Look up salinas in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.

Salinas may refer to:

People[link]

• Anita Reeves Salinas, Chilean television, film and theatre actress
• Camilo Salinas, Chilean musician
• Carlos Salinas de Gortari, a Mexican president
• Francisco de Salinas, a 16th century Spanish music theorist
• Francisco Vidal Salinas, Chilean politician
• Horacio Salinas, Chilean guitarist and composer
• Irvin "Pee Wee" Salinas, A Mexican-American Singer and Actor
• Jeffrey Lane Salinas, a Mexican/American Menswear Designer
• José Miguel Insulza Salinas, Chilean politician
• Julio Salinas, Spanish footballer
• Luis Salinas, an Argentinian jazz guitarist
• Matías Oviedo Salinas, Chilean television, film and theater actor and musician
• Pablo Salinas, a Bolivian football (soccer) player
• Patxi Salinas, Spanish footballer
• Pedro Salinas, Spanish writer
• Rodrigo Salinas, Argentine footballer
• Rodrigo Salinas, Chilean voice actor and comedian
• Salinas, the ring name of Shelly Martinez in TNA Wrestling
• Venz Alfred Salinas, Table tennis Champion, Guitarist and Composer

Places[link]

Latin America[link]

• Salinas, Minas Gerais, a municipality in the state of Minas Gerais, Brazil
• Salinas, Ecuador, a coastal city in Santa Elena, Ecuador
• Salinas de Hidalgo, in the Mexican state of San Luis Potosí
• Salinas Victoria, a municipality in the state of Nuevo León, Mexico
• Salinas y Aguada Blanca, a natural reserve in Arequipa Region, Peru
• Salinas, Puerto Rico, a municipality in the south coast of Puerto Rico
• Salinas, Uruguay, a town in Uruguay

Spain[link]

• Salinas, Alicante, a municipality in Alicante province
• Salinas de Añana, Álava, a municipality in Álava
• Salinas de Léniz (Leintz-Gatzaga in Basque), a municipality in Guipúzcoa
• Salinas de Oro, a municipality in Navarre
• Salinas de Ibiza
• Salinas (Castrillón), a parish in the council of Castrillón, Asturias

United States[link]

• Salinas, California, the county seat and largest municipality of Monterey County, California
• Salinas River (California)
• Salinas Valley, in Monterey County, California

Philippines[link]

• Salinas, an alternate name for the municipality of Rosario, Cavite, Philippines

See also[link]

• Salinas River (disambiguation)
• Salinan, a native people and language of Monterey County, California

This disambiguation page lists articles associated with the same title. If an internal link led you here, you may wish to change the link to point directly to the intended article.

Laura Marling
Performing at The Queen's Hall, Edinburgh, in November 2009.
Background information
Born	(1990-02-01) 1 February 1990 (age 22)
Origin	Eversley, Hampshire, England
Genres	Contemporary folk, folk rock
Instruments	Vocals, guitar, bass, piano
Years active	2006–present
Labels	WayOutWest, Virgin
Associated acts	Noah and the Whale, The Rakes, Mystery Jets, Johnny Flynn, Mumford & Sons
Website	LauraMarling.com

Laura Beatrice Marling (born 1 February 1990) is an English folk musician from Eversley, Hampshire.

Initially prominent within the London folk scene, she has also toured with a number of well-known indie artists in the UK. Her debut album Alas, I Cannot Swim and her second album I Speak Because I Can were nominated for the Mercury Music Prize in 2008 and 2010 respectively. She won Best Female Solo Artist at the 2011 Brit Awards.

Biography[link]

Marling was born in Hampshire, England, the youngest of three daughters of a music teacher,^[1] and learned guitar at an early age. Her father, who ran a recording studio, introduced her to folk music and shaped her musical taste. This was "a bit of a blessing and a bit of a curse. I couldn’t slot myself into the age-appropriate genre", she later remembered.^[2] Marling was educated at Leighton Park School, a private Quaker school in Reading, Berkshire.^[3] She has said that during this time she felt uneasy around other people and had a fear of death.^[4]

At the age of 16 Marling moved to London, where she soon became part of a cluster of intertwined bands drawn to acoustic instruments and tradition-tinged melodies which formed a movement labelled "nu-folk" by the British press.^[2] She became part of the original line-up of indie folk band Noah and the Whale and was romantically linked with singer/guitarist Charlie Fink.^[3][5] She is featured as a background vocalist on their début album Peaceful, the World Lays Me Down; however, she left the group before the album's 2008 release and split up with Fink that same year.^[5][6] She also appeared on The Rakes track "Suspicious Eyes", from the band's 2007 album Ten New Messages, credited as 'Laura Marlin'. Marling would later collaborate with Mystery Jets, contributing guest vocals to the single "Young Love", released 10 March 2008. Previously, Marling was in a relationship with Marcus Mumford; they broke up around Christmas 2010, but are reportedly still friends.^[7]

[edit] Alas, I Cannot Swim

She was personally invited to tour with Jamie T after he attended her second-ever solo gig. She has also toured with a number of other musicians from the UK and beyond, including Adam Green from the anti-folk band The Moldy Peaches. She performed at the 2007 O₂ Wireless Festival and also performed at the first Underage Festival in August 2007 at Victoria Park, East London, before releasing her debut EP "London Town" on WayOutWest Records.

Her debut album Alas, I Cannot Swim was released on 4 February 2008,^[8] and later nominated for the 2008 Mercury Prize.^[9] The album, as well as subsequent singles, were released on Virgin Records. The third and final single from her album, "Night Terror" was released on 27 October 2008, coinciding with a 6-date "Night Terror tour".^[10]

Marling's television appearances include The Late Late Show with Craig Ferguson and Later With Jools Holland, performing "Ghosts" and "New Romantic" respectively. In 2008 she appeared on Russell Brand's Radio 2 show alongside her sister. She once chose to perform on the street after being denied entry to one of her own performances for being underage.^[11][12]

[edit] I Speak Because I Can

The follow-up to Alas I Cannot Swim, titled I Speak Because I Can, was released on 22 March 2010. Produced by Ethan Johns, the album has a more mature sound and lyricism, dealing with "responsibility, particularly the responsibility of womanhood."^[13] The album is preceded by the singles "Goodbye England (Covered in Snow)", released on iTunes in December 2009^[14] and "Devil's Spoke" on 15 March 2010. On 28 March 2010, I Speak Because I Can entered the UK Albums Chart at Number 4. It was also nominated for the 2010 Mercury Music Prize.

[edit] A Creature I Don't Know

In 2010, Marling announced that she would release two albums in 2010, the first of which being I Speak Because I Can. She later announced that there was a change of plan and that she wouldn't be releasing a second album that year. She did, however, add that the album would be better due to the delay, and that she hoped to have it finished for February 2011. In June 2011, the new album's title was revealed to be A Creature I Don't Know and the album was released on 12 September 2011.^[15]

Discography[link]

• Alas, I Cannot Swim (2008)
• I Speak Because I Can (2010)
• A Creature I Don't Know (2011)

Laura Marling also has recorded various songs such as "Soulless Child", "Candlelight", "Karma" and "Mexico" (all of which can be heard on YouTube but are not yet for sale) as well as "She's Changed" (of which a live version is for sale, but not a studio version) and "Such a Shame" (which is neither for sale nor available on YouTube).

Awards and nominations[link]

References[link]

External links[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Laura Marling

• Official Website

This article does not cite any references or sources. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (April 2012)

Look up businessperson, businessman, or businesswoman in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.

A businessperson (also businessman, business man, or businesswoman) is someone involved in a particular undertaking of activities, commercial or industrial, for the purpose of generating revenue from a combination of human, financial, and physical capital. An entrepreneur is an example of a business person. Sometimes the term can mean someone who is involved in the management of a company, especially as an owner or an executive. Sometimes it can also mean someone employed in a (usually) profit-oriented enterprise. The term businessperson/man/woman almost always refers to someone with a "white collar" occupation.

See also[link]

Business portal

• Business magnate
• Entrepreneur
• Financier
• Investor
• Charles T. Hinde, business magnate in the shipping, railroad, and hotel businesses.

This business-related article is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by expanding it. v t e

This biographical article needs additional citations for verification. Please help by adding reliable sources. Contentious material about living persons that is unsourced or poorly sourced must be removed immediately, especially if potentially libelous or harmful. (May 2010)

Carlos Salinas
53rd President of Mexico
In office December 1, 1988 – November 30, 1994
Preceded by	Miguel de la Madrid
Succeeded by	Ernesto Zedillo
Personal details
Born	(1948-04-03) April 3, 1948 (age 64) Mexico City, Mexico[1]
Nationality	Mexican
Political party	Institutional Revolutionary Party
Spouse(s)	Laura Sanchez
Religion	Roman Catholic[citation needed]

Carlos Salinas de Gortari (Spanish pronunciation: [ˈkarlos saˈlinaz ðe ɣorˈtaɾi]) (born April 3, 1948) is a Mexican economist and politician affiliated to the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) who served as President of Mexico from 1988 to 1994. Earlier in his career he worked in the Budget Secretariat all the way up to Secretary. He was the PRI presidential candidate in 1988, and was elected on July 6, 1988.

Elections[link]

Cárdenas registered as an opposing candidate from a left-wing coalition called Frente Democrático Nacional. He rapidly became a popular figure, and became the first opposing candidate to fill the Zócalo with sympathizers and to seriously threaten the PRI which had won all presidential elections since its inception in 1929. The Ministry of Interior (Secretaría de Gobernación), through its Federal Electoral Commission, was the institution in charge of the electoral process, and installed a modern computing system to count the votes. On July 6, 1988, the day of the elections, the system "crashed", and when it was finally restored, Carlos Salinas was declared the official winner. Even though the elections are extremely controversial, and some declare that Salinas won legally, the expression se cayó el sistema (the system crashed, lit. "the system fell down") became a colloquial euphemism for electoral fraud.^[2]

The process involved two suspicious shutdowns of the computer system used to keep track of the number of votes.^[3] Suspicions later grew as Congress voted (with support from the Revolutionary Institutional and National Action parties)^[4] to destroy without opening the electoral documentation that could prove otherwise. Other people believed that Salinas, in fact, won the ballot, albeit probably not with an absolute majority as the official figures suggested, although that is not required under Mexican election law.

During an interview for television in September 2005, Miguel de la Madrid acknowledged that the PRI lost the 1988 elections.^[5] However, he immediately cleared his comment by saying that the PRI had "at least lost a significant amount of voters".^[5] Asked for comment on De la Madrid's statements, Senator Manuel Bartlett, who was the president of the Federal Electoral Commission (Comisión Federal Electoral) during the de la Madrid administration, declared Salinas won the election albeit with the smallest margin of any PRI candidate before him. He attributed De la Madrid's remarks to his old age (71 years old as of 2005^[update]) and the remarks being taken out of context by journalist Carlos Loret de Mola.^[6] Ex-president Miguel de la Madrid admitted that the elections had been rigged. ^[7]

Presidency[link]

Carlos Salinas' term made significant changes in the following areas:

Economic reforms[link]

• By the end of his term, inflation had been reduced to 7.05% in 1994, the lowest figure in 22 years. Shortly after leaving office, due to the December Mistake, inflation rose to 51.48%.
• During his term, the peso devalued from 2.65 MXP to 3.60 MXN, by November 30, 1994, the last day of his term; thus the peso devalued far less than it had in the two previous terms. (The peso was later devaluated from 4 per dollar to 7.2 in a single week due to the December Mistake.)
• Negotiated the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), with the United States and Canada.
• Arguably, Salinas might have privileged him, as many critics point out, in the same way he had privileged Salinas Pliego with the privatization of Imevisión (later TV Azteca) over the rest of the bidders; all those deals were suspected of corruption by the majority of the Mexican population.^{[citation needed]} As a result, the number of state-owned industries continued to drop, from approx. 600 in 1988 to a minimal 250 in 1994.

Political reforms[link]

The 1994 elections were the first to have international observers, and were considered, at that time, the fairest elections in the century,^{[citation needed]} though not free of controversy. He reformed the Clerical Laws which had forbidden religious ministers from voting, and established a new relationship between State and Church, which had been severely damaged after the Cristero War. The new laws also allowed churches to own their own buildings (which had been nationalized).

Election year and economic collapse[link]

Salinas' spending spree[link]

Carlos Salinas's popularity and credibility at the time was high.^{[citation needed]} The economic bubble gave Mexico a prosperity not seen in a generation. This period of rapid growth coupled with low inflation prompted some political thinkers and the media to state that Mexico was on the verge of becoming a "First World nation". In fact, it was the first of the "newly industrialized nations" to be admitted into the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in May 1994. It was a known fact that the peso was overvalued, but the extent of the Mexican economy's vulnerability was either not well known or downplayed by both the Salinas de Gortari administration and the media. This vulnerability was further aggravated by several unexpected events and macroeconomic mistakes made in the last year of his administration.

Several economists and historians, amongst them Hufbauer and Schoot (2005), have analyzed some of the events and policy mistakes that precipitated the crisis of December 1994. In keeping with the PRI election-year tradition, Salinas launched a spending spree to finance popular projects (and thus bolster support for his own party), which translated into a historically high deficit. This budget deficit was coupled with a current account deficit, fueled by excessive consumer spending as allowed by the overvalued peso. In order to finance this deficit, the Salinas administration issued tesobonos, an attractive type of debt instrument that insured payment in dollars instead of pesos. This may have been a response to three important events that had shaken investor confidence in the stability of the country: the aforementioned Zapatista uprising, the assassination of PRI presidential candidate Luis Donaldo Colosio, and the assassination of José Francisco Ruiz Massieu, Salinas' former brother-in-law who was also the Secretary General of the PRI, and whose murder was never solved during Salinas' presidency, even when Mario Ruiz Massieu (Francisco's brother) was the attorney general in charge of the investigation.

These events, together with the increasing current account deficit fostered by government spending, caused alarm amongst Mexican and foreign T-bill (tesobono) investors, who sold them rapidly, thereby depleting the already low central bank reserves (which eventually hit a record low of $9 billion). The economically orthodox thing to do, in order to maintain the fixed exchange rate functioning (at 3.3 pesos per dollar, within a variation band), would have been to sharply increase interest rates by allowing the monetary base to shrink, as dollars were being withdrawn from the reserves (Hufbauer & Schott, 2005). Given the fact that it was an election year, whose outcome might have changed as a result of a pre-election-day economic downturn, the Bank of Mexico decided to buy Mexican Treasury Securities in order to maintain the monetary base, and thus prevent the interest rates from rising. This, in turn, caused an even more dramatic decline in the dollar reserves. These decisions aggravated the already delicate situation, to a point in which the crisis became inevitable and devaluation was only one of many necessary adjustments. Nonetheless, nothing was done during the last five months of Salinas’s administration even after the elections were held in July of that year. Some critics presume this was done in order to maintain Salinas’s popularity, as he was seeking international support to become director general of the WTO. Ernesto Zedillo took office on December 1, 1994.

The December Mistake[link]

See also 1994 economic crisis in Mexico.

A few days after a private meeting Zedillo suddenly announced his government would let the fixed rate band to increase 15 percent (up to 4 pesos per US$), by stopping the unorthodox measures employed by the previous administration to keep it at the previous fixed level (e.g., by selling dollars, assuming debt, and so on). This measure, however, was not enough, and the government was even unable to hold this line, and decided to let it float. While experts agree that devaluation was necessary, some critics of Zedillo's incumbent 22-day old administration, argue that although economically coherent, the way it was handled was a political mistake. By having announced its plans for devaluation, they argue that many foreigners withdrew their investments, thus aggravating the effects. Whether the effects were aggravated further or not, the result was that the peso crashed under a floating regime from four pesos to the dollar (with the previous increase of 15%) to 7.2 to the dollar in the space of a week.

Mexican businesses with debts to be paid in dollars, or that relied on supplies bought from the U.S., suffered an immediate hit, with mass industrial lay-offs and several suicides^{[citation needed]} . Businesses whose executives attended the meeting at Zedillo's office were spared the nightmare – forewarned, they quickly bought dollars and renegotiated their contracts into pesos^{[citation needed]}. To make matters worse, the devaluation announcement was made mid-week, on a Wednesday, and for the remainder of the week foreign investors fled the Mexican market without any government action to prevent or discourage it until following Monday when it was too late.

Salinas faced widespread criticism in Mexico. He was blamed by the majority of the population for the collapse of the economy, and his privatization of several government-run businesses (which had benefited a few of his friends, like Carlos Slim).^{[citation needed]} Salinas privatized Telmex, the government owned provider of telecommunications service and placed the owner of the newly formed company into the name of a formerly unknown person by the name of Carlos Slim Helú^{[citation needed]}.

With respect to the collapse of the economy he rapidly responded by blaming Zedillo's "inept" handling of the situation, coining the term "December Mistake" to refer to the crisis and Zedillo's mistakes. He then argued that he had talked to Zedillo of a possibility of "sharing the burden" of the devaluation by allowing the peso to devaluate a certain percent before his term was over, and the rest of the necessary devaluation would have been done during Zedillo's administration.

The December Mistake caused so much outrage that for a long time, Salinas did not dare return to Mexico (he was campaigning worldwide for World Trade Organization (WTO) head at the time, which he lost). The incident also served to make it clear that his influence (if any) on the Zedillo administration was over. Meanwhile his sister-in-law was detained in Switzerland for trying to withdraw hundreds of millions of dollars using a fake passport. The issue of how the Salinas family had millions of dollars in foreign banks while most of the country's population was suffering a severe financial crisis became a national debate.^{[citation needed]}

Salinas was blamed for allegedly ignoring the economic problems of his administration, and, his prestige lost, he exiled himself to Dublin, Ireland, where he eventually married again. Although he is free to return to Mexico and does so from time to time, he always stirs controversy. His brother Raúl went to jail, accused of masterminding a political assassination of José Francisco Ruiz Massieu, a member of their own party, and of committing fraud while working for the government during Carlos's presidency. The sister-in-law was not really his sister-in-law, she was actually a lover of his brother Raul. Raul Salinas also collected checks as an instructor at a San Diego, California university and never worked there full-time for the money, and why he still was paid until two years ago is questionable.^{[citation needed]}

Corruption[link]

Salinas has been dogged by charges of massive corruption since leaving office.^{[citation needed]}

In 1991, U.S. prosecutors indicted Mario Ruiz Massieu, a politically influential Mexican deputy attorney general under Salinas. Ruiz Massieu, who had close ties to the family of former President Carlos Salinas de Gortari, and the indictment charged that Ruiz Massieu used his position as Mexico's top anti-drug official during 1993 and 1994 to obtain large bribes from drug traffickers.^{[citation needed]}

In 1995, Swiss authorities discovered more than $100 million stashed in the European bank accounts of Carlos Salinas's brother Raul. He has said repeatedly that he knew nothing of the wealth stockpiled by Raul while the older Salinas was working as a midlevel civil servant. The older Salinas was convicted of complicity in a political assassination. Although none of this has ever been correctly proven by authorities.^{[citation needed]}

Salinas' book[link]

Carlos Salinas (left), George H.W. Bush and Brian Mulroney during the NAFTA Initialing Ceremony in Austin, Texas

In the last years of Zedillo's term, Salinas returned to Mexico to announce the publication of his highly controversial, thousand-page book, "Mexico: The Policy and the Politics of Modernization". Written during his stay in Ireland and full of quotes from press articles and political memoirs, it defended his achievements and blamed Zedillo for the crisis that followed the Salinas administration. Denying all accusations against him, including plotting Luis Donaldo Colosio's murder, his visit shocked Mexico's political scene with surprise interviews in major media. A few days later, however, illegal recordings of a conversation between jailed brother Raúl and one of his sisters were leaked to the media, and their conversation about who really owned the family fortune and Raúl's imprisonment quickly put an end to the affair.^{[citation needed]}

The book – a thick volume with small print, every page filled with footnotes and margin notes^{[citation needed]} – proved as controversial as Salinas himself. Its objective value is questioned since it is clearly a document written in self-defense, but it still remains a prime source of material for the scholar, clarifying how Salinas viewed himself. One group of bank debtors formed after the December Mistake (El Barzón) declared their outrage at what they saw as profiteering from their tragedy and took the decision to transcribe the whole book, respecting even its layout, and to give it away electronically, in spite of legal threats from the publisher. Salinas probably did not mind^{[citation needed]} – he had already announced that he would donate a copy to each public library in the country.

The book is actually 775 pages long with about 200 pages of references.^{[citation needed]}

Later years[link]

He divorced and married again. He seems to spend most of his time in London with regular travel to Mexico,^{[citation needed]} but he is no longer the media sensation he was. Former Mayor of Mexico City, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, of the left-wing Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) usually blamed him for being the mastermind of what he perceives as confabulations against his government and presidential ambitions, not calling him by name but as the unmentionable.^{[citation needed]}

On December 6, 2004, Salinas's youngest brother, Enrique, was found dead in Huixquilucan, Estado de México, inside his car with a plastic bag strapped around his head. At first authorities were reluctant to talk of homicide, but later admitted it was, while denying any political implications. As days passed, authorities believed it was either an accidental killing in an extortion attempt by a close friend or associate, or a passion crime involving a member of his family. In either case, it probably was either improvised or carried out by inexperienced criminals. Enrique's body was abandoned in his car in a zone with surveillance cameras. The tapes show confusion and disorientation by the people who drove Enrique's car to the place and left in another vehicle. Enrique's cell phone was used after his death, and left in the car. Unknown fingerprints were left in the car, and human hairs were found in Enrique's fist. It was determined he was knocked unconscious and killed by suffocation, but not by the plastic bag found with his body. Apparently he knew his attackers and it is possible that he voluntarily met with them.^{[citation needed]}

Many members of his family were called to testify, including jailed brother Raúl, but not Carlos. Some years ago Enrique was suspected of being financial cover for his elder brothers Raúl and Carlos and had an account in a Swiss bank frozen, but most of the time Enrique held a low profile, being uninvolved with politics and mostly an entrepreneur practically unknown to the public. After his death, it was revealed he was being investigated in France and by Interpol; that he had financial problems, and shortly before his death he wrote a letter where he explained in vague terms that he was subjected to terrible pressure by leaks (presumably a magazine article published) and friends, and was afraid for his and his family's well being.^{[citation needed]}

In January 2005, authorities confirmed the media leak that there was the possibility Enrique was killed by agents of the Agencia Federal de Investigaciones (AFI) (Mexico's federal criminal police force).^{[citation needed]} According to this hypothesis, he had financial problems with his ex-wife and was advised by his lawyer to hire some AFI agents the lawyer knew to fix the problem. Enrique contacted them but later reached an agreement with his ex-wife and tried to forget the matter, but the agents blackmailed and ultimately murdered him.^{[citation needed]} Authorities also acknowledged they were suspicious of members of Enrique's family because they gave conflicting testimony regarding the hours before the murder. Their relationships with Enrique were also difficult. At roughly the same time, French authorities revealed they were prosecuting brother Raúl and other members of the family for money laundering.^{[citation needed]}

Salinas re-married soon after leaving office, to Ana Paula Gerard, and moved his residency to Ireland for a few years. He has six children: Cecilia, Emiliano and Juan Cristobal from his first marriage; Ana Emilia, Patricio and Mateo from his second marriage.^{[citation needed]}

In May 2009 former Mexican President Miguel de la Madrid, accused Salinas de Gortari and his family of stealing millions of dollars from public spending. He went on to say the Salinas Family had close links with the drug cartels and mafia. De la Madrid later withdrew his comments.^{[citation needed]}

As of May 2010, Salinas lives in Dublin, Ireland. More recently he has been spotted back in Mexico supporting the political campaign of the Institutional Revolutionary Party candidate for the 2012 presidential elections, Enrique Peña Nieto, according to Mexican journalists Francisco Cruz Jiménez and Jorge Toribio Montiel.^[8][9]

References[link]

• Salinas's book, print edition: Carlos Salinas de Gortari, México, un paso difícil a la modernidad (Mexico, a difficult step into modern times) Plaza & Janés, ISBN 84-01-01492-1.

• Mexico under Salinas, Mexico Resource Center, Austin, TX, by Philip L. Russell. ISBN 0-9639223-0-0

External links[link]

• (Spanish) Extended biography and presidential tenure by CIDOB Foundation
• (Spanish) Response of Manuel Bartlett to de la Madrid remarks.

v t e Presidents of the United Mexican States Guadalupe Victoria Vicente Guerrero José María Bocanegra Pedro Vélez Anastasio Bustamante Melchor Múzquiz Manuel Gómez Pedraza Valentín Gómez Farías Antonio López de Santa Anna Miguel Barragán José Justo Corro Nicolás Bravo Francisco Javier Echeverría Valentín Canalizo José Joaquín de Herrera Mariano Paredes José Mariano Salas Pedro María de Anaya Manuel de la Peña Mariano Arista Juan Bautista Ceballos Manuel María Lombardini Martín Carrera Rómulo Díaz Juan Álvarez Hurtado Ignacio Comonfort Félix María Zuloaga Manuel Robles Pezuela Miguel Miramón José Ignacio Pavón Benito Juárez Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada José María Iglesias Juan N. Méndez Porfirio Díaz Manuel González Flores Francisco León de la Barra Francisco I. Madero Pedro Lascuráin Victoriano Huerta Francisco S. Carvajal Venustiano Carranza Eulalio Gutiérrez Roque González Garza Francisco Lagos Cházaro Adolfo de la Huerta Álvaro Obregón Plutarco Elías Calles Emilio Portes Gil Pascual Ortiz Rubio Abelardo Luján Rodríguez Lázaro Cárdenas Manuel Ávila Camacho Miguel Alemán Valdés Adolfo Ruiz Cortines Adolfo López Mateos Gustavo Díaz Ordaz Luis Echeverría José López Portillo Miguel de la Madrid Carlos Salinas de Gortari Ernesto Zedillo Vicente Fox Felipe Calderón Vice President of Mexico

Isabeli Fontana
Born	Isabeli Bergossi Fontana (1983-07-04) July 4, 1983 (age 28) Curitiba, Brazil
Height	5 ft 9.3 in (1.76 m)
Hair color	Brown
Eye color	Blue
Measurements	34-23-35 (US) 86-58-89 (EU)[1]
Manager	Women Management (New York, Milan), Silent models (Paris)

Isabeli Bergossi Fontana (born July 4, 1983) is a Brazilian model.^[2]

Biography[link]

Early life and discovery[link]

Fontana was born in Curitiba, Paraná, Brazil. In 1996 she made it to the finals of the Elite Model Look when she was just 13 and in the following year she moved from South Brazil to Milan, Italy.^[1]

Career[link]

In 1999, at the age of 16, she appeared in the Victoria's Secret lingerie catalogue. The shoot caused controversy, as Victoria's Secret stated that they would not use girls younger than 18.^{[citation needed]} Soon after the Victoria's Secret shoot, she was signed by Versace, Ralph Lauren and Valentino.^[3]

Since 1999 she has modeled for Sports Illustrated Swimsuit Issue, Marie Claire, ELLE, Vogue, Harper's Bazaar, Numéro, i-D, Arena and many others.^[3]

Fontana has been the face of a variety of advertising campaigns including Shiatzy Chen, Armani Jeans, Chanel, Colcci, Disritmia, Dolce and Gabbana, Emporio Armani, Enrique Martinez^{[disambiguation needed ]}, Escada, H&M, Helena Rubinstein, Hugo Boss, Hussein Chalayan, Massimo Dutti, Mango M. Officer, Nicole Farhi, Oscar de la Renta, Peter Hahn, Philips, Ralph Lauren, Revlon, Roberto Cavalli, Rosa Chá, Saks Fifth Avenue, Tommy Hilfiger, Triton^{[disambiguation needed ]}, Valentino, Versace, Victoria's Secret, Vivara and others.^[3] Photographed by Steven Meisel, she was presented on the September 2004 cover of American Vogue as one of the "Models of the Moment".^[4]

Fontana can be seen in the Spring/Summer 2011 campaigns for Escada, Dolce and Gabbana, Uniqlo & Ann Taylor.^[5]

Fontana is the current^[when?] face of Viktor & Rolf's fragrance Flowerbomb.

In 2008, Fontana made her debut on the Forbes The World's 15 Top-Earning Models list at place 11, having earned $3 million.^[6]

She has appeared in the Pirelli Calendar on a number of occasions, including in the 2011 calendar, which features models posing as Greek and Roman gods, photographed by Karl Lagerfeld.

Isabeli Fontana, with her son, Zion.

Personal life[link]

As a youth, Fontana attended Catholic School in the Portão district of Curitiba. She is often seen making the Sign of the Cross in footage.^{[citation needed]} She was married to model Álvaro Jacomossi but they divorced in 2004. Their son, Zion, was born in 2003.^[2] Fontana married actor and model Henri Castelli on December 10, 2005 and their son, Lucas, was born on October 23, 2006 in São Paulo. Fontana and Castelli divorced in 2007.^[2]

References[link]

External links[link]

• Isabeli Fontana at the Fashion Model Directory
• Isabeli Fontana at the Internet Movie Database
• Askmen.com profile