Aceh Darussalam
—  Province  —
Flag Seal
Motto: Pancacita (Sanskrit) (Five Goals)
Location of Aceh in Indonesia
Coordinates: 5°33′N 95°19′E / 5.55°N 95.317°E / 5.55; 95.317Coordinates: 5°33′N 95°19′E / 5.55°N 95.317°E / 5.55; 95.317
Country	Indonesia
Capital	Banda Aceh
Government
• Governor	Irwandi Yusuf
Area
• Total	58,375.83 km2 (22,539.03 sq mi)
Population (2010)[1]
• Total	4,486,570
• Density	77/km2 (200/sq mi)
Demographics[2]
• Ethnic groups	Acehnese (79%), Gayo Lut (7%), Gayo Luwes (5%), Alas (4%), Singkil (3%), Simeulue (2%) [3]
• Religion	Islam (98.6%), Christianity (0.7%), Hinduism (0.08%), Buddhism (0.55%)
• Languages	Indonesian (official), Acehnese
Time zone	WIB (UTC+7)
Website	acehprov.go.id

Aceh (/ˈɑːtʃeɪ/; [ʔaˈtɕɛh]) is a special region (Indonesian: daerah istimewa) of Indonesia, located on the northern tip of the island of Sumatra. Its first full name, Aceh Darussalam (1511–1959) then, Daerah Istimewa Aceh (1959–2001), Nanggroë Aceh Darussalam (2001–2009) and Aceh (2009–Present). Past spellings of its name include Acheh, Atjeh and Achin. The Aceh province has the highest proportion of Muslims in the country with regional levels of Sharia law.^[4]

It is thought to have been in Aceh where Islam was first established in Southeast Asia. In the early seventeenth century the Sultanate of Aceh was the most wealthy, powerful and cultivated state in the Malacca Straits region. Aceh has a history of political independence and fierce resistance to control by outsiders, including the former Dutch colonists and the Indonesian government. Aceh has substantial natural resources, including oil and natural gas—some estimates put Aceh gas reserves as being the largest in the world. Relative to most of Indonesia, it is a religiously conservative area.^[5]

Aceh was the closest point of land to the epicenter of the massive 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake, which triggered a tsunami that devastated much of the western coast of the region, including part of the capital of Banda Aceh. Approximately 170,000 Indonesians were killed or went missing in the disaster, and approximately 500,000 were left homeless.^[6] This event helped trigger the peace agreement between the government of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), mediated by former Finnish president Martti Ahtisaari, with the signing of a MoU on August 15, 2005. With the assistance of the European Union through the Aceh monitoring mission as of December 2005, the peace has held. It is close to the Andaman and Nicobar Islands of India and separated from them by the Andaman Sea.

History[link]

Prehistory[link]

The first evidence of human habitation in Aceh is from a site near the Tamiang River where shell middens are present. Stone tools and faunal remains were also found on the site. Archeologists believe the site was first occupied around 10,000 BC.^[7]

The beginnings of Islam in Southeast Asia[link]

Map of Pasai, the first Islamic kingdom in South East Asia

Evidence concerning the initial coming and subsequent establishment of Islam in Southeast Asia is thin and inconclusive. The historian Anthony Reid has argued that the region of the Cham people on the south-central coast of Vietnam was one of the earliest Islamic centers in Southeast Asia. Furthermore, as the Cham people fled the Vietnamese, one of the earliest locations that they established a relationship with was Aceh.^[8] Furthermore, it is thought that one of the earliest centers of Islam was in the Aceh region. When Venetian traveller Marco Polo passed by Sumatra on his way home from China in 1292 he found that Perlak was a Muslim town while nearby 'Basma(n)' and 'Samara' were not. 'Basma(n)' and 'Samara' are often said to be Pasai and Samudra but evidence is inconclusive. The gravestone of Sultan Malik as-Salih, the first Muslim ruler of Samudra, has been found and is dated AH 696 (AD 1297). This is the earliest clear evidence of a Muslim dynasty in the Indonesia-Malay area and more gravestones from the thirteenth century show that this region continued under Muslim rule. Ibn Batutah, a Moroccan traveller, passing through on his way to China in 1345 and 1346, found that the ruler of Samudra was a follower of the Shafi’i school of Islam.^[9]

The Portuguese apothecary Tome Pires reported in his early sixteenth century book Suma Oriental that most of the kings of Sumatra from Aceh through to Palembang were Muslim. At Pasai, in what is now the North Aceh Regency, there was a thriving international port. Pires attributed the establishment of Islam in Pasai to the 'cunning' of the Muslim merchants. The ruler of Pasai, however, had not been able to convert the people of the interior.^[10]

Sultanate of Aceh[link]

Map of Aceh Sultanate during the reign of Sultan Iskandar Muda

The Sultanate of Aceh was established by Sultan Ali Mughayatsyah in 1511. Then, During its golden era) in the 15th century, its territory and political influence expanded as far as Satun in southern Thailand, Johor in Malay Peninsula, and Siak in what is today the province of Riau. As was the case with most non-Javan pre-colonial states, Acehnese power expanded outward by sea rather than inland. As it expanded down the Sumatran coast, its main competitors were Johor and Portuguese Malacca on the other side of the Straits of Malacca. It was this seaborne trade focus that saw Aceh rely on rice imports from north Java rather than develop self sufficiency in rice production.^[11]

After the Portuguese occupation of Malacca in 1511, many Islamic traders passing the Malacca Straits shifted their trade to Banda Aceh and increased Acehnese rulers' wealth. During the reign of Sultan Iskandar Muda in 17th century, Aceh's influence extended to most of Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula. Aceh allied itself with the Ottoman Empire and the Dutch East India Company in their struggle against the Portuguese and the Johor Sultanate. Acehnese military power waned gradually thereafter, and Aceh ceded its territory of Pariaman in Sumatra to the Dutch in 18th century.^[12]

By the early nineteenth century, however, Aceh had become an increasingly influential power due to its strategic location for controlling regional trade. In the 1820s it was the producer of over half the world's supply of black pepper. The pepper trade produced new wealth for the Sultanate and for the rulers of many smaller nearby ports that had been under Aceh's control, but were now able to assert more independence. These changes initially threatened Aceh's integrity, but a new sultan Tuanku Ibrahim, who controlled the kingdom from 1838 to 1870, reasserted power over nearby ports.^[13]

Under the Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1824 the British ceded their colonial possessions on Sumatra to the Dutch. In the treaty, the British described Aceh as one of their possessions, although they had no actual control over the Sultanate. Initially, under the agreement the Dutch agreed to respect Aceh's independence. In 1871, however, the British dropped previous opposition to a Dutch invasion of Aceh, possibly to prevent France or the United States from gaining a foothold in the region. Although neither the Dutch nor the British knew the specifics, there had been rumors since the 1850s that Aceh had been in communication with rulers of France and of the Ottoman Empire.^[13]

Aceh War[link]

General Kohler, commandant of Dutch troops, died after shot by Acehnese sniper during first agresion to Aceh

The Dutch colonial government declared war on Aceh on 26 March 1873; the apparent immediate trigger for their invasion was discussions between representatives of Aceh and the U.S. in Singapore during early 1873.^[13] An expedition under Major General Johan Harmen Rudolf Köhler was sent out in 1873, which was able to occupy most of the coastal areas. It was the intention of the Dutch to attack and take the Sultan's palace, which would also lead to the occupation of the entire country. The Sultan requested and possibly received military aid from Italy and the United Kingdom in Singapore: in any case the Aceh army was rapidly modernized, and Aceh soldiers managed to kill Köhler (a monument to this achievement has been built inside Grand Mosque of Banda Aceh). Köhler made some grave tactical errors and the reputation of the Dutch was severely harmed. In addition, in recent years in line with expanding international attention to human rights issues and atrocities in war zones, there has been increasing discussion about the some of the recorded acts of cruelty and slaughter committed by Dutch troops during the period of warfare in Aceh.^[14]

Hasan Mustafa (1852–1930) was a chief 'penghulu,' or judge, for the colonial government and was stationed in Aceh. He had to balance traditional Muslim justice with Dutch law. To stop the Aceh rebellion, Hasan Mustafa issued a fatwa, telling the Muslims there in 1894, "It is Incumbent upon the Indonesian Muslims to be loyal to the Dutch East Indies Government".^[15]

Japanese Occupation[link]

During World War II, Japanese troops occupied Aceh. Religious ulama party gained ascendancy to replace district warlords (uleebalang) party formerly collaborating with the Dutch. Concrete bunkers still line the northern-most beaches.

Indonesian Independence[link]

After World War II, civil war erupted in 1945 between district warlords party, supporting the return of Dutch government and religious ulama party, supporting newly proclaimed Indonesia State. The latter party won, and the area remained free during Indonesian War of Independence. The Dutch military itself never attempted to invade Aceh. The civil war put the religious ulama party leader, Daud Bereueh, as Military Governor of Aceh.^[16][17]

Islamic rebellion[link]

Teungku Daud Beureu'eh, the leader of Darul Islam Aceh

After the transfer of authority from Dutch Government to the Indonesian State in 1949, Aceh was amalgamated with the nearby province of North Sumatra, leading to resentment from many Acehnese due to many ethnic-differences between themselves and the mostly Christian Batak people who dominate North Sumatra. This resentment resulted in a rebellion in 1953, under the banner of an Islamic state, led by Daud Bereueh. Putting down the rebellion took years to complete. In 1959 the Indonesian government yielded in part and gave Aceh a "special territory" (daerah istimewa) status, giving it a greater degree of autonomy from the central government in Jakarta than most other regions of Indonesia have. For example, the regional government is empowered to construct a legal system independent of the national government. In 2003, a form of sharia, or Islamic law, was formally introduced in Aceh.^[18] In 1963, Daud Bereueh signed a peace agreement, marking the end of Islamic Rebellion.

Free Aceh Movement[link]

Women soldiers of the Free Aceh Movement with GAM commander Abdullah Syafei'i, 1999

During 1970s, under agreement with Indonesian central government, American oil and gas companies began exploitation of Aceh natural resources. Alleged unequal distribution of profit between central government and native people of Aceh induced Hasan di Tiro, former ambassador of Darul Islam,^[16] to call for Independent Aceh. He proclaimed Aceh Independence in 1976.

The movement had a small number of followers initially, and Hasan di Tiro himself had to live in exile in Sweden. Meanwhile, the province followed Suharto's policy of economic development and industrialization. During late 80s several security incidents prompted the Indonesian central government to take repressive measures and to send troops to Aceh. Human rights abuse was rampant for the next decade, resulting in many grievances on the part of the Acehnese toward the Indonesian central government.

During late 90s, chaos in Java and an ineffective central government gave an advantage to Free Aceh Movement and resulted in the second phase of the rebellion, this time with large support from the Acehnese people. This support was demonstrated during the 2000 plebiscite in Banda Aceh which was attended by nearly half million people (of four million population of the province). Indonesian central government responded in 2001 by broadening Aceh's autonomy by giving its government the right to apply sharia law more broadly and the right to receive direct foreign investment. This was again accompanied by repressive measures, however and in 2003 an offensive began and a state of emergency was proclaimed in the Province. The war was still going on when the Tsunami Disaster of 2004 struck the province.

Exxon Mobil human rights abuse lawsuit[link]

On June 21, 2001 11 villagers from a Acehen village in the North Aceh Regency used the Alien Tort Claims Act to sue Exxon Mobil in United States federal court for human rights abuses at the Arun natural gas field. The villagers claim they were tortured, raped, or murdered by Indonesian military soldiers. They claimed that Exxon Mobil created barracks and gave the Indonesian military (who were used to guard a natural gas field) heavy equipment to cover mass burials after a clash with separatists.^[19] Exxon Mobil reportedly shut down the site because of escalating violence. The villagers need to reveal their identities to receive government protection from Indonesia, but are reluctant due to reprisals from the Indonesian military.

Tsunami Disaster[link]

Aftermath of the tsunami in Aceh

The western coastal areas of Aceh, including the cities of Banda Aceh, Calang, and Meulaboh, were among the areas hardest-hit by the tsunami resulting from the Indian Ocean earthquake on 26 December 2004.^[20] While estimates vary, over 170,000 people were killed by tsunami in Aceh and about 500,000 were left homeless. The tragedy of the tsunami was further compounded several months later on 26 March 2005 when a second off-shore earthquake measuring 9.1 on the Richter scale struck the sea bed between the islands of Simeulue Island in Aceh and Nias in North Sumatra. This second quake killed a further 905 people on Nias and Simeulue, displaced tens of thousands more, and caused the tsunami response to be expanded to include Nias.

The population of Aceh before the December 2004 tsunami was 4,271,000 (2004). The population as of 15 September 2005 was 4,031,589.

As of February 2006, more than a year after the tsunami, a large number of people were still living in barrack-style temporary living centers (TLC) or tents. Reconstruction was visible everywhere, but due to the sheer scale of the disaster, and logistical issues, progress was slow.

The ramifications of the tsunami went beyond the immediate impact to the lives and infrastructure of the Acehnese living on the coast. Since the disaster, the Acehnese rebel movement GAM, which had been fighting for independence against the Indonesian authorities for 29 years, has signed a peace deal (August 15, 2005). The perception that the tsunami was punishment for insufficient piety in this proudly Muslim province is partly behind the increased emphasis on the importance of religion post-tsunami. This has been most obvious in the increased implementation of Sharia law, including the introduction of the controversial 'WH' or Syariah police. As homes are being built and people's basic needs are met, the people are also looking to improve the quality of education, increase tourism, and develop responsible, sustainable industry. Well-qualified educators are in high demand in Aceh.

Boats washed ashore near local businesses in down town Aceh, Sumatra following a massive Tsunami that struck the area on the 26th of December 2004

While parts of the capital Banda Aceh were unscathed, the areas closest to the water, especially the areas of Kampung Jawa and Meuraxa, were completely destroyed. Most of the rest of the western coast of Aceh was severely damaged. Manytowns completely disappeared. Other towns on Aceh's west coast hit by the disaster included Lhoknga, Leupung, Lamno, Patek, Calang, Teunom, and the island of Simeulue. Affected or destroyed towns on the region's north & east coast were Pidie Regency, Samalanga, and Lhokseumawe.

The area was slowly rebuilt after the disaster. The government initially proposed the creation of a two-kilometer buffer zone along low-lying coastal areas within which permanent construction was not permitted. This proposal was unpopular among some local inhabitants and proved impractical in most situations, especially fishing families that are dependent on living near to the sea.

The Indonesian government set up a special agency for Aceh reconstruction, the Badan Rehabilitasi dan Rekonstruksi (BRR) headed by Kuntoro Mangkusubroto, a former Indonesian Minister. This agency had ministry level of authority and incorporated officials, professionals and community leaders from all backgrounds. Most of the reconstruction work was performed by local people using a mix of traditional methods and partial prefabricated structures, with funding coming from many international organizations and individuals, governments, and the people themselves.

The Government of Indonesia estimated in their Preliminary Damage and Losses Assessment^[21] that damages amounted to US$4.5 billion (before inflation, and US$6.2 billion including inflation). Three years after the tsunami, reconstruction was still ongoing. The World Bank monitored funding for reconstruction in Aceh and reported that US$7.7 billion had been earmarked for the reconstruction whilst at June 2007 US$5.8 billion had been allocated to specific reconstruction projects, of which US$3.4 billion had actually been spent (58%).^[22]

In 2009, the government opened a US$5.6 million museum to commemorate the tsunami with photographs, stories, and a simulation of the earthquake that triggered the tsunami.^[23]

On April 11, 2012 a Magnitude 8.7 earthquake struck in the Aceh, and tsunami warnings were issued to 28 countries.

The peace agreement and first local elections[link]

Martti Ahtisaari, facilitator in Aceh-Indonesia peace agreement

The 2004 tsunami helped trigger a peace agreement between the GAM and the Indonesian government.^[24] It drew a lot of international attention to the conflict, wiped out many supplies, and killed many personnel from both sides. Earlier efforts had failed, but for a number of reasons, including the tsunami, peace prevailed in 2005 after 29 years of war. Post-Suharto Indonesia and the liberal-democratic reform period, as well as changes in the Indonesian military, helped create an environment more favorable to peace talks. The roles of newly elected President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Vice President Jusuf Kalla were highly significant. At the same time, the GAM leadership was undergoing changes, and the Indonesian military had arguably inflicted so much damage on the rebel movement that it had no choice but to negotiate with the central government.^[25] The peace talks were facilitated by a Finland-based NGO, the Crisis Management Initiative, and led by former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari. The resulting peace agreement^[26] was signed on August 15, 2005. Under the agreement, Aceh would receive special autonomy and government troops would be withdrawn from the province in exchange for GAM's disarmament. As part of the agreement, the European Union dispatched 300 monitors. Their mission expired on December 15, 2006, following local elections.

Aceh has been granted broader autonomy through Aceh Government Legislation covering special rights agreed upon in 2002 as well as the right of the Acehnese to establish local political parties to represent their interests. Human rights advocates protested that previous human rights violations in the province needed to be addressed, however.^[27]

During elections for the provincial governor held in December 2006, the former GAM and national parties participated. The election was won by Irwandi Yusuf, whose base of support consists largely of ex-GAM members.

Administration[link]

Within the country, Aceh is governed not as a province but as a special territory (daerah istimewa), an administrative designation intended to give the area increased autonomy from the central government in Jakarta.

Administratively, the province is subdivided into 18 regencies (kabupaten) and 5 cities (kota). The capital and the largest city is Banda Aceh, located on the coast near the northern tip of Sumatra. Some local areas are pushing to create new autonomous areas, usually with the stated goal of enhancing local control over politics and development.

Regencies of Aceh

Governors of Aceh[link]

Irwandi Yusuf, Aceh governor (2007-2012)

This unreferenced section requires citations to ensure verifiability.

• Abdullah Muzakir Walad (1967 - 1978)
• Abdul Madjid Ibrahim (1978 - 1981)
• H. Eddy Sabara (1981)
• Hadi Tayeb (1981 - 1986)
• Ibrahim Hassan (1986 - 1993)
• Syamsudin Machmud (1993 - 2000)
• Ramli Ridwan (2000)
• Abdullah Puteh (2000 - 2004)
• Azwar Abubakar (2004 - 2005)
• Mustafa Abubakar (2005 - 2007)
• Irwandi Yusuf (2007 - 2012)
• Zaini Abdullah (elected April 2012, not yet appointed)^[28]

Economy of Aceh[link]

In 2006, economy of Aceh grew by 7.7% after having minimal growth since the devastating tsunami.^[29] This growth was primarily driven by the reconstruction effort, with massive growth in the building/construction sector.

The ending of the conflict, and the reconstruction program has resulted in the structure of the economy changing significantly since 2003. Service sectors now play a more dominant role, whilst oil and gas production continues to decline. The economy continues to rely upon depleting oil and gas production and agriculture.

NB: ... = less than 0.5%

After peaking at around 40% in December 2005, largely as a result of the Dutch disease impact of sudden aid flows into the province, inflation declined steadily and was 8.5% in June 2007, close to the national level in Indonesia of 5.7%. Persistent inflation means that Aceh’s consumer price index (CPI) remains the highest in Indonesia. As a result, Aceh’s cost competitiveness has declined as reflected in both inflation and wage data. Although inflation has slowed down, CPI has registered steady increases since the tsunami. Using 2002 as a base, Aceh’s CPI increased to 185.6 (June 2007) while the national CPI increased to 148.2. There have been relatively large nominal wage increases in particular sectors, such as construction where, on average, workers’ nominal wages have risen to almost Rp.60,000 per day, from Rp.29,000 pre-tsunami. This is also reflected in Aceh’s minimum regional wage (UMR, or Upah Minimum Regional), which increased by 55% from Rp.550,000 pre-tsunami to Rp.850,000 in 2007, compared with an increase of 42% in neighboring North Sumatra, from Rp.537,000 to Rp.761,000.

Poverty levels increased slightly in Aceh in 2005 after the tsunami, but by less than expected.^[30] The poverty level then fell in 2006 to below the pre-tsunami level, suggesting that the rise in tsunami-related poverty was short lived and reconstruction activities and the end of the conflict most probably facilitated this decline. However, poverty in Aceh remains significantly higher than in the rest of Indonesia and a large number of the Acehnese remain vulnerable, reinforcing the need for a smooth landing after the reconstruction boom ends.

Ethnic and cultural groups[link]

Acehnese people

Aceh is a diverse region occupied by several ethnic and language groups. The major ethnic groups are the Acehnese (who are distributed throughout Aceh), Gayo (in central and eastern part), Alas (in southeastern), Tamiang (in Aceh Tamiang Regency), Aneuk Jamee (descendant from Minangkabau, concentrated in southern and southwestern), Kluet (in South Aceh Regency), and Simeulue (on Simeulue Island). There is also a significant population of Chinese, who are influential in the business and financial communities. Among the present day Acehnese can be found some individuals of Arab, Turkish, and Indian descent. Before the tsunami, the region of Meureuhom Daya (Lamno) used to have an unusually high number of people with fair complexions, blue eyes and blond hair, which local traditions attributed to Turkish or Portuguese ancestry.^[31]

The Acehnese language is widely spoken within the Acehnese population. This is a member of the Aceh-Chamic group of languages, whose other representatives are mostly found in Vietnam and Cambodia, and is also closely related to the Malay group of languages. Acehnese also has many words borrowed from Malay and Arabic and traditionally was written using Arabic script. Acehnese is also used as local language in Langkat and Asahan (North Sumatra), and Kedah (Malaysia), and once dominated Penang. Alas and Kluet are closely related languages within the Batak group. The Jamee language originated from Minangkabau language in West Sumatra, with just a few variations and differences.

Population Census[link]

The population of Aceh was not adequately documented during the Indonesia 2000 census because the insurgency complicated the process of collecting accurate information. An estimated 170,000 people died in Aceh in the 2004 tsunami which further complicates the task of careful demographic analysis. According to the most recent (2010) census, the total population of Aceh in 2010 was 4,486,570.^[32]

Conservation Efforts[link]

The Pusat Latihan Gajah (Centre for Elephant Training) at Saree (PLG-Saree), was set up in 1994 within the Tjut Nyak Dien Forest park, about 70 kilometers from Banda Aceh. The park has 6,300 hectares at the foot of Mount Seulawah under the protection of the provincial forestry and plantations office. As of May 2011, there were 48 elephants trained by 45 mahot (instructors). Each elephant has its own handler or instructor. Elephants are meek rather than aggressive except when they feel threatened. The trained elephants tend to have fewer conflicts with local communities (over such matters as trampling farm crops) compared with wild elephants.^[33]

Guerrilla Jungle Tracking[link]

Since 2007, ex-GAM guerrillas has organized 'Guerrilla Jungle Trekking' at Pucok Krueng, Aceh Besar regency which attracts many foreign tourists.^[34]

See also[link]

Indonesia portal

• The Black Road, a 2005 Australian documentary

Notes[link]

Further reading[link]

• Siegel, James T. 2000. The rope of God. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. ISBN 0-472-08682-0
  • A classic ethnographic and historical study of Aceh, and Islam in the region. Originally published in 1969
  • For other ethnographic accounts in English see
    • Bowen, J. R. (1991). Sumatran politics and poetics : Gayo history, 1900–1989. New Haven, Yale University Press.
    • Bowen, J. R. (2003). Islam, Law, and Equality in Indonesia Cambridge University Press
    • Iwabuchi, A. (1994). The people of the Alas Valley : a study of an ethnic group of Northern Sumatra. Oxford, England ; New York, Clarendon Press.
    • McCarthy, J. F. (2006). The Fourth Circle. A Political Ecology of Sumatra's Rainforest Frontier, Stanford University Press.
    • Miller, Michelle Ann. (2009). Rebellion and Reform in Indonesia. Jakarta's Security and Autonomy Policies in Aceh. London and New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-45467-4

External links[link]

• Official website (Indonesian)
• Official website for Tourism (Indonesian)

	Indian Ocean	Andaman Sea	Malacca Strait
	Indian Ocean		North Sumatra
		Aceh    East
	Indian Ocean	Indian Ocean	North Sumatra

v t e Regencies and Cities of Aceh Capital: Banda Aceh Regencies Aceh Besar Aceh Jaya Aceh Singkil Aceh Tamiang Bener Meriah Bireuen Central Aceh East Aceh Gayo Lues Nagan Raya North Aceh Pidie Pidie Jaya Simeulue South Aceh Southeast Aceh Southwest Aceh West Aceh Cities Banda Aceh Langsa Lhokseumawe Sabang Subulussalam See also: List of regencies and cities of Indonesia

Drs. H. Muhammad Jusuf Kalla
10th Vice President of Indonesia
In office 20 October 2004 – 20 October 2009
President	Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
Preceded by	Hamzah Haz
Succeeded by	Boediono
Personal details
Born	(1942-05-15) 15 May 1942 (age 70) Watampone, South Sulawesi, Dutch East Indies
Nationality	Indonesian
Political party	Golkar Party
Spouse(s)	Mufidah Miad Saad
Children	Muchlisa Kalla Muswirah Imelda Kalla Solichin Kalla Chaerani Kalla
Alma mater	Hasanuddin University INSEAD
Profession	Businessman
Religion	Islam
Website	[1]

 Muhammad Jusuf Kalla (help·info) (born 15 May 1942) is an Indonesian politician who was the 10th Vice President of Indonesia from 2004 to 2009 and Chairman of the Golkar Party during the same period. He was an unsuccessful candidate for the 2009 presidential election. Kalla's name is mentioned as a possible candidate in the run up to the Indonesian presidential election, 2014.^[1][2]

Early life[link]

Jusuf Kalla was born on 15 May 1942 in Watampone, South Sulawesi. His parents were Hadji Kalla, a local businessman and Athirah, a woman who sold Buginese silk for a living.^[3] He was the second child out of 10.

After completing school, Kalla attended the University of Hasanuddin in Makassar. There, he became active with the Indonesian Student Action Front (KAMI), a student organization which supported General Suharto in his bid to gain power from President Sukarno and was elected as Chairman of its South Sulawesi branch.^[3] He also had the beginnings of a political career, becoming a member of the Regional People's Representative Council (DPRD) and Chairman of the Youth Division of Golkar when it still adopted a Joint Secretariat (Sekber) format.

Businessman[link]

In 1967, Kalla graduated from Faculty Economy of Universitas Hasanuddin in Makassar. The economic situation was bleak at the time, and his father, Hadji, contemplated shutting down the family business, NV Hadji Kalla. It was here that Kalla decided to enter the business world. Putting aside his political activism, Kalla became CEO of NV Hadji Kalla in 1968, while Hadji became the company's chairman. In the beginning, business was slow for Kalla, who only had one employee, and his mother had to assist him by trading silk and running a small transportation business with three buses.^[3]

Business improved, however. NV Hadji Kalla expanded from export import business to the hotel industry, construction, car dealing, bridges, shipping, real estate, transportation, a shrimp farm, oil palm, and telecommunications.^[3] In addition to being CEO of NV Hadji Kalla, Kalla was also CEO for the subsidiaries of NV Hadji Kalla. In 1977, Kalla graduated from INSEAD, an international business school in Fontainebleau, south of Paris.

Affiliations[link]

Aside from the business career, Kalla has been active in various organizations. From 1979 to 1989, he was chairman of the Indonesian Economics Graduates Association (ISEI) in Ujung Pandang and continues to be an adviser for ISEI. Kalla was extensively involved with the Chamber of Commerce and Industry (KADIN). From 1985 to 1998, he was chairman for KADIN in south Sulawesi and was coordinator for KADIN in eastern Indonesia.^[3] In addition, Kalla is on the board of trustees for three universities in Makassar. Kalla has contributed socially by building the Al Markaz Mosque and becoming chairman of its Islamic centre.

Political career[link]

Member of the People's Consultative Assembly[link]

Kalla returned to politics in 1987 when he was appointed to the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) as a regional representative for south Sulawesi. He would be re-appointed to the MPR in 1992, 1997, and 1999.^[4]

Wahid and Megawati Presidency[link]

When Kyai Haji Abdurrahman Wahid was elected as President by MPR in 1999, Kalla was included in the cabinet and was named Minister of Industry and Trade. He had only been a minister for six months when in April 2000, Wahid removed him along with Minister of State Owned Enterprises. Wahid accused both Kalla and Laksamana for corruption, although he never provided any evidence of corruption.^[5]

In July 2001, at a special session of the MPR, Wahid was dismissed from office and Megawati Sukarnoputri took over from Vice President to President. Megawati included Kalla in her cabinet and named him Coordinating Minister of People's Welfare. Although it was not part of his ministerial brief, Kalla helped solve the inter-religious conflict in Poso on his native island of Sulawesi. Kalla facilitated the negotiation, which resulted in the signing of the Malino II Accord on 20 December 2001.^[6] and ceased the conflict, which had gone on for three years. Two months later, Kalla once again helped solve another conflict in Sulawesi. On 12 February 2002, Kalla, together with Coordinating Minister of Politics and Society Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, managed to solve a similar conflict on Ambon and Molucca through a second Malino Declaration.^[7]

Road to Vice Presidency[link]

Now a popular figure for assisting with the peace process in Sulawesi, Kalla considered throwing himself into the mix for the 2004 Presidential Elections. In August 2003 he announced his candidacy and enlisted to be part of Golkar's 2004 Convention which will elect its Presidential candidate.^[8] As the months went on however, Kalla was considered more as a Vice Presidential candidate. He was expected to partner a Javanese Presidential candidate and his non-Javanese background was thought to be a weapon to get votes that a Javanese would have trouble getting.^[9]

Just days before the Golkar National Convention, Kalla made the decision to withdraw from the race. Kalla then accepted the offer of the Democratic Party's (PD) Yudhoyono to become his running mate.^[10] The pair also received the support of the Crescent Star Party (PBB), the Indonesian Justice and Unity Party (PKPI), and Star Reform Party (PBR).

On 5 July 2004, the presidential election was held. Kalla and Yudhoyono came first with 33% of the votes. However, 50% of votes were required for the election of a President and Vice President, and Yudhoyono now had to run against Megawati.

For the run-off, Kalla and Yudhoyono faced a huge challenge when Megawati formed a National Coalition consisting of her own Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P), Golkar, United Development Party, Prosperous Peace Party (PDS), and the Indonesian National Party (PNI). Whilst Yudhoyono gathered and consolidated political support from other parties, Kalla turned to Golkar for support. Led by Fahmi Idris and ignoring the party line, pro-Kalla elements declared their support for Kalla and Yudhoyono.^[11] On 20 September 2004, Kalla and Yudhoyono won the run-offs with 60.87% of the votes.

Vice Presidency[link]

Jusuf kalla with Russian Prime Minister, Vladimir Putin

Although he had overwhelmingly won the Presidency, Yudhoyono was still weak in the People's Representative Council (DPR). PD with all of its coalition partners were still too weak to contend with the legislative muscles of Golkar and PDI-P who now intended to play the role of opposition.

With a National Congress to be held in December 2004, Yudhoyono and Kalla had originally backed head of DPR Agung Laksono to become Golkar Chairman. When Agung was perceived to be too weak to run against Akbar, Yudhoyono and Kalla threw their weight behind Surya Paloh. Finally, when Paloh was also perceived to be to weak to run against Akbar, Yudhoyono gave the green light for Kalla to run for the Golkar Chairmanship.^[12] On 19 December 2004, Kalla was elected as the new Chairman of Golkar.

Kalla's victory posed a dilemma for Yudhoyono. Although it now enabled Yudhoyono to pass legislation, Kalla's new position meant that in one sense, he was now more powerful than Yudhoyono.

The first sign of rivalry came during the Indian Ocean Tsunami when Kalla, apparently on his own initiative, assembled the ministers and signed a Vice Presidential decree ordering work to begin on rehabilitating Aceh. The legality of the Vice Presidential decree was questioned ^[13] although Yudhoyono maintained that it was he who gave the orders for Kalla to proceed.

The second sign was in September 2005 when Yudhoyono went to New York to attend the annual United Nations Summit. Although Yudhoyono had left Kalla to take charge of proceedings at Jakarta, he seemed to be bent on maintaining a watch on matters at home. Yudhoyono would hold a video conference from New York to receive reports from ministers. Critics suggested that such conduct was an expression of distrust by Yudhoyono ^[14] The suggestion seemed to gain momentum when Kalla only showed up for one video conference and then spent the rest of the time taking care of Golkar matters.

Although things calmed down, especially with Golkar gaining another cabinet position in the reshuffle, the alleged rivalry surfaced again in October 2006 when Yudhoyono established the Presidential Work Unit for the Organization of Reform Program (UKP3R). Critics questioned whether the establishment of the unit was an attempt by Yudhoyono to exclude Kalla from the government. Yudhoyono was quick to clarify that in supervising UKP3R, he would be assisted by Kalla.^[15]

Presidential elections 2014[link]

During a dedication ceremony of the Indonesian Red Cross headquarters in the Riau province on February 3, 2012 Kalla stated his readiness to run in the Indonesian presidential election, 2014 should he receive the support from the public.^[16] In 2009 Kalla ran in the Indonesian presidential election with former Armed Forces Chief of Staff Wiranto as his running mate, finishing third with 12.41% of the vote.

On February 28, 2012 Kalla was mentioned as an alternative nominee of the Golkar party in the 2014 race should the electability of the party's current Chairman Aburizal Bakrie not be supported for the nomination.^[17]

Personal life[link]

Kalla is married to Mufidah, with whom he has five children, Muchlisa, Muswira, Imelda, Solichin and Chaerani.^[18]

His career after vice presidency includes many social activities. On December 22, 2009, he was elected to became chairman of Indonesian Red Cross Society (Palang Merah Indonesia, PMI). Kalla said that under his leadership, the PMI would improve the national blood stock to prepare for any increased demand for blood by hospital patients and victims of natural disasters.^[19]

See also[link]

Indonesia portal

• List of Vice Presidents of Indonesia

References[link]

External links[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Jusuf Kalla

• (Indonesian) Profile at TokohIndonesia
• (Indonesian) Official Site of Jusuf Kalla
• (Indonesian) Jusuf Kalla's Blog
• (Indonesian) Official Site of Sahabat Muda Jusuf Kalla-Wiranto
• (Indonesian) Official Site of Jusuf Kalla and Wiranto for Presidential Election 2009

v t e Vice Presidents of Indonesia Mohammad Hatta Hamengkubuwono IX Adam Malik Umar Wirahadikusumah Sudharmono Try Sutrisno Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie Megawati Sukarnoputri Hamzah Haz Jusuf Kalla Boediono