg in the process.

Some folks have issued the following statement on Facebook in response.

No doubt there will be further accounts and reflections in the days and weeks ahead.

(Note that the University inter alia appears to have become a focus for recent ASIO snooping.)

An Open Letter to and from the USYD community

One student had his leg broken. Another was choked and went limp. Several students were trampled. Many others were shoved, grabbed, bruised or struck. These attacks on peaceful protestors were nothing less than outrageous.

All of these assaults and indignities could have been avoided if Spence did not allow the riot police on campus. The university has the right to exclude police from campus, and in the past it was very rare for the cops to come on campus for this very reason.

We condemn Spence. If the university allows riot police onto campus, it is complicit in their violence. The argument that they bring order to the campus is transparently absurd, all footage and testimony shows that the police have been a force for violence and disruption (there is an old quip: the riot police are aptly named).

Copy and paste this as your status in solidarity with those injured.

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Delta Goodrem has a great sense of humour

Updaterer : Mia Freedman (The boy who cried ‘racist’, mamamia, May 16) reckons:

“Blackface IS racist, no question. But to me (admittedly, a white girl so I welcome comments from those with a different perspective, please leave them below), there is a huge difference between painting your face black to mock an entire race and painting yourself black to respectfully dress up as someone who has black skin.”

Precisely how Mia arrived at the conclusion that the bloke in the photo was respectful rather than mocking is unknown, but necessarily, according to her logic, any person who dresses in blackface but claims to be doing so respectfully must be hugely different – ie, not-racist – to someone who does so simply in order to engage in (racist) mockery. What her case seems to boil down to, in other words, is intent: if someone using blackface does so without intending to mock blacks, it’s a kosher activity (possibly one even fit to reappear on our TV screens, who knows?).

Update : The Voice coach Delta Goodrem distances herself from Twitter blackface scandal, Cameron Adams, news.com.au, May 13, 2013.

D’oh!

A Child of the Universe… x

SITTING ON TOP OF THE WORLD

See also : Hey Hey It’s Not Racism! (October 11, 2009). [Aamer Rahman stuck it on his tumblr too.]

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[War is the health of the patriarchal state]

I thought that this passage from Terry Eagleton’s book Reason, Faith & Revolution (2009) — summarising Susan Faludi’s observations on 9/11 and US culture — was neat. It also helps to explain, I think, the mentality of many on the far right in Australia, their vicious hatred of feminism and feminists, and its particular expression as a paranoia regarding vulnerabilities to foreign invasion.

*

That many in the United States learned absolutely nothing from the onslaughts of 9/11 is clear enough from Susan Faludi’s brave study The Terror Dream: What 9/11 Revealed About America. 9/11, Faludi argues, was a crisis of American virility from which the nation very quickly recovered. Only weeks after the attack, George Bush called on a clutch of Hollywood moguls to help market the war on terror; and part of the project was to herald the return of traditional American manliness after what one writer quoted by Faludi called the ‘‘pussification of the American man.’’ Under the emasculating influence of feminism, American males had grown flabby and gelded, shaved-and-waxed male bimbos whose limp-wristed lifestyle had laid the nation open to the Islamicist assault. The phallic symbol of America had been cut off, one blogger fantasized, and at its base was a large, smoldering vagina. ‘‘Well, this sure pushes feminism off the map!’’ was one U.S. reporter’s response to the loss of three thousand lives. A Band of Brothers ethic, so one news magazine put it, could not take root in a female-obsessed Sex and the City culture. The U.S. had lost its balls along with its immunity to foreign invasion. A nation that had traditionally had some difficulty in distinguishing fantasy from reality was now busy conflating the two at every turn.

The aftermath of 9/11, so Faludi reports, witnessed a vicious lampooning of U.S. feminists. The Taliban’s oppression of women, much touted for a while, began to evaporate as a cause for concern as the bombs fell on Afghanistan. Meanwhile, squint-eyed Donald Rumsfeld was being celebrated as ‘‘the Stud,’’ ‘‘a babe magnet,’’ and—such are the egregious illusions of ideology—‘‘the sexiest man alive.’’ Square-jawed, short-haired, gun-toting America, thrust into neurotic self-doubt by an army of castrating bitches, had finally come out of hiding, beating its collective chest. Not long after the attack, men’s fashions began to favor hard-hat, military chic and firefighters’ jackets. The wide-eyed United States, unlike endemically cynical Europe, has always felt a hunger for heroes, and having an aircraft slam into your office somehow turned you into one.

Or if that was a hard one to argue, there were always the New York firefighters. The grim truth about 9/11, Faludi claims, is that the death toll would have been considerably lower had the firefighters not been sent into the World Trade Center. About three times more firefighters than office workers died on the floors below the impact of the aircraft. But in they were sent anyway, and the media response was to make Sir Galahads of them all. One demented U.S. journal raved that the New York Fire Department were heroes in possession of godlike prowess, beneficence, and divinity. Many of the firefighters themselves begged leave to demur. The fact that they died partly because their radios were not working was swept decorously under the carpet.

It was not long before the firefighters were erotic figures as well as heroic ones. A lust-for-firemen trend was launched. ‘‘Firefighters Are a Hot Commodity in the Dating Game!’’ shrieked one newspaper headline. Women painted their toe-nails fire-engine red. All this was seen less as kinkiness or hysteria than as a welcome return to sexual normality. The presence of women helping at Ground Zero was coolly ignored. Instead, there was a morbid cult of 9/11 widows, glossily packaged victims who were required to stick submissively to a script written for them by the media. Those who rebelled against their all-American-housewife image were instantly suppressed. A non-victim called Jessica Lynch was non-saved by U.S. soldiers in a non-heroic non-event. Terrorism and domesticity were closely twined: the point of killing Iraqis was to protect your kids. ‘‘Goodbye, Soccer Mom, Hello, Security Mom,’’ announced Time magazine, maintaining that the terrorist offensive had shocked Americans into a new faith in their oldest values. Everywhere you looked, people were trying to scramble their way back into the womb. A neurotic desire for security gripped a nation newly conscious of its mortality. Women who had ranked their careers over marriage were said bitterly to regret their blunder. The cozy and connubial were in vogue once again. Who, after all, was going to hold your hand when the next blast came?

Some of the actual victims of 9/11, including firefighters, spoke not in the hubristic language of their leaders, but of bonds forged by the shared experience of weakness, fear, and vulnerability. Meanwhile, the Babel-like response of their masters was to consider building an edifice at Ground Zero even higher than the Twin Towers. The grim news was that the United States’s moment of tragic crisis was in no way a spiritual conversion. On the contrary, it was business as usual, only a good deal more so.

*

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The Christian Brothers & child sex abuse : An accident of history (including GST)

The leadership of the Christian Brothers in Oceania appeared before the Victorian state government inquiry into child abuse yesterday on Friday, May 3. Given before a packed audience, their testimony was enlightening in some respects, contradictory in others, but otherwise proceeded as I expected it to, attempting but I think ultimately failing to strike the delicate balance between, on the one hand, expressing regret and remorse for the rape and abuse of children in the Order’s care and, on the other hand, refraining from admitting any collective — and especially criminal or lawful — responsibility for these horrors.

The media coverage of the Brothers’ appearance (especially that provided by Hamish Fitzsimmons) seems to have captured the most salient points: the concentration of child rapists at St Alipius was an “accident of history” according to the Brothers; the Brothers have spent approximately $1.5 million (“including GST”) defending its members from allegations of child rape and sexual assault — $1.171 million on Robert Charles Best’s defence alone — and paid something in the order of $10.5 million in ex gratia payments to well over 250 victims; the Order paid $8,000 for a private investigator to spy on a victim in an attempt to gather evidence to be used against him in court.

Fitzsimmons’ reports ends by noting that “[l]ate this afternoon, the committee heard from the head of the Church’s compensation panel that deals with abuse victims. He says he believes no amount of money can compensate for the abuse people have suffered.” This is true, although not quite in the sense that the spokesperson intended: the Church has fought tooth-and-nail to limit the amount of financial compensation victims may receive. Indeed, as noted at an earlier hearing, Anthony Foster estimates that Cardinal Pell’s Melbourne Response may have saved the Church more than $280 million in payouts.

Two further points: the Brothers’ admitted to just two reported instances (in 1950 and 1970) of child sex abuse prior to the 1990s. The pair responsible were reprimanded but not reported to police: a ‘mistake’ attributable, according to the Brothers, to the fact that this was regarded as a moral failing rather than a criminal offence (a categorisation which has been used in a systematic fashion as part of an overall policy in criminal avoidance by the Church). In the early 1990s the Order established a helpline for victims, which functioned as a referral service — though not to police. At this time, the number of victims and offences mounted rapidly, as they and police began to seek justice not through the Order but rather the criminal and civil courts: a process which is ongoing.

***

The principal problem with the Order’s protestations of innocence — and the claim that the abuse of many hundreds of the children placed in its care was a terrible ‘mistake’ of some kind — is the fact that the abuse was actively facilitated by the policies adopted by the organisation. To begin with, the abuse was regarded not as a criminal offence but a moral failing, for which the only penalty was repentance. Thus, while claiming that ‘society’ did not understand or acknowledge the existence of child sex abuse or paedophilia — and thus this perspective, while mistaken, was understandable — the claim falls down given the Order’s knowledge of the law, then and now. In other words, if ‘society’ was ignorant of the facts of child sex abuse, this was partly the results of the efforts of the Christian Brothers.

Broken Rites, referring to the 1996 case of Brother Edward Vernon Dowlan:

According to submissions made in court, Dowlan was openly molesting boys (in the presence of other boys) at his first two schools, so the Brothers’ Victoria-Tasmania administration moved him from his second school to a boarding school (St Patrick’s College, Ballarat), where Dowlan assaulted more boys. The parents of at least one St Patrick’s victim confronted St Patrick’s head Christian Brother about Dowlan’s offence. The Christian Brothers’ headquarters then kept transferring Dowlan to more schools, where he found yet more victims — until the police finally caught up with him in 1993.

A final note. The Brothers claimed that their principal concern has been for victims. This is correct if one considers they believe that the chief victim has been themselves.

See also : [Blog post into Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse], April 12, 2013.

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