This article's factual accuracy is disputed. Please help to ensure that disputed facts are reliably sourced. See the relevant discussion on the talk page. (January 2012)

The Special Period in Time of Peace in Cuba was an extended period of economic crisis that began in 1991 after the dissolution of the Soviet Union and, by extension, the Comecon. The economic depression of the Special Period was at its most severe in the early-to-mid 1990s before slightly declining in severity towards the end of the decade. It was defined primarily by the severe shortages of hydrocarbon energy resources in the form of gasoline, diesel, and other petroleum derivatives that occurred upon the implosion of economic agreements between the petroleum-rich Soviet Union and Cuba. The period radically transformed Cuban society and the economy, as it necessitated the successful introduction of sustainable agriculture, decreased use of automobiles, and overhauled industry, health, and diet countrywide. People were forced to live without many goods they had become used to.

Overview[link]

The dissolution of the Soviet Union hit the Cuban economy severely. The country lost approximately 80% of its imports, 80% of its exports and its Gross Domestic Product dropped by 34 percent. Food and medicine imports stopped or severely slowed. The largest immediate impact was the loss of nearly all of the petroleum imports from the USSR;^[1] Cuba's oil imports dropped to 10% of pre-1990 amounts.^[2] Before this, Cuba had been re-exporting any Soviet petroleum it did not consume to other nations for profit, meaning that petroleum had been Cuba's second largest export product before 1990. Once the restored Russian Federation emerged from the former Soviet Union, its administration immediately made clear that it had no intention of delivering petroleum that had been guaranteed the island by the USSR; this resulted in a decrease in Cuban consumption to 20% of its previous level within two years.^[1][3] The effect was felt immediately. Entirely dependent on fossil fuels to operate, the major underpinnings of Cuban society—its transportation, industrial and agricultural systems—were paralyzed. There were extensive losses of productivity in both Cuban agriculture — which was dominated by modern industrial tractors, combines, and harvesters, all of which required petroleum to run — and in Cuban industrial capacity.

The early stages of the Special Period were defined by a general breakdown in transportation and agricultural sectors, fertilizer and pesticide stocks (both of those being manufactured primarily from petroleum derivatives), and widespread food shortages. Australian and other permaculturists arriving in Cuba at the time began to distribute aid and taught their techniques to locals, who soon implemented them in Cuban fields, raised beds, and urban rooftops across the nation. Organic agriculture was soon after mandated by the Cuban government, supplanting the old industrialized form of agriculture Cubans had grown accustomed to. Relocalization, permaculture, and innovative modes of mass transit had to be rapidly developed. For a time, waiting for a bus could take three hours, power outages could last up to sixteen hours, food consumption was cut back to one-fifth of their previous levels and the average Cuban lost about nine kilograms (twenty pounds)^{(highly doubtful; needs citations)}. Although starvation was avoided, persistent hunger, something not seen since before the Cuban Revolution, suddenly became a daily experience, and initially, malnutrition in children under five was evident after just a few weeks of these food shortages.

At the time, United States law allowed humanitarian aid in the form of food and medicine by private groups. Then in March 1996, the Helms-Burton Act imposed further penalties on foreign companies doing business in Cuba, and allowed U.S. citizens to sue foreign investors who use American-owned property seized by the Cuban government.^{[citation needed]} Due to the external factors contributing to the energy crisis in Cuba, the collapse of the USSR who had been their main source of petroleum and food imports, along with the various stages of the US embargo, this is referred to as an "artificial" peak oil.^[4]

The Cuban government was also forced to contract out more lucrative economic and tourism deals with various Western European and South American nations in an attempt to earn the foreign currency necessary to replace the lost Soviet petroleum via the international markets. Additionally faced with a near-elimination of imported steel and other ore-based supplies, Cuba closed refineries and factories across the country, eliminating the country's industrial arm and millions of jobs. The government then proceeded to replace these lost jobs with employment in industrial agriculture and other homegrown initiatives, but these jobs often did not pay as well, and Cubans on the whole became economically poorer. Alternative transportation, most notably the Cuban "camels" — immense 18-wheeler tractor trailers retrofitted as passenger buses meant to carry hundreds of Cubans each — flourished. Food-wise, meat and dairy products, having been extremely fossil fuel dependent in their former factory farming methods, soon diminished in the Cuban diet. In a shift notable for being generally anathema to Latin American food habits, the people of the island by necessity adopted diets higher in fiber, fresh produce, and ultimately more vegan in character. No longer needing sugar as desperately for a cash crop — the oil-for-sugar program the Soviets had contracted with Cuba had, of course, dissipated — Cuba hurriedly diversified its agricultural production, utilizing former cane fields to grow consumables such as oranges and other fruit and vegetables. The Cuban government also focused more intensely on cooperation with Venezuela once the socialist Hugo Chávez was elected president in 1998.

Famine[link]

Nutrition fell from 3,052 calories per day in 1989 to 2,099 calories per day in 1993. Other reports indicate even lower figures, 1,863 calories per day. Some estimated that the very old and children received only 1,450 calories per day.^[5] The recommended minimum is 2,100–2,300 calories.

The Special Period's malnutrition created epidemics, but it had positive effects too. Manuel Franco describes the Special Period as "the first, and probably the only, natural experiment, born of unfortunate circumstances, where large effects on diabetes, cardiovascular disease and all-cause mortality have been related to sustained population-wide weight loss as a result of increased physical activity and reduced caloric intake".^[6]

A paper in the American Journal of Epidemiology, says that "during 1997-2002, there were declines in deaths attributed to diabetes (51%), coronary heart disease (35%), stroke (20%), and all causes (18%). An outbreak of neuropathy and a modest increase in the all-cause death rate among the elderly were also observed."^[7] This was caused by how the population tried to reduce the energy store without reducing the nutritional value of the food.^[7]

A letter published in the Canadian Medical Association Journal (CMAJ) criticizes the American Journal of Epidemiology for not taking all factors into account and says that "The famine in Cuba during the Special Period was caused by political and economic factors similar to the ones that caused a famine in North Korea in the mid-1990s. Both countries were run by authoritarian regimes that denied ordinary people the food to which they were entitled when the public food distribution collapsed; priority was given to the elite classes and the military. In North Korea, 3%–5% of the population died; in Cuba the death rate among the elderly increased by 20% from 1982 to 1993."^[8] The regime did not accept American donations of food, medicines and cash until 1993.^[8] Thirty thousand Cubans fled the country.

August 5th, 1994 protest[link]

The neutrality of this section is disputed. Please see the discussion on the talk page. Please do not remove this message until the dispute is resolved. (December 2009)

Hundreds of Cubans protested in Havana on August 5, 1994, some chanting "Libertad!" ("Freedom"). The protest, in which some threw rocks at police, was dispersed by the police after a few hours.^[9] A paper published in the Journal of Democracy argues that this was the closest that the Cuban opposition could come to asserting itself decisively.^[9]

Government response[link]

Immediate actions taken by the government included televising an announcement of the expected energy crisis a week before the USSR notified the Cuban government that they would not be delivering the expected quota of crude oil. Citizens were asked to reduce their consumption in all areas and to use public transportation and carpooling. As time went on, more structured strategies were developed to manage what would turn out to be a long-term energy/economic crisis which would take them into the 21st century.^{[citation needed]}

Food rations[link]

Food rations were intensified. Monthly allocations for families were based on basic minimum requirements as recommended by the United Nations. However, at the worst of times, the rations were only 1/5 of these consumption amounts.

Housing, land distribution, and urban planning[link]

The scarcity of tools, and building materials, and the cost of producing cement increased the pressure on already overcrowded housing. Even before the energy crisis, extended families lived in small apartments (many of which were in very poor condition) to be closer to an urban area. To help alleviate this situation, the government engaged in land-distribution where they supplemented larger government owned farms with privately owned ones. Small homes were built in rural areas and land was provided to encourage families to move and assist in food production for themselves and to sell in local farmers' markets. As the film "The Power of Community: How Cuba Survived Peak Oil" discusses, co-ops were developed which were owned and managed by groups, as well as creating opportunities for allowing them to form "service co-ops" where credit was exchanged and group purchasing power was used to buy seeds and other necessary items.^[4]

Transportation[link]

Cubans were accustomed to cars as a convenient mode of transportation. It was a difficult shift during the Special Period to adjust to a new way of managing the transportation of thousands of people to school, to work and to other daily activities. With the realization that food was the key to survival, transportation became a secondary worry and walking, hitch-hiking, and carpooling became the norm. Privately owned vehicles are not common; ownership is not seen as a right but as a privilege awarded for performance. Public transportation is creative and takes on the following forms:

• Cars - old US cars common in Cuba are used as taxis to transport from six to eight passengers, stopping at locations as needed.
• Trucks - canopies and steps were added to accommodate more passengers and protect them from the natural elements or open "dump-truck buses" are used.
• Bikes - 1.2 million bicycles were purchased from China and distributed as well as another half a million produced in Cuba.
• "Camels" - Conversion of semi-truck flatbeds into bus-like vehicles that hold up to 300 passengers.
• Government vehicles pick up passengers as needed.
• Horses and mules are used as well as bike and horse drawn carriages with taxi licenses are numerous both in rural and urban areas.
• Convenience for the individual is secondary to efficient use of energy.

Agriculture[link]

Cuba's history of colonization included deforestation and overuse of its agricultural land. Before the crisis, Cuba used more pesticides than the U.S.. Much of their land was so damaged (de-mineralized and almost sand-like) that it took three to five years of intensely "healing" the soil with amendments, compost, "green manure", and practices such as crop rotation and inter-planting (mixed crops grown in same plot) to return it to a healthy state. Bio-fertilizers and bio-pesticides have replaced most chemicals. Today, 80% of Cuba's produce is organically grown, successes that those interviewed in the documentary The Power of Community: How Cuba Survived Peak Oil were very proud of.^[4]

Another reason Cuba survived this crisis is the shift in their thinking from machine to manual labour.^{[citation needed]} Abandoning their previous industrialized agricultural methods, tractors and other machinery were replaced with human and animal labor. Older farmers familiar with raising and training oxen trained others to increase those involved in food production. Chemical fertilizers were replaced with organic farming techniques which require more labor but less fossil fuels.^{[citation needed]} Initially, this was a very difficult situation for Cubans to accept; many came home from studying abroad to find that there were no jobs in their fields. It was pure survival that motivated them to continue and contribute to survive through this crisis. The documentary states that today, farmers make more money than most other occupations.^[4]

Due to a poor economy, there were many crumbling buildings that could not be repaired. These were torn down and the empty lots lay idle for years until the food shortages forced Cuban citizens to make use of every piece of land. Initially, this was an ad-hoc process where ordinary Cubans took the initiative to grow their own food in whatever piece of land was available. The government encouraged this practice and later assisted in promoting it. Urban gardens sprung up throughout the capital of Havana and other urban centers on roof-tops, patios, and unused parking lots in raised beds as well as "squatting" on empty lots. These efforts were furthered by Australian agriculturalists that came to the island in 1993 to teach permaculture, a sustainable agricultural system, and to "train the trainers".^{[citation needed]} The Cuban government then sent these teams throughout the country to train others.^{[citation needed]}

"Kiosks" (farmers' markets) were set up in all communities to provide easy access to locally grown produce; less travel time required less energy use. These local markets provide 80-100% of the produce needed for that local community.^{[citation needed]}

Other effects[link]

The ideological changes of the Special Period had effects on Cuban society and culture, beyond those on the country. A comprehensive review of these effects concerning ideology, art and popular culture can be found in Hernandez-Reguant's Cuba in the Special Period. As a result of increased travel and tourism, popular culture developed in new ways. Lisa Knauer, in that volume, describes the circulation of rumba between New York and Havana, and their mutual influences. Antonio Eligio Tonel has described the contemporary art networks that shaped the Cuban art market, and Esther Whitfield the channels through which Cuban literature accessed the wider Spanish speaking world during that period. Elsewhere, Deborah Pacini, Marc Perry, Geoffrey Baker and Sujatha Fernandes extensively wrote about rap music as a result of these transnational exchanges.^[10] In recent years, that is, not in the 1990s which is the period identified with the Special Period, reggaeton has replaced timba as the genre of choice among youth, taking on the explicitly sexual dance moves that originated with timba.^[11][12]

Whereas timba music was a Cuban genre that evolved out of traditional son and jazz, emphasizing blackness and sexuality through sensual dancing, with lyrics that reflected the socio-cultural situation of the period with humor [Hernandez-Reguant 2006], Cuban hip hop evolved as a socially conscious movement influenced heavily by its kin genre in the United States. Thus it was not so much a product of the Special Period -as timba was- as one of globalization.[Fernandes 2004] The Revolution and the blockage of all imports from the US had made the dissemination of American music difficult during the sixties and seventies, as it was often "tainted as music of the enemy and began to disappear from the public view." But all of that changed in the 1990s, when American rappers flocked regularly to Cuba, tourists brought CDs, and North American stations, perfectly audible in Cuba, brought its sounds. Nonetheless, hip hop circulated through informal networks, thus creating a small underground scene of rap enthusiasts located mostly in Havana's Eastern neighborhoods that called the attention of foreign scholars and journalists. Eventually, rappers were offered a space within state cultural networks. The lack of resources to purchase the electronic equipment to produce beats and tracks gives Cuban rap a raw feel that paralleled that of 'old school' music in the US.^[13]

See also[link]

• The Power of Community: How Cuba Survived Peak Oil, a documentary film paralleling the Special Period's changes with the rest of the world's choices regarding global warming
• Economy of Cuba
• Rationing in Cuba

	Energy portal
	Cuba portal

References[link]

Other sources[link]

• Chavez, L. (2005). Capitalism, God, and a Good Cigar; Cuba Enters the Twenty-First Century. Durham and London: Duke University Press.

• Chiddister, Diane. (2006, April 27). Film shows many ways Cuba reacted to peak oil crisis Yellow Springs News. Retrieved October 18, 2006

• Heinberg, R. (2003). The Party's Over: Oil, War and the Fate of Industrial Societies. Canada: New Societies Publishers

• Hernandez-Reguant, A., ed.(2009). Cuba in the Special Period. Culture and Ideology in the 1990s. New York: Palgrave -Mac Millan.

• Lopez, M. Vigil. (1999). Cuba; Neither Heaven Nor Hell. Washington, D.C.: The Ecumenical Program of Central America and the Caribbean (EPICA).

• Pineiro-Hall, E. (2003) Seattle Delegation US Women and Cuba@ 5th International Women’s Conference, University of Havana.

• Sierra, J.A. Time Table of Cuba 1980–2005, Retrieved December 12, 2006

• Zuckerman, S. (2003). Lessons From Cuba: What Can We Learn From Cuba's Two-Tier Tourism Economy?, Retrieved November 26, 2006

External links[link]

• Cuba: Life After Oil

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Zakir Naik
Born	Zakir Abdul Karim Naik (1965-10-18) 18 October 1965 (age 46) Mumbai, Maharashtra, India
Education	Bachelor of Medicine and Surgery
Alma mater	Kishinchand Chellaram College Topiwala National Medical College and Nair Hospital University of Mumbai
Occupation	President of Islamic Research Foundation, public speaker
Years active	1991–present
Known for	Dawah
Influenced by	Ahmed Deedat
Board member of	Islamic Research Foundation
Religion	Islam
Spouse	Farhat Naik
Website
IRF.net PeaceTV.tv

Zakir Abdul Karim Naik (Urdu: ذاکر عبدالکریم نائیک; born 18 October 1965) is an Indian public speaker on the subject of Islam and comparative religion. He is the founder and president of the Islamic Research Foundation (IRF),^[1] a non-profit organisation that owns the Peace TV channel based in Dubai, UAE. He is sometimes referred to as a televangelist.^[2][3] Before becoming a public speaker, he trained as a doctor.^[3] He has written two booklets on Islam and comparative religion. He is regarded as an exponent of the Salafi ideology; ^[4] he places a strong emphasis on individual scholarship and the rejection of "blind Taqlid", which has led him to repudiate the relevance of sectarian or Madh'hab designations, all the while reaffirming their importance. ^[5][6]

Biography[link]

Zakir Abdul Karim Naik was born on 18 October 1965 in Mumbai, India. He attended St. Peter's High School in Mumbai. Later he enrolled at Kishinchand Chellaram College, before studying medicine at Topiwala National Medical College and Nair Hospital and later the University of Mumbai, where he obtained a Bachelor of Medicine and Surgery (MBBS).^[1] His wife, Farhat Naik, works for the women's section of the IRF.^[7]

In 1991 he started working in the field of Dawah, and founded the IRF.^[8] Naik says he was inspired by Ahmed Deedat, an Islamic preacher, having met him in 1987.^[9] (Naik is sometimes referred to as "Deedat plus", a label given to him by Deedat himself.)^[9][10] Naik says that his goal is to "concentrate on the educated Muslim youth who have become apologetic about their own religion and have started to feel the religion is outdated."^[11] He considers it a duty of every Muslim to remove perceived misconceptions about Islam and to counter what he views as the Western media's anti-Islamic bias in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 attacks (also known as 9/11) in the United States.^[12] Some of his articles are published in magazines such as Islamic Voice.^[13]

Anthropologist Thomas Blom Hansen has written that Naik's style of memorising the Quran and Hadith literature in various languages, and his related missionary activity, has made him extremely popular in Muslim and non-Muslim circles.^[11] Many of his debates are recorded and widely distributed in video and DVD media and online. His talks are usually recorded in English and broadcast on weekends on several cable networks in Mumbai's Muslim neighbourhoods, and on the Peace TV channel, which he co-produces.^[14][15] Topics he speaks on include: "Islam and Modern Science", "Islam and Christianity", and "Islam and secularism".

Naik is the founder of the Islamic International School in Mumbai.^[16]

Lectures and debates[link]

Naik has held many debates and lectures around the world. One of Naik's most-cited debates was with William Campbell in Chicago in April 2000 on the topic of "The Qur'an and the Bible: In the Light of Science".^[17]

Naik has said that "despite the strident anti-Islam campaign, 34,000 Americans have embraced Islam from September 2001 to July 2002." He says Islam is a religion of reason and logic, and that the Quran contains 1000 verses relating to science, which he says explains the number of Western converts.^[18] A popular theme of Naik's is to try to demonstrate how scientific theories were prophesised by the Quran. For example, he says certain verses of the Quran accurately describe embryological development.^[19]

On 21 January 2006 Naik held an inter-religious debate with Sri Sri Ravi Shankar in Bangalore about the concept of God in Islam and Hinduism.^[20]

In February 2011 Naik addressed the Oxford Union via video link from India.^[21]

Peace conference[link]

Every year since November 2007 Naik has led a 10-day Peace Conference at Somaiya Ground, Sion, Mumbai. Lectures on Islam have been presented by Naik and twenty other Islamic scholars.^[22]

During one of the lectures at the 2007 Peace Conference, Naik provoked anger between members of the Shia and Sunni communities, when he said the words "Radiallah ta'la anho" ("May Allah be pleased with him") after mentioning the name of Caliph Yazid I—a figure hated by many Muslims, but particularly by Shias—and said the battle of Karbala was political.^[23] Others, however, believed the comment was blown out of proportion.^[24]

Naik's views[link]

Biological evolution[link]

Naik has said that the theory of evolution is "only a hypothesis, and an unproven conjecture at best".^[25] According to Naik, most scientists "support the theory, because it went against the Bible – not because it was true."^[26]

Religions apart from Islam[link]

Naik says that Islam is the only correct religion (the equivalent of a maths teacher demonstrating that 2+2=4) while other religions are mistaken (the equivalent of saying that 2+2=3 or 2+2=6). He adds that other religions should not be allowed to propagate, and he supports banning the construction of non-Muslim houses of worship in Muslim lands.^[27]

Apostasy[link]

Naik has said that any Muslim is free to convert from Islam if the person so chooses, but added that if a Muslim converts and then speaks against Islam or propagates this other religion, it should be considered treason (as in treason to a country). Naik stated that under Islamic law this is punishable by death.^[28][29]

Terrorism[link]

Naik's views and statements on terrorism have at times been criticised in the media. In a YouTube video, speaking of Osama bin Laden, Naik said that he would not criticise bin Laden because he had not met him and did not know him personally. He added that, "If bin Laden is fighting enemies of Islam, I am for him," and that "If he is terrorizing the terrorist, if he is terrorizing America – the terrorist, biggest terrorist – I am with him. Every Muslim should be a terrorist. The thing is that if he is terrorizing the terrorist, he is following Islam. Whether he is or not, I don’t know, but you as Muslims know that, without checking up, laying allegations is also wrong."^[30][31] When Time hinted that this remark could have inspired Najibullah Zazi's terrorist activities, Naik insisted: "I have always condemned terrorism, because according to the glorious Koran, if you kill one innocent person, then you have killed the whole of humanity".^[30]

In 2010, Naik said that he had been quoted out of context regarding the remarks on terrorism. "As far as terrorist is concerned," he said, "I tell the Muslims that every Muslim should be a terrorist. ... What is the meaning of the word terrorist? Terrorist by definition means a person who terrorises. So in this context every Muslim should be a terrorist to each and every anti-social element. I’m aware that terrorist is more commonly used for a person who terrorises innocent human beings. So in this context no Muslim should ever terrorise a single innocent human being."^[32]

In a lecture delivered on 31 July 2008 on Peace TV, Naik commented on the attacks of 11 September: "it is a blatant, open secret that this attack on the Twin Towers was done by George Bush himself".^[33]

Other countries[link]

Visit to Australia and Wales[link]

In 2004 Naik, at the invitation of the Islamic Information and Services Network of Australasia, made an appearance at Melbourne University, where he argued that only Islam gave women true equality.^[34] He said the more "revealing Western dress" makes women more susceptible to rape.^[35] Sushi Das of The Agecommented that "Naik extolled the moral and spiritual superiority of Islam and lampooned other faiths and the West in general", further criticising that Naik's words "fostered a spirit of separateness and reinforced prejudice".^[36]

In August 2006 Naik's visit and conference in Cardiff caused controversy when Welsh MP David Davies called for his appearance to be cancelled. He said Naik was a "hate-monger", and that his views did not deserve a public platform; Muslims from Cardiff, however, defended Naik's right to speak in the city. Saleem Kidwai, Secretary General of the Muslim Council of Wales, disagreed with Davies, stating that "people who know about him [Naik] know that he is one of the most uncontroversial persons you could find. He talks about the similarities between religions, and how should we work on the common ground between them", whilst also inviting Davies to discuss further with Naik personally in the conference. The conference went ahead, after the Cardiff council stated it was satisfied that he would not be preaching extremist views.^[37]

2010 exclusion from the UK and Canada[link]

Naik was denied entry into the United Kingdom and Canada in June 2010.^[38][39] He was banned from entering the UK by Home Secretary Theresa May after arranging to give talks in London and Sheffield. May said of the exclusion order, "Numerous comments made by Dr Naik are evidence to me of his unacceptable behaviour".^[38] Naik argued that the Home Secretary was making a political decision and not a legal one, and his lawyer said the decision was "barbaric and inhuman". He also claimed that his comments were taken out of context.^[40] Film producer Mahesh Bhatt supported Naik, saying the ban constituted an attack on freedom of speech.^[41] It was reported that Naik would attempt to challenge the ruling in the High Court.^[42] His application for judicial review was dismissed on 5 November 2010.^[8] Naik was forbidden from entering Canada after Tarek Fatah, founder of Muslim Canadian Congress, warned MPs of Naik's views.^[39]

Reception[link]

Naik was ranked 89 on The Indian Express's list of the "100 Most Powerful Indians in 2010".^[43] He was ranked 82 in the 2009 edition.^[44] According to Praveen Swami, Naik is "perhaps the most influential Salafi ideologue in India".^[45] Sanjiv Buttoo says he is acknowledged as an authority on Islam, but is known for making negative remarks about other religions.^[38] Sadanand Dhume writes that Naik has a "carefully crafted image of moderation", because of his gentle demeanor, his wearing of a suit and tie, and his quoting of scriptures of other religions.^[46] He is also mentioned in the book "The 500 most influential muslims – 2011" under honourable mentions.^{[citation needed]}

Criticism[link]

Khushwant Singh, a prominent Indian journalist, politician, and author, says he "disagree[s] with almost everything [Naik] has to say about misconceptions about Islam". Singh argues that Naik's pronouncements are "juvenile", and said "they seldom rise above the level of undergraduate college debates, where contestants vie with each other to score brownie points".^[47] Singh also says Naik's audiences "listen to him with rapt attention and often explode in enthusiastic applause when he rubbishes other religious texts".^[48]

Yoginder Sikand wrote in 2011 that influential sections of the Deobandi community in India were beginning to hold a negative view of Naik. They said he was not abiding by ijma (Islamic consensus) and qiyas (analogical deduction of the Quran and Hadith), and therefore, in Sikand's view, was undermining their authority.^[49]

Khaled Ahmed criticised Naik for "indirectly support[ing]" Al-Qaeda by referring to Osama bin Laden as a "soldier of Islam".^[50] In 2008 an Islamic scholar in Lucknow, shahar qazi Mufti Abul Irfan Mian Firangi Mahali, issued a fatwa against Naik, saying that he supported Osama bin Laden, and that his teachings were un-Islamic.^[51]

Torkel Brekke, a professor of religious history in Norway, calls Naik a "very controversial figure" because of his rhetorical attack on other religions and other varieties of Islam.^[52] He writes that Naik is "strongly disliked" by many members of the Indian ulema for ignoring their authority and stating that anybody can interpret the Quran.^[52] Conservative Deobandi mullahs have accused Naik of "destroying Islam" by driving Muslims away from the correct religious authorities.^[52]

Praveen Swami considers Naik to be a part of the ideological infrastructure created to feed "Tempered Jihad", which he defines as Jihad calibrated to advance Islamist political objectives.^[45] He alleges that Naik's IRF has proved to be a "magnet" for figures linked to the Lashkar-e-Taiba, his message has mesmerised violent Islamists, and his works "help make sense of the motivations of Indian recruits to the jihad."^[45]

References[link]

External links[link]

	Mumbai portal
	Biography portal
	Islam portal

• Islamic Research Foundation
• Zakir Naik's All Video Debates and Lectures
• Collection of Books by Zakir Naik in PDF

Special ed may refer to:

• Special education, a form of alternative education
• Special Ed, a New York based rapper from the late 1980s and early 1990s
• The Sausage Factory, a Canadian TV show (known as "Special Ed" in certain U.S. markets)
• Special Ed (Jim Florentine), a character on the TV show Crank Yankers

This disambiguation page lists articles associated with the same title. If an internal link led you here, you may wish to change the link to point directly to the intended article.