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Julio Bashmore - Au Seve
Crash de Smolensk : un Polonais sur trois croit au complot
DC SHOES: 2013 NZ/AU TOUR
Uninvented Theatre & Zero Gravity la Romanii au Talent
Uninvented Theatre & Zero Gravity Dance la
Accueil Royal De François Holande Au Maroc
Député Arnel Bélizaire  pète les plombs au parlement.
Mihai Stefan - Romanii au talent. 1.03.2013
Des détenus polonais réadaptent Shakespeare au théâtre
Le président François Hollande effectue une visite officielle au Maroc,
La France veut assurer sa première place au Maroc
Le discours du président François Hollande au Parlement Marocain

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Julio Bashmore - Au Seve
  • Order:
  • Duration: 6:34
  • Updated: 17 May 2012
For first chance to buy tickets for my headline show on 24th November in a secret London location head over to my website www.juliobashmore.com Fast cars, money, but no record label to truly call my own? This ends today... Hi, I'm Julio Bashmore. Somehow I have found time between jet-setting around the globe, becoming a voice for the people via my Radio One show and generally living the high life to bring you a brand new label, Broadwalk Records. Today heralds a new era in the Julio Bashmore chronicles, with a sound that shall echo through the ages...
  • published: 17 May 2012
  • views: 2221873
http://web.archive.org./web/20130416034015/http://wn.com/Julio Bashmore - Au Seve
Crash de Smolensk : un Polonais sur trois croit au complot
  • Order:
  • Duration: 2:09
  • Updated: 10 Apr 2013
Trois ans après la catastrophe du Tupolev présidentiel polonais qui s'était écrasé le 10 avril 2010 en tentant d'atterrir par un épais brouillard à Smolensk en Russie, les théories de complot vont bon train en Pologne. Durée: 02:08
  • published: 10 Apr 2013
  • views: 165
http://web.archive.org./web/20130416034015/http://wn.com/Crash de Smolensk : un Polonais sur trois croit au complot
DC SHOES: 2013 NZ/AU TOUR
  • Order:
  • Duration: 3:34
  • Updated: 03 Apr 2013
The DC team takes over New Zealand and Australia in this 2013 NZ/AU Tour video. Featuring Chris Cole, Nyjah Huston, Wes Kremer, Mikey Taylor, Mike Mo Capaldi, Evan Smith, Davis Torgerson, Madars Apse and Cyril Jackson. Also featuring DC APAC's Tommy Fynn, Jake Hayes, Bugs Fardell, Joel Mcilroy and Deon Williams. Defined By DC http://www.dcshoes.com/skate http://facebook.com/dcskateboarding
  • published: 03 Apr 2013
  • views: 41813
http://web.archive.org./web/20130416034015/http://wn.com/DC SHOES: 2013 NZ/AU TOUR
Uninvented Theatre & Zero Gravity la Romanii au Talent
  • Order:
  • Duration: 4:08
  • Updated: 22 Mar 2013
Auditiile de la Bucuresti Music by Headstrong ft. Stine Grove - Tears http://facebook.com/uninvented.theatre/ http://uninventedtheatre.com/
  • published: 22 Mar 2013
  • views: 503
http://web.archive.org./web/20130416034015/http://wn.com/Uninvented Theatre & Zero Gravity la Romanii au Talent
Mihai Stefan - Romanii au talent. 1.03.2013
  • Order:
  • Duration: 3:04
  • Updated: 02 Mar 2013
Romanii au talent 2013
  • published: 02 Mar 2013
  • views: 172578
http://web.archive.org./web/20130416034015/http://wn.com/Mihai Stefan - Romanii au talent. 1.03.2013
Des détenus polonais réadaptent Shakespeare au théâtre
  • Order:
  • Duration: 2:32
  • Updated: 08 Apr 2013
Shakespeare joué par des prisonniers polonais ! L'initiative du centre culturel de Lublin rencontre un franc succès. Les prisonniers, condamnés pour certains à des peines lourdes, interprètent une adaptation du "Songe d'une nuit d'été". Durée: 02:31
  • published: 08 Apr 2013
  • views: 83
http://web.archive.org./web/20130416034015/http://wn.com/Des détenus polonais réadaptent Shakespeare au théâtre
Le président François Hollande effectue une visite officielle au Maroc,
  • Order:
  • Duration: 10:28
  • Updated: 04 Apr 2013
Le président François Hollande effectue une visite officielle au Maroc,
  • published: 04 Apr 2013
  • views: 8349
http://web.archive.org./web/20130416034015/http://wn.com/Le président François Hollande effectue une visite officielle au Maroc,
La France veut assurer sa première place au Maroc
  • Order:
  • Duration: 2:43
  • Updated: 03 Apr 2013
Al Qarra - Permettre à la France d'affirmer son statut de premier partenaire commercial du Maroc. C'est l'un des enjeux de la visite d'Etat de François Hollande. Durant deux jours, le président français et sa délégation d'une cinquantaine de chefs d'entreprises françaises vont rencontrer, à Casablanca et à Rabat, de nombreux décideurs économiques marocains. http://www.alqarra.tv/la-france-veut-assurer-sa-premiere-place-au-maroc/
  • published: 03 Apr 2013
  • views: 40
http://web.archive.org./web/20130416034015/http://wn.com/La France veut assurer sa première place au Maroc
Le discours du président François Hollande au Parlement Marocain
  • Order:
  • Duration: 30:30
  • Updated: 04 Apr 2013
Le président Français François Hollande a tenu un long discours, jeudi 4 avril 2013, devant le Parlement marocain à Rabat. "Le message, il est simple : la France a confiance dans le Maroc", a assuré Hollande, en visite d'État de deux jours dans le pays de Mohammed VI.
  • published: 04 Apr 2013
  • views: 14441
http://web.archive.org./web/20130416034015/http://wn.com/Le discours du président François Hollande au Parlement Marocain
Arnaque au distributeur de boissons - [ Roboarna ] ► méthode futuriste...
  • Order:
  • Duration: 6:43
  • Updated: 12 Mar 2013
Parceque les idées dingues ne quittent que très rarement mon esprit... 1:19 ► Début démonstration 4:10 ► Engin vu de près [hors machine] L'article concernant la partie techniques sur mon site sera publié plus tard, en même temps que la vidéo réservé aux détails techniques. Ce robot n'est évidemment pas à vendre, le but est de faire rire le public et pas de nuire aux sociétés qui gères les parcs de distributeurs. Remerciements à "aelitalyoko100" pour m'avoir fait m'intéresser à ces machines. L'idée d'employer un robot ainsi que sa conception et sa fabrication viennent de moi. Mais la simple idée de vouloir obtenir des articles sans payer la machine ne m'était jamais venue à l'esprit ! Cette vidéo a été publiée dans le but de divertir et en aucun cas pour encourager quiconque à dérober quoi que ce soit.
  • published: 12 Mar 2013
  • views: 8237
http://web.archive.org./web/20130416034015/http://wn.com/Arnaque au distributeur de boissons - [ Roboarna ] ► méthode futuriste...
Operation FATIM pour le Tchad avec Ahmat Makaila au Mali
  • Order:
  • Duration: 8:22
  • Updated: 31 Jan 2013
30/1/2013 Envoyé Spécial au Nord du Mali pour l'armée Tchadienne N'DJAMENA, 15 janvier — « Nous sommes de coeur avec le peuple malien, avec l'armée française qui ne devrait pas seul sur le théâtre des opérations pour la reconquête du Nord Mali », a déclaré mardi le président tchadien, Idriss Déby Itno, en marge de la pose de la première pierre de construction d'un Centre de conférences international dans la capitale. « Le peuple tchadien soutient le peuple malien dans la reconquête de sa souveraineté, de sa stabilité », a précisé le chef de l'Etat tchadien qui a tenu à « saluer solennellement la France et son président d'avoir pris la décision historique d'intervenir militairement au Mali pour stopper la marche des terroristes vers la capitale, après avoir divisé le pays pendant vingt-deux mois ». « L'Afrique doit soutenir la France, l'Afrique doit remercier la France. L'Afrique ne doit pas abandonner la France seule sur le théâtre des opérations. Les Africains doivent savoir qu'ils ont un rôle à jouer quand il s'agit de la stabilité et de la paix dans le continent. Il est temps que les Africains se mettent au-devant de la scène », a insisté le président Déby Itno. Il a appelé les armées africaines à se déployer le plus rapidement possible au Mali pour alléger le poids de la tâche à l'armée française et libérer définitivement ce pays d'Afrique occidentale de la menace terroriste. Selon le chef de l'Etat tchadien, dans un cadre juridique normal, l'Union Africaine devrait demander à tous les pays africains de contribuer aux efforts. Il a félicité les Nations- Unies qui ont adopté deux résolutions sur la crise malienne. « Nous suivons la situation de très près, au jour le jour », a conclu le président Déby Itno, ajoutant que son pays, très sollicité, ne devrait pas tarder à intervenir militairement au Mali, s'il reçoit une demande expresse des autorités de Bamako.
  • published: 31 Jan 2013
  • views: 7138
http://web.archive.org./web/20130416034015/http://wn.com/Operation FATIM pour le Tchad avec Ahmat Makaila au Mali
  • Julio Bashmore - Au Seve
    6:34
    Julio Bashmore - Au Seve
  • Crash de Smolensk : un Polonais sur trois croit au complot
    2:09
    Crash de Smolensk : un Polonais sur trois croit au complot
  • DC SHOES: 2013 NZ/AU TOUR
    3:34
    DC SHOES: 2013 NZ/AU TOUR
  • Uninvented Theatre & Zero Gravity la Romanii au Talent
    4:08
    Uninvented Theatre & Zero Gravity la Romanii au Talent
  • Uninvented Theatre & Zero Gravity Dance la
    4:29
    Uninvented Theatre & Zero Gravity Dance la "Romanii au talent" (22 martie 2013 Pro TV)
  • Accueil Royal De François Holande Au Maroc
    21:36
    Accueil Royal De François Holande Au Maroc
  • Député Arnel Bélizaire  pète les plombs au parlement.
    2:12
    Député Arnel Bélizaire pète les plombs au parlement.
  • Mihai Stefan - Romanii au talent. 1.03.2013
    3:04
    Mihai Stefan - Romanii au talent. 1.03.2013
  • Des détenus polonais réadaptent Shakespeare au théâtre
    2:32
    Des détenus polonais réadaptent Shakespeare au théâtre
  • Le président François Hollande effectue une visite officielle au Maroc,
    10:28
    Le président François Hollande effectue une visite officielle au Maroc,
  • La France veut assurer sa première place au Maroc
    2:43
    La France veut assurer sa première place au Maroc
  • Le discours du président François Hollande au Parlement Marocain
    30:30
    Le discours du président François Hollande au Parlement Marocain
  • Arnaque au distributeur de boissons - [ Roboarna ] ► méthode futuriste...
    6:43
    Arnaque au distributeur de boissons - [ Roboarna ] ► méthode futuriste...
  • Operation FATIM pour le Tchad avec Ahmat Makaila au Mali
    8:22
    Operation FATIM pour le Tchad avec Ahmat Makaila au Mali


For first chance to buy tickets for my headline show on 24th November in a secret London location head over to my website www.juliobashmore.com Fast cars, money, but no record label to truly call my own? This ends today... Hi, I'm Julio Bashmore. Somehow I have found time between jet-setting around the globe, becoming a voice for the people via my Radio One show and generally living the high life to bring you a brand new label, Broadwalk Records. Today heralds a new era in the Julio Bashmore chronicles, with a sound that shall echo through the ages...
  • published: 17 May 2012
  • views: 2221873

6:34
Julio Bash­more - Au Seve
For first chance to buy tick­ets for my head­line show on 24th Novem­ber in a se­cret Lon­don l...
pub­lished: 17 May 2012
2:09
Crash de Smolen­sk : un Polon­ais sur trois croit au com­plot
Trois ans après la catas­tro­phe du Tupolev présiden­tiel polon­ais qui s'était écrasé le 10 a...
pub­lished: 10 Apr 2013
3:34
DC SHOES: 2013 NZ/AU TOUR
The DC team takes over New Zealand and Aus­tralia in this 2013 NZ/AU Tour video. Fea­tur­ing ...
pub­lished: 03 Apr 2013
4:08
Un­in­vent­ed The­atre & Zero Grav­i­ty la Ro­manii au Tal­ent
Au­di­ti­ile de la Bu­curesti Music by Head­strong ft. Stine Grove - Tears http://​facebook.​com/...​
pub­lished: 22 Mar 2013
4:29
Un­in­vent­ed The­atre & Zero Grav­i­ty Dance la "Ro­manii au tal­ent" (22 mar­tie 2013 Pro TV)
...
pub­lished: 23 Mar 2013
21:36
Ac­cueil Royal De François Holande Au Maroc
...
pub­lished: 03 Apr 2013
2:12
Député Arnel Bélizaire pète les plombs au par­lement.
...
pub­lished: 15 Mar 2013
3:04
Mihai Ste­fan - Ro­manii au tal­ent. 1.03.2013
Ro­manii au tal­ent 2013...
pub­lished: 02 Mar 2013
2:32
Des détenus polon­ais réadaptent Shake­speare au théâtre
Shake­speare joué par des pris­on­niers polon­ais ! L'ini­tia­tive du cen­tre cul­turel de Lublin ...
pub­lished: 08 Apr 2013
10:28
Le président François Hol­lande ef­fectue une vis­ite of­fi­cielle au Maroc,
Le président François Hol­lande ef­fectue une vis­ite of­fi­cielle au Maroc,...
pub­lished: 04 Apr 2013
2:43
La France veut as­sur­er sa première place au Maroc
Al Qarra - Per­me­t­tre à la France d'af­firmer son statut de pre­mier parte­naire com­mer­cial du...
pub­lished: 03 Apr 2013
30:30
Le dis­cours du président François Hol­lande au Par­lement Maro­cain
Le président Français François Hol­lande a tenu un long dis­cours, jeudi 4 avril 2013, devan...
pub­lished: 04 Apr 2013
6:43
Ar­naque au dis­tribu­teur de bois­sons - [ Roboar­na ] ► méthode fu­tur­iste...
Parceque les idées dingues ne quit­tent que très rarement mon es­prit... 1:19 ► Début démons...
pub­lished: 12 Mar 2013
8:22
Op­er­a­tion FATIM pour le Tchad avec Ahmat Makaila au Mali
30/1/2013 Envoyé Spécial au Nord du Mali pour l'armée Tcha­di­enne N'DJA­ME­NA, 15 jan­vi­er —...
pub­lished: 31 Jan 2013
Youtube results:
2:24
Crash d'un héli­coptère au Lac II Tunis
Un héli­coptère vient d'at­ter­rir, vers 13h40, aux Berges du Lac 2, au­jourd'hui ven­dre­di 05 ...
pub­lished: 05 Apr 2013
72:52
Guerre au Mali doc­u­men­taire en­tier
Sahel Le désert de tous les dan­gers...
pub­lished: 04 Feb 2013
4:37
JEROME AU SU­PER­MARCHÉ
VIENS ! VIENS ! sur ma page face­book : http://​www.​facebook.​com/​lafermejerome Et puis la...
pub­lished: 26 Jan 2013
1:32
François Hol­lande ef­fectue une vis­ite of­fi­cielle au Maroc,-2013-04-04
François Hol­lande ef­fectue une vis­ite of­fi­cielle au Maroc,-2013-04-04...
pub­lished: 04 Apr 2013


An A unit, in railroad terminology, is a locomotive (generally a diesel or electric locomotive) equipped with a driving cab, or crew compartment, and the control system to control other locomotives in a multiple unit, and therefore able to be the lead unit in a consist of several locomotives controlled from a single position. This terminology is generally used in North America, since only there was it commonplace to build B units—cabless locomotive units which normally could not lead a train.

Contents

Typical features[link]

Typical driving cab features, and therefore A unit features, include windshields, rectangular side windows, crew seats, heating, and sometimes, radios, air conditioning and toilets. B units always lack all of these features, except that some EMD F-units have an extra porthole-style side window(s) for a hostler (an employee permitted to move a locomotive in a yard only — not on the road).

Terminology[link]

This terminology has fallen out of use for newer locomotives, since it only really applied to the cab unit style of locomotive. Thus, the term cab unit is used only when an A unit has a carbody design. Hood unit "road switcher" types were generally equipped with driving cabs and the term "A unit" was not generally applied to them, although the rare cabless road switchers were still called B units.

Conversions[link]

In some cases, A units were converted to B units. If the unit had been involved in a collision which damaged the cab, it was sometimes more cost-effective to rebuild the unit without the cab. In rarer cases, B units were converted to A units. The Chicago and North Western Railway converted several E8B units purchased from the Union Pacific Railroad. The cabs on the rebuilt units were referred to as "Crandall Cabs." The BNSF also experimented with a single GP60B to make it a "A unit" by using a Ex-UP SD40-2 cab on a GP60B frame and body, also required to move was the Dynamic blister from the front of the unit to the middle of the unit to make room for the cab.

References[link]

  • Pinkepank, Jerry A. (1973). The Second Diesel Spotter’s Guide. Kalmbach Books. Library of Congress Catalog Card No. 66-22894.

http://wn.com/A_unit




This page contains text from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia - http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A_unit

This article is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License, which means that you can copy and modify it as long as the entire work (including additions) remains under this license.


François Hollande
Hollande in Nantes (2012)
24th President of France
Incumbent
Assumed office
15 May 2012
Prime Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault
Preceded by Nicolas Sarkozy
Co-Prince of Andorra
Incumbent
Assumed office
15 May 2012
Serving with Joan Enric Vives Sicília
Prime Minister Antoni Martí
Representative Christian Frémont
Preceded by Nicolas Sarkozy
President of the General Council of Corrèze
In office
20 March 2008 – 15 May 2012
Preceded by Jean-Pierre Dupont
Succeeded by Gérard Bonnet (Acting)
First Secretary of the Socialist Party
In office
27 November 1997 – 27 November 2008
Preceded by Lionel Jospin
Succeeded by Martine Aubry
Mayor of Tulle
In office
17 March 2001 – 17 March 2008
Preceded by Raymond-Max Aubert
Succeeded by Bernard Combes
Deputy of the National Assembly
for Corrèze's 1st Constituency
In office
12 June 1997 – 15 May 2012
Preceded by Raymond-Max Aubert
Succeeded by TBD
In office
12 June 1988 – 16 May 1993
Preceded by Proportional representation
Succeeded by Raymond-Max Aubert
Personal details
Born François Gérard Georges Nicolas Hollande
(1954-08-12) 12 August 1954 (age 57)
Rouen, France
Political party Socialist Party
Domestic partner Ségolène Royal (1978–2007)
Valérie Trierweiler
(2005–present)
Children Thomas
Clémence
Julien
Flora
Alma mater School of High Commercial Studies, Paris
Institute of Political Studies, Paris
National School of Administration, Strasbourg
Signature
Styles of
François Hollande
Armoiries république française.svg
Reference style Son Excellence (Monsieur)
Spoken style Monsieur le Président
Styles of
François Hollande
Coat of arms of Andorra.svg
Reference style His Serene Highness
Spoken style Your Serene Highness

François Gérard Georges Nicolas Hollande (French pronunciation: [fʁɑ̃swa ɔlɑ̃d]; born 12 August 1954) is the 24th President of the French Republic and ex officio Co-Prince of Andorra. He previously served as the First Secretary of the French Socialist Party from 1997 to 2008 and as a Deputy of the National Assembly of France for Corrèze's 1st Constituency from 1988 to 1993 and then again from 1997 to 2012. He also served as the Mayor of Tulle from 2001 to 2008 and the President of the General Council of Corrèze from 2008 to 2012.

He was elected President of France on 6 May 2012, defeating the incumbent Nicolas Sarkozy, and was inaugurated on 15 May.[1] He is the second Socialist President of the Fifth French Republic, after François Mitterrand who served from 1981 to 1995.

Contents

Early life and background[link]

Hollande was born in Rouen, Seine-Maritime, Upper Normandy, to a middle-class family. His mother, Nicole Frédérique Marguerite Tribert (1927–2009), was a social worker, and his father, Georges Gustave Hollande, an ear, nose, and throat doctor who "had once run for the extreme right in local politics."[2][3][4][5][6] The surname "Hollande" is "believed to come from Calvinist ancestors who escaped Holland (the Netherlands) in the 16th century and took the name of their old country."[7] Hollande was raised Catholic but quietly rebelled against the strict religious brothers chosen by his father to educate him.[7] The family moved to Neuilly, a suburb of Paris, when Hollande was 13.[8]

Education[link]

He attended Saint Jean-Baptiste de La Salle boarding school, then HEC Paris, École nationale d'administration, and the Institut d'Études Politiques de Paris (Paris Institute of Political Studies). He graduated from ENA in 1980.[9][10] He lived in the United States in the summer of 1974 while he was a university student.[11] Immediately after graduating, he was employed as a councillor in the Court of Audit.

Early political career[link]

After volunteering as a student to work for François Mitterrand's ultimately unsuccessful campaign in the 1974 presidential election, Hollande joined the Socialist Party five years later. He was quickly spotted by Jacques Attali, a senior adviser to Mitterrand, who arranged for Hollande to stand for election to the French National Assembly in 1981 in Corrèze against future President Jacques Chirac, who was then the Leader of the Rally for the Republic, a Neo-Gaullist party. Hollande lost to Chirac in the first round, although he would go on to become a Special Adviser to the newly-elected President Mitterrand, before serving as a staffer for Max Gallo, the government's spokesman. After becoming a Municipal Councillor for Ussel in 1983, he contested Corrèze for a second time in 1988, this time being elected to the National Assembly. Hollande lost his bid for re-election to the National Assembly in the so-called "blue wave" of the 1993 election, described as such due to the number of seats gained by the Right at the expense of the Socialist Party.

First Secretary of the Socialist Party[link]

As the end of Mitterrand's term in office approached, the Socialist Party was torn by a struggle of internal factions, each seeking to influence the direction of the party. Hollande pleaded for reconciliation and for the party to unite behind Jacques Delors, the President of the European Commission, but Delors renounced his ambitions to run for the French Presidency in 1995, leading to Lionel Jospin's resuming his earlier position as the leader of the party. Jospin selected Hollande to become the official party spokesman, and Hollande went on to contest Corrèze once again in 1997, successfully returning to the National Assembly. That same year, Jospin became the Prime Minister of France, and Hollande won the election for his successor as First Secretary of the French Socialist Party, a position he would hold for eleven years. Because of the very strong position of the Socialist Party within the French Government during this period, Hollande's position led some to refer to him the "Vice Prime Minister". Hollande would go on to be elected the Mayor of Tulle in 2001, an office he would hold for the next seven years.

The immediate resignation of Jospin from politics following his shock defeat by far-right candidate Jean-Marie Le Pen in the first round of the 2002 presidential election forced Hollande to become the public face of the party for the 2002 legislative election but, although he managed to limit defeats and was re-elected in his own constituency, the Socialists lost nationally. In order to prepare for the 2003 Party Congress in Dijon, he obtained the support of many notable personalities of the party and was re-elected First Secretary against opposition from left-wing factions. After the triumph of the Left in the 2004 regional elections, Hollande was cited as a potential presidential candidate, but the Socialists were divided on the European Constitution, and Hollande's support for the ill-fated "yes" position in the French referendum on the European Constitution caused friction within the party. Although Hollande was re-elected as First Secretary at the Le Mans Congress in 2005, his authority over the party began to decline from this point onwards. Eventually his domestic partner, Ségolène Royal, was chosen to represent the Socialist Party in the 2007 presidential election, where she would lose to Nicolas Sarkozy. Hollande was widely blamed for the poor performances of the Socialist Party in the 2007 elections, and he announced that he would not seek another term as First Secretary. Hollande publicly declared his support for Bertrand Delanoë, the Mayor of Paris, although it was Martine Aubry who would go on to win the race to succeed him in 2008.

Following his resignation as First Secretary, Hollande was immediately elected to replace Jean-Pierre Dupont as the President of the General Council of Corrèze in April 2008, a position he holds to this day. In 2008 he supported the creation of the first European Prize for Local History (Étienne Baluze Prize), founded by the "Société des Amis du musée du cloître" of Tulle, on the suggestion of the French historian Jean Boutier. François Hollande awarded the first prize on 29 February 2008 to the Italian historian Beatrice Palmero in the General Council of Corrèze.

2012 presidential campaign[link]

See also: French presidential election, 2012

Following his re-election as President of the General Council of Corrèze in March 2011, Hollande announced that he would be a candidate in the upcoming primary election to select the Socialist and Radical Left Party presidential nominee.[12] The primary marked the first time that both parties had held an open primary to select a joint nominee at the same time. He initially trailed the front-runner, former Finance Minister and IMF Managing Director Dominique Strauss-Kahn. Following Strauss-Kahn's arrest on suspicion of sexual assault in New York City in May 2011, Hollande began to lead the opinion polls. His position as front-runner was established just as Strauss-Kahn declared that he would no longer be seeking the nomination. After a series of televised debates throughout September, Hollande topped the ballot in the first round held on 9 October with 39% of the vote, not gaining the 50% required to avoid a second ballot, which he would contest against Martine Aubry, who had come second with 30% of the vote.

The second ballot took place on 16 October 2011. Hollande won with 56% of the vote to Aubry's 43% and thus became the official Socialist and Radical Left Party candidate for the 2012 presidential election.[13] After the primary results, he immediately gained the pledged support of the other contenders for the party's nomination, including Aubry, Arnaud Montebourg, Manuel Valls and 2007 candidate Ségolène Royal.[14]

Hollande's presidential campaign was managed by Pierre Moscovici and Stéphane Le Foll, a Member of Parliament and Member of the European Parliament respectively.[15] Hollande launched his campaign officially with a rally and major speech at Le Bourget on 22 January 2012 in front of 25,000 people.[16][17] The main themes of his speech were equality and the regulation of finance, both of which he promised to make a key part of his campaign.[17]

On 26 January he outlined a full list of policies in a manifesto containing 60 propositions, including the separation of retail activities from riskier investment-banking businesses; raising taxes for big corporations, banks and the wealthy; creating 60,000 teaching jobs; bringing the official retirement age back down to 60 from 62; creating subsidised jobs in areas of high unemployment for the young; promoting more industry in France by creating a public investment bank; granting marriage and adoption rights to same-sex couples; and pulling French troops out of Afghanistan in 2012.[18][19] On 9 February, he detailed his policies specifically relating to education in a major speech in Orléans.[20]

On 15 February, incumbent President Nicolas Sarkozy announced that he would run for a second and final term, strongly criticising Hollande's proposals and claiming that he would bring about "economic disaster within two days of taking office" if he won.[21]

Hollande visited Berlin, Germany, in December 2011 for the Social Democrats Federal Party Congress, at which he met Sigmar Gabriel, Peer Steinbrück, Frank-Walter Steinmeier and Martin Schulz;[22][23] he also travelled to Belgium before the United Kingdom in February 2012, where he met with Opposition Leader Ed Miliband; and finally Tunisia in May 2012.[24][25]

Opinion polls showed a tight race between the two men in the first round of voting, with most polls showing Hollande comfortably ahead of Sarkozy in a hypothetical second round run-off.[26]

The first round of the presidential election was held on 22 April. François Hollande came in first place with 28.63% of the vote, and faced Nicolas Sarkozy in the second round run-off.[27] In the second round of voting on 6 May 2012, François Hollande was elected President of the French Republic with 51.7% of the vote.[1]

President of France[link]

Hollande (right) and outgoing President Nicolas Sarkozy at Élysée Palace on inauguration day, May 15.

François Hollande was elected President of France on 6 May 2012. He was inaugurated on 15 May, and shortly afterwards appointed Jean-Marc Ayrault to be his Prime Minister. He also appointed Benoît Puga to be his military chief of staff, Pierre-René Lemas as his General Secretary and Pierre Besnard as his Head of Cabinet.[28] On his first official visit to a foreign country in his capacity as President of France, the aeroplane transporting him was hit by lightning.[29] The plane returned safely to Paris where he took another flight to Germany.

Policies[link]

Personal life[link]

Hollande with his former partner, Ségolène Royal, at a rally for the 2007 elections

For over 30 years, his partner was fellow Socialist politician Ségolène Royal, with whom he has four children – Thomas (1984), Clémence (1985), Julien (1987) and Flora (1992). In June 2007, just a month after Royal's defeat in the French presidential election of 2007, the couple announced that they were separating.[37]

A few months after his split from Ségolène Royal was announced, a French website published details of a relationship between Hollande and French journalist Valérie Trierweiler. This disclosure was controversial, as some considered it to be a breach of France's strict stance on the privacy of politicians' personal affairs. In November 2007, Valérie Trierweiler confirmed and openly discussed her relationship with Hollande in an interview with the French weekly Télé 7 Jours.

Honours and decorations[link]

Works[link]

Hollande has had a large number of books and academic works published, including:

References[link]

  1. ^ a b "Socialist Hollande triumphs in French presidential poll – FRENCH ELECTIONS 2012". FRANCE 24. http://www.france24.com/en/france/2min/20120506-france-socialist-hollande-wins-presidential-election-sarkozy. Retrieved 6 May 2012. 
  2. ^ Angelique Chrisafis in Le Bourget. "Francois Hollande stages first major rally in 2012 French presidential race | World news". The Guardian. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/jan/22/francois-hollande-socialist-french-elections. Retrieved 6 May 2012. 
  3. ^ Willsher, Kim (16 October 2011). "French presidential election: Nicolas Sarkozy v François Hollande". The Guardian (London). http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/oct/16/french-presidential-election-sarkozy-hollande. 
  4. ^ "EN IMAGES. François Hollande, une carrière au parti socialiste – Presidentielle 2012" (in French). leParisien.fr. http://www.leparisien.fr/election-presidentielle-2012/en-images-francois-hollande-une-carriere-au-parti-socialiste-17-10-2011-1657616.php. Retrieved 3 January 2012. 
  5. ^ Email Us (21 April 2012). "We all know Sarko, but who's the other guy?". The Irish Times. http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/weekend/2012/0421/1224315001448.html. Retrieved 6 May 2012. 
  6. ^ "The NS Profile: François Hollande". New Statesman. http://www.newstatesman.com/europe/2012/02/hollande-france-french-sarkozy. Retrieved 6 May 2012. 
  7. ^ a b Chrisafis, Angelique. "François Hollande: from marshmallow man to Sarkozy's nemesis?". The Guardian. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/apr/18/francois-hollande-sarkozy-nemesis. Retrieved 6 May 2012. 
  8. ^ "Global Players: Francois Hollande | Thomas White International". Thomaswhite.com. http://www.thomaswhite.com/explore-the-world/global-players/francois-hollande.aspx. Retrieved 2012-05-15. 
  9. ^ Sponsored by. "The French elite: Old school ties". The Economist. http://www.economist.com/node/21549976. Retrieved 6 May 2012. 
  10. ^ "HEC Paris – Grande Ecole – Foire aux questions" (in (French)). Hec.fr. http://www.hec.fr/Grande-Ecole/FAQ. Retrieved 3 January 2012. 
  11. ^ Erlanger, Steven (15 April 2012). "The Soft Middle of François Hollande". The New York Times: p. 50. http://www.nytimes.com/2012/04/15/magazine/the-soft-middle-of-francois-hollande.html. Retrieved 7 May 2012. 
  12. ^ Albinet, Alain (31 March 2011). "L'appel de Tulle de François Hollande" (in French). Le Monde. http://www.lemonde.fr/politique/article/2011/03/31/l-appel-de-tulle-de-francois-hollande_1501495_823448.html. Retrieved 29 June 2011. 
  13. ^ Erlanger, Steven (7 September 2010). "French Unions in National Strike on Pensions". New York Times: p. A4. http://www.nytimes.com/2010/09/08/world/europe/08france.html. Retrieved 4 December 2010. "[Socialist party leader Martine] Aubry has presidential ambitions... Her rivals included the former leader of the party, François Hollande...." 
  14. ^ Love, Brian (16 September 2011). "Hollande to run for presidency for French left". Reuters. http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/10/16/us-france-election-idUSTRE79F02T20111016. Retrieved 16 October 2011. 
  15. ^ (French)Botella, Bruno. "François Hollande recrute deux préfets pour sa campagne". acteurs publics. http://nominations.acteurspublics.com/focus/16-11-11/francois-hollande-recrute-deux-prefets-pour-sa-campagne. Retrieved 18 February 2012. 
  16. ^ Erlanger, Steven (22 January 2012). "François Hollande, Challenging Sarkozy, Calls for Change". The New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/2012/01/23/world/europe/francois-hollande-challenging-sarkozy-calls-for-change.html. Retrieved 18 February 2012. 
  17. ^ a b Clavel, Geoffroy (22 January 2012). "François Hollande, French Presidential Candidate, Says 'Finance' Is His Adversary". The Huffington Post. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/01/23/francois-hollande-tk_n_1222529.html. Retrieved 18 February 2012. 
  18. ^ Erlanger, Steven (26 January 2012). "Sarkozy’s Main Rival Offers Proposals for Lifting France’s Economy". The New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/2012/01/27/world/europe/in-france-francois-hollande-offers-plan-to-revive-economy.html?_r=1. Retrieved 18 February 2012. 
  19. ^ "Presidential program – François Hollande". http://www.scribd.com/doc/79434607/Projet-Presidentiel-Francois-Hollande. Retrieved 18 February 2012. 
  20. ^ Laubacher, Paul. "Éducation : François Hollande fait de l'école primaire une priorité" (in French). Le Nouvel Observateur. http://tempsreel.nouvelobs.com/election-presidentielle-2012/20120210.OBS1055/education-francois-hollande-fait-de-l-ecole-primaire-une-priorite.html. Retrieved 18 February 2012. 
  21. ^ "Politique : Sarkozy se voit à l'Élysée pour encore "sept ans et demi"". Le Figaro. http://www.lefigaro.fr/politique/2009/07/08/01002-20090708ARTFIG00007-sarkozy-se-voit-a-l-elysee-pour-encore-sept-ans-et-demi-.php. Retrieved 14 April 2012. 
  22. ^ "„Gemeinsam eine Menge bewegen“ | Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (SPD)" (in (German)). Spd.de. http://www.spd.de/aktuelles/News/70360/20120326_interview_hollande_gabriel.html. Retrieved 6 May 2012. 
  23. ^ Traynor, Ian (26 March 2012). "Roll over, Merkozy: François Hollande finds a German ally of his own | World news". The Guardian. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/french-election-blog-2012/2012/mar/26/merkozy-fran-ois-hollande-german. Retrieved 6 May 2012. 
  24. ^ "François Hollande en visite en Tunisie – France / Tunisie – RFI". Rfi.fr. http://www.rfi.fr/afrique/20110524-francois-hollande-visite-tunisie. Retrieved 6 May 2012. 
  25. ^ "Cheer for François Hollande in France. But he won't change Europe | Martin Kettle | Comment is free". The Guardian. 28 September 2007. http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2012/apr/18/francois-hollande-wont-change-europe. Retrieved 6 May 2012. 
  26. ^ "4 March 2012 – Opinion Way" (PDF). http://www.opinion-way.com/pdf/opinionway_fiducial_pour_radio_classique_les_echos_vague_4_-_mars_2012.pdf. Retrieved 19 April 2012. 
  27. ^ "Elections Présidentielle Résultats – FRANCE 24". France24.com. 22 April 2012. http://www.france24.com/en/election-resultats. Retrieved 6 May 2012. 
  28. ^ Le cabinet du Président de la République elysee.fr 15.05.2012
  29. ^ Hollande's plane hit by lightning, reports say – BBC News Europe
  30. ^ Fouquet, Helene (26 January 2012). "Socialist Hollande Pledges Tax Breaks End, Eased Pension Measure". Bloomberg. http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2012-01-26/sarkozy-rival-hollande-may-seek-bank-split-in-election-platform.html. Retrieved 6 May 2012. 
  31. ^ a b EurActiv.com, based on reporting by EurActiv.fr. "François Hollande: Towards a European 'New Deal'?". EurActiv. http://www.euractiv.com/elections/fran-ois-hollande-european-new-deal-news-511108. Retrieved 6 May 2012. 
  32. ^ "Unpopular French President Nicolas Sarkozy Desperately Woos Les Gais". Queerty.com. http://www.queerty.com/unpopular-french-president-nicolas-sarkozy-desperately-woos-gay-rights-20120330/. Retrieved 6 May 2012. 
  33. ^ "François Hollande outlines manifesto for French presidency challenge – Telegraph". The Daily Telegraph. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/france/9042741/Francois-Hollande-outlines-manifesto-for-French-presidency-challenge.html. Retrieved 6 May 2012. 
  34. ^ lefigaro.fr. ""2% de croissance": Hollande s'explique". Le Figaro. http://www.lefigaro.fr/flash-eco/2012/01/26/97002-20120126FILWWW00727-hollande-equilibre-impossible-sans-croissance.php. Retrieved 6 May 2012. 
  35. ^ "Occitan Nation Party – Press release : Presidential election – occitan" (in French). Lo.lugarn-pno.over-blog.org. http://lo.lugarn-pno.over-blog.org/article-occitan-nation-party-press-release-presidential-election-102957066.html. Retrieved 6 May 2012. 
  36. ^ "14–15 September 2011: French presidency candidate François Hollande on regional languages « Sorosoro". Sorosoro.org. 8 December 2011. http://www.sorosoro.org/en/september-14-15-2011-french-presidency-candidate-francois-hollande-on-regional-languages. Retrieved 6 May 2012. 
  37. ^ Sciolino, Elaine (19 June 2007). "French Socialists’ First Couple Disclose a Parting of Ways". New York Times: p. A3. http://www.nytimes.com/2007/06/19/world/europe/19france.html. Retrieved 4 December 2010. 

Further reading[link]

  • Michel, Richard (2011). François Hollande: L'inattendu. Paris: Archipel. ISBN 978-2-8098-0600-7.  (French)
  • Raffy, Serge (2011). François Hollande: Itinéraire Secret. Paris: Fayard. ISBN 978-2-213-63520-0.  (French)

External links[link]

Party political offices
Preceded by
Lionel Jospin
First Secretary of the Socialist Party
1997–2008
Succeeded by
Martine Aubry
Preceded by
Ségolène Royal
Socialist Party nominee for President of France
2012
Most recent
Political offices
Preceded by
Raymond-Max Aubert
Mayor of Tulle
2001–2008
Succeeded by
Bernard Combes
Preceded by
Jean-Pierre Dupont
President of the General Council of Corrèze
2008–2012
Succeeded by
Gérard Bonnet Acting
Preceded by
Nicolas Sarkozy
President of France
2012–present
Incumbent
Regnal titles
Preceded by
Nicolas Sarkozy
Co-Prince of Andorra
2012–present
Served alongside: Joan Enric Vives Sicília
Incumbent
Catholic Church titles
Preceded by
Nicolas Sarkozy
Honorary Canon of the Basilica of St. John Lateran
2012–present
Incumbent


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Jean-Bertrand Aristide
Aristide meeting U.S. President Bill Clinton in the White House in 1994.
49th and 53rd President of Haiti
In office
7 February 1991 – 29 September 1991
Prime Minister René Préval
Preceded by Ertha Pascal-Trouillot
Succeeded by Raoul Cédras
In office
12 October 1994 – 7 February 1996
Prime Minister Smarck Michel
Claudette Werleigh
Preceded by Émile Jonassaint
Succeeded by René Préval
In office
7 February 2001 – 29 February 2004
Prime Minister Jean Marie Chérestal
Yvon Neptune
Preceded by René Préval
Succeeded by Boniface Alexandre
Personal details
Born (1953-07-15) 15 July 1953 (age 58)
Port-Salut, Sud Department
Nationality Haitian
Political party Lavalas
Spouse(s) Mildred Trouillot (m.1996)
Children two daughters
Alma mater College Notre Dame
State University of Haiti
Occupation Priest
Religion Roman Catholic

Jean-Bertrand Aristide (born 15 July 1953) is a Haitian former Catholic priest and politician who served as Haiti's first democratically elected president.[1][2] A proponent of liberation theology,[3][4] Aristide was appointed to a parish in Port-au-Prince in 1982 after completing his studies. He became a focal point for the pro-democracy movement first under Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" Duvalier and then under the military transition regime which followed. He won the Haitian general election, 1990-1991 with 67% of the vote and was briefly President of Haiti, until a September 1991 military coup. The coup regime collapsed in 1994 under US pressure and threat of force (Operation Uphold Democracy) after Aristide agreed to roll back several reforms. Aristide was then President again from 1994 to 1996 and from 2001 to 2004.

Aristide was unexpectedly ousted in a 29 February 2004 coup d'état, in which former soldiers participated. He accused the United States of orchestrating the coup d'état against him with support from Jamaican Prime Minister P. J. Patterson and among others.[5] Aristide was forced into exile, being flown directly to the Central African Republic[5] and South Africa. He finally returned to Haiti on 18 March 2011 after seven years in exile.[6]

Contents

Early life and church career[link]

Aristide was born into poverty in Port-Salut, Sud Department. His father died when Aristide was only three months old,[7] and Aristide moved to Port-au-Prince with his mother, seeking a better life for him.[8] In 1958, Aristide started school with priests of the Salesian order.[9] He was educated at the College Notre Dame in Cap-Haïtien, graduating with honors in 1974. He then took a course of novitiate studies in La Vega, Dominican Republic before returning to Haiti to study philosophy at the Grand Seminaire Notre Dame and psychology at the State University of Haiti. After completing his post-graduate studies in 1979, Aristide traveled in Europe, studying in Italy, Greece,[1] and Israel. He returned to Haiti in 1982 for his ordination as a Salesian priest,[10] and was appointed curate of a small parish in Port-au-Prince.

Throughout the first three decades of Aristide's life, Haiti was ruled by the family dictatorships of François "Papa Doc" and Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" Duvalier. The misery endured by Haiti's poor made a deep impression on Aristide,[8] and he became an outspoken critic of Duvalierism.[11] Nor did he spare the hierarchy of the country's church, since a 1966 Vatican Concordat granted Duvalier the power to appoint Haiti's bishops.[12] An exponent of liberation theology, Aristide denounced Duvalier's regime in one of his earliest sermons. This did not go unnoticed by the regime's top echelons. Under pressure, the provincial delegate of the Salesian Order sent Aristide into three years of exile in Montreal.[10] By 1985, as popular opposition to Duvalier's regime grew, Aristide was back preaching in Haiti. His Easter Week sermon, "A Call to Holiness," delivered at the cathedral of Port-au-Prince and later broadcast throughout Haiti, proclaimed, "The path of those Haitians who reject the regime is the path of righteousness and love."[13]

Aristide became a leading figure in the ""ti legliz movement"" – Kreyòl for "little church."[14] In September 1985, he was appointed to St. Jean Bosco church, in a poor neighborhood in Port-au-Prince. Struck by the absence of young people in the church, Aristide began to organize youth, sponsoring weekly youth masses.[15] He founded an orphanage for urban street children in 1986 called Lafanmi Selavi [Family is Life].[16]:214 Its program sought to be a model of participatory democracy for the children it served.[17] As Aristide became a leading voice for the aspirations of Haiti's dispossessed, he inevitably became a target for attack.[18] He survived at least four assassination attempts.[9][19] The most widely publicized attempt, the St Jean Bosco massacre, occurred on 11 September 1988,[20] when over one hundred armed Tonton Macoute wearing red armbands forced their way into St. Jean Bosco as Aristide began Sunday mass.[21] As Army troops and police stood by, the men fired machine guns at the congregation and attacked fleeing parishioners with machetes. Aristide's church was burned to the ground. Thirteen people are reported to have been killed, and 77 wounded. Aristide survived and went into hiding.[16]

Subsequently, Salesian officials ordered Aristide to leave Haiti, but tens of thousands of Haitians protested, blocking his access to the airport.[22] In December 1988, Aristide was expelled from his Salesian order.[23] A statement prepared in Rome called the priest's political activities an "incitement to hatred and violence," out of line with his role as a clergyman.[24] Aristide appealed the decision, saying: "The crime of which I stand accused is the crime of preaching food for all men and women."[25] In a January 1988 interview, he said "The solution is revolution, first in the spirit of the gospel; Jesus could not accept people going hungry. It is a conflict between classes, rich and poor. My role is to preach and organize...."[7] In 1994, Aristide left priesthood, ending years of tension with the church over his criticism of its hierarchy and his espousal of liberation theology.[26] The following year, Aristide married Mildred Trouillot, with whom he had two daughters.[27]

First presidency (1991–1996)[link]

Following the violence at the aborted national elections of 1987, the 1990 elections were approached with caution. Aristide announced his candidacy for the presidency and following a six-week campaign, during which he dubbed his followers the "Front National pour le Changement et la Démocratie" (National Front for Change and Democracy, or FNCD), the "little priest" was elected President in 1990 with 67% of the vote. He was Haiti's first democratically elected president. However, just eight months into his Presidency he was overthrown by a bloody military coup. He broke from FNCD and created the Struggling People's Organization (OPL,Organisation Politique "Lavalas") – "the flood" or "torrent" in Kréyòl.

A coup attempt against Aristide had taken place on January 6, even before his inauguration, when Roger Lafontant, a Tonton Macoute leader under Duvalier, seized the provisional President Ertha Pascal-Trouillot and declared himself President. After large numbers of Aristide supporters filled the streets in protest and Lafontant attempted to declare martial law, the Army crushed the incipient coup.[28]

During Aristide's short-lived first period in office, he attempted to carry out substantial reforms, which brought passionate opposition from Haiti's business and military elite.[29] He sought to bring the military under civilian control, retiring the Commander in Chief of the Army Hérard Abraham, initiated investigations of human rights violations, and brought to trial several Tontons Macoute who had not fled the country.[29] He also banned the emigration of many well known Haitians until their bank accounts had been examined.[29] His relationship with the National Assembly soon deteriorated, and he attempted repeatedly to bypass it on judicial, Cabinet and ambassadorial appointments.[29] His nomination of his close friend and political ally, René Préval, as Prime Minister, provoked severe criticism from political opponents overlooked, and the National Assembly threatened a no-confidence vote against Préval in August 1991. This led to a crowd of at least 2000 at the National Palace, which threatened violence; together with Aristide's failure to explicitly reject mob violence this permitted the junta which would topple him to accuse him of human rights violations.[29]

1991 coup d'état[link]

In September 1991 the army performed a coup against him (1991 Haitian coup d'état), led by Army General Raoul Cédras, who had been promoted by Aristide in June to Commander in Chief of the Army. Aristide was deposed on 29 September 1991, and after several days sent into exile, his life only saved by the intervention of US, French and Venezuelan diplomats.[30] In accordance with the requirements of Article 149 of the Haitian Constitution, Superior Court Justice Joseph Nérette was installed as Président Provisoire to serve until elections were held within 90 days of Aristide's resignation. However, real power was held by army commander Raoul Cédras.[31] The elections were scheduled, but were canceled under pressure from the United States Government. Aristide and other sources claim that both the coup and the election cancellation were the result of pressure from the American government.[32][33][34] High ranking members of the Haitian National Intelligence Service (SIN), which had been set up and financed in the 1980s by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) as part of the war on drugs, were involved in the coup, and were reportedly still receiving funding and training from the CIA for intelligence-gathering activities at the time of the coup, but this funding reportedly ended after the coup.[35] The New York Times said that "No evidence suggests that the C.I.A backed the coup or intentionally undermined President Aristide."[35] However, press reports about possible CIA involvement in Haitian politics before the coup sparked Congressional hearings in the United States.[36]

A campaign of terror against Aristide supporters was started by Emmanuel Constant after Aristide was forced out. In 1993, Constant, who had been on the CIA's payroll as an informant since 1992, organized the Front for the Advancement and Progress of Haïti (FRAPH), which targeted and killed Aristide supporters.[37][38][39]

Aristide spent his exile first in Venezuela and then in the United States, working to develop international support. A United Nations trade embargo during Aristide's exile, intended to force the coup leaders to step down, was a strong blow to Haiti's already weak economy.[40] President George H.W. Bush granted an exemption from the embargo to many US companies doing business in Haiti, and President Bill Clinton extended this exemption.[41][42]

In addition to this trade with the US, the coup regime was supported by massive profits from the drug trade thanks to the Haitian military's affiliation with the Cali Cartel and the drug-affiliated government in the neighboring Dominican Republic; Aristide publicly stated that his own pursuit of arresting drug dealers was one event that prompted the coup by drug-affiliated military officials Raul Cedras and Michel Francois (a claim echoed by his former Secretary of State Patrick Elie). Rep. John Conyers (D-Michigan) expressed concern that the only US government agency to publicly recognize the Haitian junta's role in drug trafficking was the DEA, and that despite a wealth of evidence provided by the DEA proving the junta's drug connections, the Clinton administration downplayed this factor rather than use it as a hedge against the junta (as the US government had done against Manuel Noriega). Conyers expressed concern that this silence was due to the CIA's connections to these military officers dating back to the creation of the Haitian Intelligence service known as SIN, as Alan Nairn's research has shown: "We have turned a very deaf ear to what is obviously a moving force... it leads you to wonder if our silence is because we knew this was going on and [because of] our complicity in drug activity..."[43] Nairn in particular alleged that the CIA's connections to these drug traffickers in the junta not only dated to the creation of SIN, but were ongoing during and after the coup. Nairn's claims are confirmed in part by revelations of Emmanuel Constant regarding the ties of his FRAPH organization to the CIA before and during the coup government.

1994 return[link]

Under US and international pressure (including United Nations Security Council Resolution 940 on 31 July 1994), the military regime backed down and US troops were deployed in the country by President Bill Clinton. On 15 October 1994, Aristide returned to Haiti to complete his term in office.[44] Aristide disbanded the Haitian army, and established a civilian police force. The noted speaker, academic, and historian Noam Chomsky is highly critical of what he calls hidden American imperialist actions in Haiti: "When Clinton restored Aristide - Clinton of course supported the military junta, another little hidden story... he strongly supported it in fact. He even allowed the Texaco Oil Company to send oil to the junta in violation of presidential directives; Bush Sr. did so as well - well, he finally allowed the president to return, but on condition that he accept the programs of Marc Bazin, the US candidate that he had defeated in the 1990 election. And that meant a harsh neoliberal program, no import barriers.[45]

Aristide's first term ended in February 1996, and the constitution did not allow him to serve consecutive terms. There was some dispute over whether Aristide, prior to new elections, should serve the three years he had lost in exile, or whether his term in office should instead be counted strictly according to the date of his inauguration; it was decided that the latter should be the case. René Préval, a prominent ally of Aristide and Prime Minister in 1991 under Aristide, ran during the 1995 presidential election and took 88% of the vote. There was about 25% participation in these elections.[unreliable source?][46]

Opposition (1996–2001)[link]

In late 1996, Aristide broke from the OPL over what he called its "distance from the people"[32] and created a new political party, the Fanmi Lavalas. The OPL, holding the majority in the Sénat and the Chambre des Députés, renamed itself the Organisation du Peuple en Lutte, maintaining the OPL acronym.

The Fanmi Lavalas won the 2000 legislative election in May, but a number of Senate seats which should have had second-round runoffs were allocated to Lavalas candidates which, while leading, had not achieved a first-round majority of all votes cast. Fanmi Lavalas controlled the Provisional Election Commission which made the decision.[47] Aristide then was elected later that year in the 2000 presidential election, an election boycotted by most opposition political parties, now organised into the Convergence Démocratique. Although the US government claimed that the election turnout was hardly over 10%, international observers saw turnout of around 50%, and at the time, CNN reported a turnout of 60% with over 92% voting for Aristide.[48] Only later did allegations surface mentioning the above figure of a 10% voter turnout.[49]

Second presidency (2001–2004)[link]

Aristide called for France, the former colonizer of the country, to pay $21 billion[50] in restitution to Haiti for the 90 million gold francs supplied to France by Haiti in restitution for French property that was misappropriated in the Haitian rebellion, over the period from 1825 to 1947. Later it was revealed that this claim of repayment from France might have been one of the main reasons behind the coup d'état of 2004.[51]

2004 destabilization and coup[link]

In February 2004, the assassination of gang leader Amiot Metayer sparked a violent rebellion that culminated in Aristide's removal from office. Amiot's brother, Buteur Metayer, blamed Aristide for the assassination, and used this as an argument given in order to form the National Revolutionary Front for the Liberation of Haiti.[52] Joined by other groups[53] the rebels quickly took control of the North, and eventually laid siege to, and then invaded, the capital. Under disputed circumstances, Aristide was flown out of the country by the U.S. on 28 February 2004.[54]

Earlier in February, Aristide's lawyer had claimed that the U.S. was arming anti-Aristide troops.[55] Aristide later stated that France and the US had a role in what he termed "a kidnapping" that took him from Haiti to South Africa via the Central African Republic.[56] However, authorities said his temporary asylum there had been negotiated by the United States, France and Gabon.[57] On 1 March 2004, US Congresswoman Maxine Waters (D-CA), along with Aristide family friend Randall Robinson, reported Aristide had told them that he had been forced to resign and had been abducted from the country by the United States and that he had been held hostage by an armed military guard.[58]

After Aristide was removed from Haiti, looters raided his villa.[59] Most barricades were lifted the day after Aristide left as the shooting had stopped; order was maintained by Haitian police, along with armed rebels and local vigilante groups.[60] Almost immediately after the Aristides were transported from Haiti, Prime Minister of Jamaica, P.J. Patterson, dispatched a Member of Parliament, Sharon Hay-Webster, to the Central African Republic. The leadership of that country agreed that Aristide and his family could go to Jamaica. The Aristides were in the island for several months until the Jamaican government gained acceptance by the Republic of South Africa for the family to relocate there.

Aristide has accused the U.S. of deposing him.[5][61] According to Rep. Maxine Waters D-California, Mildred Aristide called her at her home at 6:30 am to inform her "the coup d'etat has been completed", and Jean-Bertrand Aristide said the US Embassy in Haiti's chief of staff came to his house to say he would be killed "and a lot of Haitians would be killed" if he refused to resign immediately and said he "has to go now."[5] Rep. Charles Rangel, D-New York expressed similar words, saying Aristide had told him he was "disappointed that the international community had let him down" and "that he resigned under pressure" – "As a matter of fact, he was very apprehensive for his life. They made it clear that he had to go now or he would be killed."[5] When asked for his response to these statements Colin Powell said that "it might have been better for members of Congress who have heard these stories to ask us about the stories before going public with them so we don't make a difficult situation that much more difficult" and he alleged that Aristide "did not democratically govern or govern well".[5] CARICOM, an organization of Caribbean countries that included Haiti, called for a United Nations investigation into Aristide's removal, but were reportedly pressured by the US and France to drop their request. Some observers suggest the rebellion and removal of Aristide were covertly orchestrated by these two countries.[62][63] Jamaican Prime Minister P. J. Patterson released a statement saying "we are bound to question whether his resignation was truly voluntary, as it comes after the capture of sections of Haiti by armed insurgents and the failure of the international community to provide the requisite support. The removal of President Aristide in these circumstances sets a dangerous precedent for democratically elected governments anywhere and everywhere, as it promotes the removal of duly elected persons from office by the power of rebel forces."[5] In a 2006 interview, Aristide said the US went back on their word regarding compromises he made with them over privatization of enterprises to ensure that part of the profits would go to the Haitian people and then "relied on a disinformation campaign" to discredit him.[64]

Exile (2004–2011)[link]

After being cast into exile, in mid-2004 Aristide, his family, and bodyguards were welcomed to South Africa by several cabinet ministers, 20 senior diplomats, and a guard of honour.[65][66] Receiving a salary from and provided staff by the South African government,[67] Aristide lived with his family in a government villa in Pretoria.[68] In South Africa, Aristide became an honorary research fellow at the University of South Africa, learned Zulu, and on 25 April 2007, received a doctorate in African Languages.[69]

On 21 December 2007, a speech by Aristide marking the new year and Haiti's Independence Day was broadcast, the fourth such speech since his exile; in the speech he criticized the 2006 presidential election in which Préval was elected, describing it as a "selection," in which "the knife of treason was planted" in the back of the Haitian people.[70]

Since the election, some high ranking members of Lavalas have been targets for violence.[71][72] Lovinsky Pierre-Antoine, a leading human rights organizer in Haiti and a member of Lavalas, disappeared in August 2007.[73] His whereabouts remain unknown and a news article states,"Like many protesters, Wilson Mesilien, coordinator of the pro-Aristide 30 September Foundation wore a T-shirt demanding the return of foundation leader Lovinsky Pierre-Antoine, a human rights activist and critic of both UN and US involvement in Haiti."[74]

Return to Haiti[link]

After René Préval, a former ally of Aristide, was elected president of Haiti in 2006, he said it would be possible for Aristide to return to Haiti.[75][76]

On 16 December 2009, several thousand protesters marched through Port-au-Prince calling for Aristide's return to Haiti, and protesting the exclusion of Aristide's populist Fanmi Lavalas party from upcoming elections.[77]

On 12 January 2010, Aristide sent his condolences to victims of the earthquake in Haiti just a few hours after it occurred, and stated that he wishes to return to help rebuild the country.[78][79]

On 7 November 2010, in an exclusive interview with independent reporter Nicolas Rossier in Eurasia Review and the Huffington Post, Aristide declared that the 2010 elections were not inclusive of his party Fanmi Lavalas and therefore not fair and free. He also confirmed his wishes to go back to Haiti but that he was not allowed to travel out of South Africa.[80]

In February 2011, Aristide announced "I will return to Haiti" within days of the ruling Haitian government removing impediments to him receiving his Haitian passport.[81] Since he was ousted by the US government in 2004, Aristide has said that he would return to the field of education.[82] This would mark the 2nd return of former political leaders, as former dictator Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" Duvalier returned to Haiti in January 2011[83] An anonymous government official told the Agence France-Presse news agency that the Haitian government had issued a passport for Aristide on 7 February, but his lawyer stated that they had not received the document, nor been informed of its issue by the government.[84]

On March 15, 2011, Aristide's Lavalas party stated in an interview that his return is due to both health reasons for needing warmer climate as well as to aid earthquake victims.[85]

On March 17, 2011, Aristide departed for Haiti from his exile in South Africa. U.S. President Barack Obama had asked South African President Jacob Zuma to delay Aristide's departure to prevent him from returning to Haiti before a presidential run-off election scheduled for Sunday. Aristide's party was barred from participating in the elections, and the U.S. fears his return could be "destabilizing".[86] On Friday, March 18, 2011, he arrived at Port-au-Prince airport, and was greeted by thousands of supporters.[87] He told the crowd waiting at the airport, "The exclusion of Fanmi Lavalas is the exclusion of the Haitian people. In 1804, the Haitian revolution marked the end of slavery. Today, may the Haitian people end exiles and coup d’états, while peacefully moving from social exclusion to inclusion."[6]

Accomplishments[link]

Under Aristide's leadership, his party implemented many major reforms. These included greatly increasing access to health care and education for the general population; increasing adult literacy and protections for those accused of crimes; improving training for judges, prohibiting human trafficking, disbanding the Haitian military (which primarily had been used against the Haitian people), establishing improved human rights and political freedom; doubling the minimum wage, instituting land reform and assistance to small farmers, providing boat construction training to fishermen, establishing a food distribution network to provide low cost food to the poor at below market prices, building low-cost housing, and attempting to reduce the level of government corruption.[88]

Achievements in education[link]

During successive Lavalas administrations, Jean Bertrand Aristide and Rene Preval built 195 new primary schools and 104 secondary schools. Prior to Aristide's election in 1990, there were just 34 secondary schools nationwide. Lavalas also provided thousands of scholarships so that children could afford to attend church/private schools. Between 2001 and 2004, the percentage of children enrolled in primary school education rose to 72%, and an estimated 300,000 adults took part in Lavalas sponsored adult literacy campaigns. This helped the adult literacy rate raise from 35% to 55%.[89]

Achievements in health care[link]

In addition to numerous educational advances, Aristide and Lavalas embarked on an ambitious plan to develop the public primary health care system with Cuban assistance. Since the devastation unleashed by Hurriance George in 1998, Cuba entered a humanitarian agreement with Haiti whereby Haitian doctors would be trained in Cuba, and Cuban doctors would work in rural areas. At the time of the January 12th earthquake, 573 doctors had been trained in Cuba.[90]

Prior to the election of Aristide, health care services had been primarily concentrated in the capital of Port-au-Prince. The Aristide government renovated and built new health care clinics, hospitals and dispensaries throughout the country, spending more on health care than any previous government.[91] Despite operating under an aid embargo, the Lavalas administration succeeded in reducing the infant mortality rate as well as reducing the percentage of underweight newborns.[92] A successful AIDS prevention and treatment program was also established, leading the Catholic Institute for International Relations to state, the "incredible feat of slowing the rate of new infections in Haiti has been achieved despite the lack of international aid to the Haitian government, and despite the notable lack of resources faced by those working in the health field."[93]

Wikileaks and Aristide[link]

The release of many documents through Wikileaks has provided a great deal of insight into how the international community (United States, Canada, France and Brazil) has regarded Aristide, his lasting influence, the coup, and his exile.

November 2004 Dominican President Leonel Fernandez gave a speech in front of other regional leaders in which he said Aristide commanded "great popular support" within Haiti and called for his inclusion in the country’s democratic future.[94]

January 2005 USA pressuring South Africa to hold Aristide, or face the loss of potential UN Security Council seat

"Bienvenu later offered to express our shared concerns in Pretoria, perhaps under the pretext that as a country desiring to secure a seat on the UN Security Council, South Africa could not afford to be involved in any way with the destabilization of another country....2 (S) Bienvenu speculated on exactly how Aristide might return, seeing a possible opportunity to hinder him in the logistics of reaching Haiti. If Aristide traveled commercially, Bienvenu reasoned, he would likely need to transit certain countries in order to reach Haiti. Bienvenu suggested a demarche to CARICOM countries by the U.S. and EU to warn them against facilitating any travel or other plans Aristide might have.... Both Bienvenu and Barbier confided that South African mercenaries could be heading towards Haiti, with Bienvenu revealing the GOF had documented evidence that 10 South African citizens had come to Paris and requested Dominican visas between February and the present."[95]

A June 2005 cable states: "the GOB (Government of Brazil) officials made clear continued Brazilian resolve to keep Aristide from returning to the country or exerting political influence"[96] "the GOB had been encouraged by recent South African Government commitments to Brazil that the GSA (Government of South Africa) would not allow Aristide to use his exile there to undertake political efforts"[96]

Fall of 2008: On Preval's fear Aristide would return to Haiti via Venezuela

President Rene Preval made reference to these rumors, telling the Ambassador that he did not want Aristide "anywhere in the hemisphere." Subsequent to that, he remarked that he is concerned that Aristide will accept the Chavez offer but deflected any discussion of whether Preval himself was prepared to raise the matter with Chavez.[97]

Criticism[link]

Accusations of human rights abuses[link]

Human Rights Watch accused the Haitian police force under President Aristide and his political supporters of attacks on opposition rallies. They also said that the emergence of armed rebel groups seeking to overthrow Aristide reflected "the failure of the country's democratic institutions and procedures".[98]

Videos surfaced showing a portion of a speech by Aristide on 27 August 1991 where he says "Don't hesitate to give him what he deserves. What a beautiful tool! What a beautiful instrument! What a beautiful piece of equipment! It's beautiful, yes it's beautiful, it's cute, it's pretty, it has a good smell, wherever you go you want to inhale it."[99] Critics allege that he was endorsing the practice of "necklacing" opposition activists – placing a gasoline-soaked tire around a person's neck and setting the tire ablaze[100] – However, just earlier in the speech, and edited from the videos, he is quoted as saying "Your tool in hand, your instrument in hand, your constitution in hand! Don't hesitate to give him what he deserves. Your equipment in hand, your trowel in hand, your pencil in hand, your Constitution in hand, don't hesitate to give him what he deserves."[99] There is some suspicion that Aristide's speech was edited to make it sound as if he were advocating "necklacing" when he was actually urging his supporters not to use violence but to use the constitution and voting instead.[101]

Although there were accusations of human rights abuses, the OAS/UN International Civilian Mission in Haiti, known by the French acronym MICIVIH, found that the human rights situation in Haiti improved dramatically following Aristide's return to power in 1994.[102] Amnesty International reported that, after Aristide's departure in 2004, Haiti was "descending into a severe humanitarian and human rights crisis."[103]

=Accusations of corruption[link]

Some officials have been indicted by a US court.[104] Companies that allegedly made deals with Aristide included IDT, Fusion Telecommunications, and Skytel; critics claim the two first companies had political links. AT&T reportedly declined to wire money to "Mont Salem".[105][106][107][108]

Views[link]

Aristide has published a number of books including an autobiography in 1993 and Nevrose vetero-testamentaire (1994) with excerpts of his masters and doctoral theses.

In 2000 Aristide published the book Eyes of the Heart: Seeking a Path for the Poor in the Age of Globalization that accused the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund of working on behalf of the world's wealthiest nations rather than in the interest of genuine international development. Aristide called for "a culture of global solidarity" to eliminate poverty as an alternative to the globalization represented by neocolonialism and neoliberalism.[109]

In 2005 the documentary Aristide and the Endless Revolution appeared. In the film Nicolas Rossier investigates the events leading up to the 2004 coup against Aristide.[110]

Publications[link]

Notes[link]

  1. ^ "Military ousts Haiti's leader, claims power President Aristide en route to France; fighting kills 26". The Boston Globe. 1 October 1991. http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1P2-7679593.html. 
  2. ^ "Haiti: The impact of the 1991 coup". International Journal of Refugee Law. June 1992. http://ijrl.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/pdf_extract/4/2/217. 
  3. ^ How Our Governments Snuffed Out a Democracy And Kidnapped a President: A Modern Parable, Johann Hari, The Huffington Post, 17 September 2010
  4. ^ Damning the Flood, Richard Pithouse, Mute Magazine, 14 October 2008
  5. ^ a b c d e f g "Aristide says US deposed him in 'coup d'etat'". CNN. 2 March 2004. http://edition.cnn.com/2004/WORLD/americas/03/01/aristide.claim/. Retrieved 6 May 2010. 
  6. ^ a b Randal C. Archibold (March 18, 2011). "Just Days Before Election, Aristide Returns to Cheers and Uncertainty in Haiti". New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/2011/03/19/world/americas/19haiti.html?pagewanted=1. 
  7. ^ a b Portrait of a Folk-Hero: Father Jean-Bertrand Aristide
  8. ^ a b Danner, Mark (4 November 1993). "Haiti on the Verge". The New York Review. http://www.markdanner.com/articles/show/73?class=related_content_link. Retrieved 20 May 2010. 
  9. ^ a b "Aristide no stranger to struggle". Associated Press. 16 February 2004. http://web.archive.org/web/19960101000000-20090802200407/http://edition.cnn.com/2004/WORLD/americas/02/16/haiti.aristide.ap/index.html. Retrieved 30 January 2010. 
  10. ^ a b Danner, Mark (18 November 1993). "The Prophet". The New York Review. http://www.markdanner.com/articles/show/74http://www.markdanner.com/articles/show/74. Retrieved 27 April 2010. [dead link]
  11. ^ Gallo, Michael F (Fall 1989). "Hope in Haiti? An interview with Jean-Bertrand Aristide". Touchstone Magazine (Chicago, IL: Fellowship of St. James) 3 (3). http://www.touchstonemag.com/archives/article.php?id=03-03-026-i. Retrieved 10 May 2010. 
  12. ^ "Concordat Watch: Papa Doc's Concordat (1966)". http://www.concordatwatch.eu/showtopic.php?org_id=847&kb_header_id=39321. Retrieved 10 May 2010. 
  13. ^ Hallward, Peter (May–June 2004). "Option Zero in Haiti". New Left Review (London) 27 (May–June 200). http://newleftreview.org/A2507. Retrieved 20 May 2010. 
  14. ^ Rohter, Larry (24 July 1994). "Liberal Wing of Haiti's Church Resists Military". The New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/1994/07/24/world/liberal-wing-of-haiti-s-catholic-church-resists-military.html?pagewanted=1. Retrieved 20 May 2010. 
  15. ^ Farmer, Paul (2005). The Uses of Haiti, 3rd edition. Common Courage Press. p. 104. ISBN 978-1-56751-344-8. 
  16. ^ a b Wilentz, Amy (1989). The Rainy Season: Haiti Since Duvalier. Simon and Schuster. pp. 348–353. ISBN 0-671-64186-7. 
  17. ^ Bernat, J. Christopher (1999). "Children and the Politics of Violence in Haitian Context: Statist violence, scarcity and street child agency in Port-au-Prince". Critique of Anthropology (London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi: SAGE Publications) 19 (2): 121–138. http://coa.sagepub.com/cgi/content/short/19/2/121. Retrieved 10 May 2010. 
  18. ^ French, Howard (24 September 1988). "Attack on Priest Called Haiti Catalyst". The New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/1988/09/24/world/attack-on-priest-called-haiti-catalyst.html. Retrieved 20 May 2010. 
  19. ^ Farmer, Paul. "Who is Aristide, from Uses of Haiti". Common Courage Press. http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/Haiti/Who_Is_Aristide.html. Retrieved 20 May 2010. 
  20. ^ Belleau, Jean-Philippe (2 April 2008). Massacres perpetrated in the 20th Century in Haiti. Online Encyclopedia of Mass Violence. ISBN 1961-9898. http://www.massviolence.org/Massacres-perpetrated-in-the-20th-Century-in-Haiti?cs=print. Retrieved 21 May 2010. 
  21. ^ Treaster, Joseph B (23 September 1988). "Haiti Terrorists Form in New Groups". The New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/1988/09/23/world/haiti-terrorists-form-in-new-groups.html. Retrieved 23 May 2010. 
  22. ^ Farmer, Paul (2005). The Uses of Haiti, 3rd edition. Common Courage Press. pp. 122. ISBN 978-1-56751-344-8. 
  23. ^ Treaster, Joseph B (18 December 1988). "A Haitian Priest is Ousted by Order". The New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/1988/12/18/world/a-haitian-priest-is-ousted-by-order.html. Retrieved 20 May 2010. 
  24. ^ Corbett, Bob. "Aristide Resigning Priesthood". http://www.webster.edu/~corbetre/haiti/history/recent/priest.htm. Retrieved 20 May 2010. 
  25. ^ Farmer, Paul (2005). The Uses of Haiti, 3rd edition. Common Courage Press. pp. 124–125. ISBN 978-1-56751-344-8. 
  26. ^ Rohter, Larry (17 November 1994). "Aristide decides to quit as priest". The New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/1994/11/17/world/aristide-decides-to-quit-as-priest.html?pagewanted=1. Retrieved 10 May 2010. 
  27. ^ Jean-Bertrand Aristide's Tumultuous Career
  28. ^ Collins, Edward Jr.; Cole, Timothy M. (1996), "Regime Legitimation in Instances of Coup-Caused Governments-in-Exile: The Cases of Presidents Makarios and Aristide", Journal of International Law & Practice 5(2), p220.
  29. ^ a b c d e Collins, Edward Jr.; Cole, Timothy M. (1996), "Regime Legitimation in Instances of Coup-Caused Governments-in-Exile: The Cases of Presidents Makarios and Aristide", Journal of International Law & Practice 5(2), p219.
  30. ^ Collins, Edward Jr.; Cole, Timothy M. (1996), "Regime Legitimation in Instances of Coup-Caused Governments-in-Exile: The Cases of Presidents Makarios and Aristide", Journal of International Law & Practice 5(2), p199.
  31. ^ "Leader of Haiti Ousted Military Takes Over After Seizing Aristide" (reprint). St. Louis Post-Dispatch. 1 October 1991. http://bailey83221.livejournal.com/99074.html. 
  32. ^ a b Peter Hallward (22 February 2007). "An Interview with Jean-Bertrand Aristide". London Review of Books. http://www.lrb.co.uk/v29/n04/peter-hallward/an-interview-with-jean-bertrand-aristide. 
  33. ^ Marc Weisbrot (13 December 2005). "US Is Still Undermining Haiti". ZNet. http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?SectionID=55&ItemID=9321. 
  34. ^ Vincent Browne (17 January 2010). "Haiti's never-ending tragedy has American roots". The Sunday Business Post Online. http://www.sbpost.ie/commentandanalysis/haitis-neverending-tragedy-has-american-roots-46757.html. 
  35. ^ a b French, Howard W. (14 November 1993). "C.I.A. Formed Haitian Unit Later Tied to Narcotics Trade". New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/1993/11/14/world/cia-formed-haitian-unit-later-tied-to-narcotics-trade.html?pagewanted=1. Retrieved 6 May 2010. 
  36. ^ Jim Mann (2 November 1993). "Congress to Probe CIA-Haiti Ties". Los Angeles Times. http://articles.latimes.com/1993-11-02/news/mn-52438_1_house-intelligence-committee. 
  37. ^ Jim Mann (2 November 1993). "Congress to Probe CIA-Haiti Ties: Reports say agency financed some leaders involved in coup". Los Angeles Times. http://articles.latimes.com/1993-11-02/news/mn-52438_1_house-intelligence-committee. 
  38. ^ Rupert Cornwell (7 October 1994). "CIA 'helped to set up terror group' in Haiti". London: The Independent. http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/cia-helped-to-set-up-terror-group-in-haiti-1441438.html. 
  39. ^ Mark Weisbrot (22 November 2005). "Undermining Haiti". The Nation. http://live.thenation.com/doc/20051212/weisbrot. 
  40. ^ Victoria Graham (27 August 1993). "UN Ready To End Haiti Sanctions". The Seattle Times. http://community.seattletimes.nwsource.com/archive/?date=19930827&slug=1717922. 
  41. ^ Sydney P. Freedberg, Rachel L. Swarns (3 November 1994). "Poorly Enforced Sanctions Botch US Embargo of Haiti". The Seattle Times. http://community.seattletimes.nwsource.com/archive/?date=19941103&slug=1939459. 
  42. ^ Carl Hartman (18 February 1994). "Americans Step Up Business With Haiti Despite Sanctions". The Seattle Times. http://community.seattletimes.nwsource.com/archive/?date=19940218&slug=1895987. 
  43. ^ Dennis Bernstein (20 October 1993). "The CIA Haitian Connection". Pacific News Service. http://globalresearch.ca/articles/BER402A.html. 
  44. ^ Manegold (AP), Catherine S. (16 October 1994). "For Aristide's Followers, Every Step Is a Dance, Every Cheer a Song". Mission to Haiti: The Scene (New York Times). http://www.nytimes.com/1994/10/16/world/mission-haiti-scene-for-aristide-s-followers-every-step-dance-every-cheer-song.html. Retrieved 14 February 2010. 
  45. ^ Chomsky on Haiti: Aid Should Go to Haitian Popular Organizations, Not to Contractors or NGOs, Interview with Keane Bhatt, CounterPunch (March 9, 2010)
  46. ^ [unreliable source?]Haiti Overview from american.edu
  47. ^ Dailey, Peter (13 March 2003). "Haiti: The Fall of the House of Aristide". New York Review of Books (nybooks.com) 50 (4). http://www.nybooks.com/articles/16126. Retrieved 14 February 2010. 
  48. ^ "Election watch Haiti". CNN. 26 November 2000. http://www.cnn.com/WORLD/election.watch/americas/haiti1.html. Retrieved 6 May 2010. 
  49. ^ Dick Bernard (3 March 2006). "Anatomy of an Official Lie". Chez-nous.net. http://www.chez-nous.net/anatomy.html. 
  50. ^ Rhodes-Pitts, Sharifa (4 January 2004). "A call for $21 billion from France aims to lift Haiti's bicentennial blues". Boston Globe. http://www.boston.com/news/globe/ideas/articles/2004/01/04/reparation_day/. Retrieved 25 January 2010. 
  51. ^ MacDonald, Isabel (16 August 2010). "France's debt of dishonour to Haiti". The Guardian (London). http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/cifamerica/2010/aug/16/haiti-france. 
  52. ^ Klarreich, Kathie (23 February 2004). "Letter From Haiti: A Battle of Cannibals And Monsters". Time Magazine. http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,993414,00.html. 
  53. ^ Steven, Dudley (15 February 2004). "Disparate forces behind the violent opposition in Haiti". Boston Globe. http://www.boston.com/news/world/articles/2004/02/15/disparate_forces_behind_the_violent_opposition_in_haiti. 
  54. ^ "Haiti's Aristide defiant in exile". BBC News. 8 March 2004. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/3543355.stm. 
  55. ^ Amy Goodman, and Jeremy Scahill (25 February 2004). "Haiti's Lawyer: US Is Arming Anti-Aristide Paramilitaries". Democracynow.org. http://www.democracynow.org/2004/2/25/haitis_lawyer_u_s_is_arming. Retrieved 25 January 2010. 
  56. ^ Paul Farmer (15 April 2004). "Who removed Aristide?". London Review of Books. http://www.lrb.co.uk/v26/n08/farm01_.html. 
  57. ^ Associated Press (1 March 2004). "Aristide arrives for African exile". CNN International. http://web.archive.org/web/19960101-re_/http://edition.cnn.com/2004/WORLD/africa/03/01/centralaf.aristide.ap/index.html. Retrieved 29 January 2010. 
  58. ^ "Rep Maxine Waters: Aristide Says 'I Was Kidnapped'". Democracy Now. http://www.democracynow.org/2004/3/1/rep_maxine_waters_aristide_says_i/index.pl?issue=20040301. Retrieved 21 July 2006. [dead link]
  59. ^ Associated Press (1 March 2004). "Looters pick through Aristide's villa: Letters about the CIA, FBI left behind". CNN. http://web.archive.org/web/19960101-re_/http://edition.cnn.com/2004/WORLD/americas/03/01/aristide.home.ap/index.html. Retrieved 29 January 2010. 
  60. ^ Reuters (1 March 2004). "Haitians emerge to work, or party". CNN. http://edition.cnn.com/2004/WORLD/americas/03/01/haiti.scene.reut/index.html. Retrieved 29 January 2010. 
  61. ^ Jim Lobe (12 March 2004). "Role in Haiti Events Backfiring on Washington". Inter Press Service. http://www.commondreams.org/headlines04/0312-03.htm. 
  62. ^ Thalif Deen (13 April 2004). "US, France Block UN Probe of Aristide Ouster". Inter Press Service. http://www.commondreams.org/headlines04/0413-08.htm. 
  63. ^ Mark Weisbrot (22 November 2005). "Undermining Haiti". The Nation. http://live.thenation.com/doc/20051212/weisbrot. 
  64. ^ An Interview with Jean-Bertrand Aristide Aristide's interview was conducted in French, in Pretoria, on 20 July 2006; originally published in London Review of Books, 19 February 2007
  65. ^ Munnion, Christopher (1 June 2004). "Mbeki rolls out the red carpet for exile Aristide". London: Telegraph co.uk. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/africaandindianocean/southafrica/1463372/Mbeki-rolls-out-the-red-carpet-for-exile-Aristide.html. Retrieved 14 February 2010. 
  66. ^ Momberg, Eleanor (1 June 2004). "Warm welcome for Aristide". Independent Online (IOL). http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?set_id=1&click_id=13&art_id=vn20040601020633394C195402. Retrieved 14 February 2010. 
  67. ^ Political Bureau (25 June 2009). "Ex president living it up in SA". Independent Online (IOL). http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?set_id=1&click_id=13&art_id=vn20090625110116436C282577. Retrieved 14 February 2010. 
  68. ^ Smith, David (15 January 2010). "Haiti's exiled former president vows to return". London: Guardian News and Media. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jan/15/haiti-exiled-former-president-aristide. Retrieved 6 May 2010. 
  69. ^ "Exiled Aristide gets SA doctorate", iafrica.com, 26 April 2007.
  70. ^ "Exiled former Haitian president stirs supporters with speech", Associated Press (International Herald Tribune), 22 December 2007.
  71. ^ "Dr. Maryse Narcisse Kidnapped in Haiti" Dr. Maryse Narcisse – a member of the National Commission of the Fanmi Lavalas Party – was kidnapped in Octerber 2007, and later freed after a ransom was paid.
  72. ^ Amnesty International Index: AMR 36/008/2007 – Wilson Mésilien, the successor to Lovinsky Pierre-Antoine, had to go into hiding following death threats.
  73. ^ Fondasyon Mapou and the Haitian Priorities Project (14 August 2007). "We are urging for the safe return of Lovinsky Pierre-Antoine". Press release. Toronto Haiti Action Committee. http://www.thac.ca/node/45. Retrieved 14 February 2010. 
  74. ^ Katz, Jonathan M.; AP (29 February 2008). "Thousands march in Haiti on anniversary of Aristide's departure". SignOnSanDiego.com. http://legacy.signonsandiego.com/news/world/20080229-1521-haiti-aristideanniversary.html. Retrieved 14 February 2010. 
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  76. ^ "Thousands demand Aristide return". BBC. 16 July 2006. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/5184280.stm. 
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  93. ^ Hallward, Peter. Damming the Flood: Haiti, Aristide and the Politics of Containment. Verso Books, 2007, pg. 134
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  109. ^ Jean-Bertrand Aristide, "Introduction," The Haitian Revolution by Touissant L'Ouverture (New York and London: Verso, 2008), p. xxxiii.
  110. ^ aristidethefilm.com

External links[link]

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François-Dominique Toussaint Louverture

Toussaint Louverture
Born c. 1743
Saint-Domingue
Died 7 April 1803(1803-04-07)
Fort-de-Joux
Other names Toussaint L'Ouverture, Toussaint l'Ouverture. Toussaint Breda
Political movement Haitian Revolution
Religion Roman Catholic
Signature
Military career
Allegiance  France
 Haiti
Service/branch Haitian Army
Years of service 1791–1803
Rank General
Battles/wars Haitian Revolution

François-Dominique Toussaint Louverture About this sound pronunciation , also Toussaint Bréda, Toussaint-Louverture (c. 1743 – April 7, 1803) was the leader of the Haitian Revolution. His military genius and political acumen led to the establishment of the independent black state of Haiti, transforming an entire society of slaves into a free, self-governing people.[1] The success of the Haitian Revolution shook the institution of slavery throughout the New World.[2]

Toussaint Louverture began his military career as a leader of the 1791 slave rebellion in the French colony of Saint Domingue. Initially allied with the Spaniards of neighboring Santo Domingo, Toussaint switched allegiance to the French when they abolished slavery. He gradually established control over the whole island, expelled British invaders and used political and military tactics to gain dominance over his rivals. Throughout his years in power, he worked to improve the economy and security of Saint Domingue. He restored the plantation system using free labour, negotiated trade treaties with Britain and the United States and maintained a large and well-disciplined army.[3]

In 1801 he promulgated an autonomist constitution for the colony, with himself as governor for life. In 1802 he was forced to resign by forces sent by Napoleon Bonaparte to restore French authority in the colony. He was deported to France, where he died in 1803. The Haitian Revolution continued under his lieutenant, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, who declared independence in 1804.[3]

Contents

Early life[link]

General Toussaint Louverture, pictured here on a Haitian banknote.

The earliest records of Toussaint's life come from a small number of his recorded remarks and the reminiscences of his son Isaac Louverture.[4] Most histories give Toussaint's father as Gaou Guinou, a younger son of the king of Arrada in modern-day Benin, who had been captured in war and sold into slavery. His mother, Pauline, was Gaou Guinou's second wife. The couple had several children, of whom Toussaint was the eldest son.[5] Some historians believe that his father was Pierre Baptiste, who is conventionally held to have been his godfather.[6]

Toussaint is thought to have been born on the plantation of Bréda at Haut de Cap in Saint-Domingue, owned by the Comte de Noé and later managed by Bayon de Libertat.[7] His date of birth is uncertain, but his name suggests he was born on All Saints Day, and he was about 50 at the start of the revolution in 1791.[8] In childhood, he earned the nickname Fatras Baton, suggesting he was small and weak, though he was to become known for his stamina and riding prowess.[9] An alternative explanation of Toussaint's origins is that he arrived at Bréda with Bayon de Libertat when the new overseer took up his duties in 1772.[10]

Education[link]

Toussaint is believed to have been well educated by his godfather, Pierre Baptiste. Historians have speculated as to Toussaint's intellectual background. His extant letters demonstrate a command of French in addition to Creole patois; he was familiar with Epictetus, the Stoic philosopher who had also lived as a slave; and his public speeches as well as his life's work, according to his biographers, evidence a familiarity with Machiavelli.[11] Some cite Abbé Raynal, who wrote against slavery, as a possible influence:[12]

He may also have attained some education from Jesuit missionaries. His medical knowledge is attributed to familiarity with African herbal-medical techniques as well those techniques commonly found in Jesuit-administered hospitals.[13] A few legal documents signed on Toussaint's behalf between 1778 and 1781 raise the possibility that he could not write at that time.[14] Throughout his military and political career, he made use of secretaries for most of his correspondence, but a few surviving documents in his own hand confirm that he could write, though his spelling in the French language was "strictly phonetic".[15]

Marriage and children[link]

In 1782, Toussaint married Suzanne Simone Baptiste Louverture, who is thought to have been his cousin or his godfather's daughter.[16] Towards the end of his life, he told General Cafarelli that he had fathered 16 children, of whom 11 had predeceased him.[citation needed] Not all his children can be identified for certain, but his three legitimate sons are well known.[citation needed] The eldest, Placide, was probably adopted by Toussaint and is generally thought to be Suzanne's first child with a mulatto, Seraphim Le Clerc.[citation needed] The two sons born of his marriage with Suzanne were Isaac and Saint-Jean.[17]

Slavery, freedom and working life[link]

I was born a slave, but nature gave me the soul of a free man.[18]

Until recently, historians believed that Toussaint had been a slave until the start of the revolution.[19] The discovery of a marriage certificate dated 1777 shows that he was actually freed in 1776 at the age of 33, and this retrospectively clarified a letter of 1797 in which he said he had been free for twenty years.[20] It seems he still maintained an important role on the Breda plantation until the outbreak of the revolution, presumably as a salaried employee.[21] He had initially been responsible for the livestock,[22] but by 1791, his responsibilities most likely included acting as coachman to the overseer, de Libertat, and as a driver, charged with organising the work force.[23]

As a free man, Toussaint began to accumulate wealth and property of his own. Surviving legal documents show him briefly renting a small coffee plantation worked by a dozen slaves.[24] He would later say that by the start of the revolution, he had acquired a reasonable fortune, and was the owner of a number of properties at Ennery.[25]

Religion and spirituality[link]

Throughout his life, Toussaint was known as a devout Catholic.[26] Although Vodou was generally practiced on Saint-Domingue in combination with Catholicism, little is known for certain of Toussaint's connection with it, except that, as effective ruler of Saint-Domingue, his official policy was to discourage it.[27]

It has been suggested that he was a member of high degree of the Masonic Lodge of Saint-Domingue, mostly based on a Masonic symbol he used in his signature. The membership of several free blacks and white men close to him has been confirmed.[28]

The Haitian Revolution[link]

The Rebellion: 1791–1794[link]

Toussaint L'Ouverture, as depicted in an 1802 French engraving.

Beginning in 1789, the French Revolution led to instability on Saint-Domingue, though initially the black population did not become involved in the conflict.[29] In August 1791, a Vodou ceremony at Bois Caiman marked the start of a major slave rebellion in the north. Toussaint apparently did not take part in the earliest stages of the rebellion, but after a few weeks he sent his family to safety in Spanish Santo Domingo and helped the overseers of the Breda plantation to leave the island. He joined the forces of Georges Biassou as doctor to the troops, commanding a small detachment.[30] Surviving documents show him participating in the leadership of the rebellion, discussing strategy, and negotiating with the Spanish supporters of the rebellion for supplies.[21]

In December 1791, he was involved in negotiations between rebel leaders and the French Governor, Blanchelande, for the release of their white prisoners and a return to work in exchange for a ban on the use of the whip, an extra non-working day per week, and freedom for a handful of leaders.[31] When the offer was rejected, he was instrumental in preventing the massacre of Biassou's white prisoners.[32] The prisoners were released after further negotiations with the French commissioners and taken to Le Cap by Toussaint. He hoped to use the occasion to present the rebellion's demands to the colonial assembly, but they refused to meet with him.[33]

Throughout 1792, Toussaint, as a leader in an increasingly formal alliance between the black rebellion and the Spanish, ran the fortified post of La Tannerie and maintained the Cordon de l'Ouest, a line of posts between rebel and colonial territory.[34] He gained a reputation for running an orderly camp, trained his men in guerrilla tactics and "the European style of war",[35] and began to attract soldiers who would play an important role throughout the revolution.[36] After hard fighting, he lost La Tannerie in January 1793 to the French general Étienne Maynaud Bizefranc de Lavaux, but it was in these battles that the French first recognized him as a significant military leader.[37]

Some time in 1792-3 Toussaint adopted the surname Louverture, from the French word for "opening". The most common explanation is that it refers to his ability to create openings in battle, and it is sometimes attributed to French commissioner Polverel's exclamation: "That man makes an opening everywhere". However, some writers think it was more prosaically due to a gap between his front teeth.[38]

Despite adhering to royalist political views, Toussaint had also begun to use the language of freedom and equality associated with the French revolution.[39] From being willing to bargain for better conditions of slavery late in 1791, he had become committed to its complete abolition.[40] On 29 August 1793 he made his famous declaration of Camp Turel to the blacks of St Domingue:

Brothers and friends, I am Toussaint Louverture; perhaps my name has made itself known to you. I have undertaken vengeance. I want Liberty and Equality to reign in St Domingue. I am working to make that happen. Unite yourselves to us, brothers, and fight with us for the same cause.

Your very humble and obedient servant, Toussaint Louverture,

General of the armies of the king, for the public good.[41]

On the same day, the beleaguered French commissioner, Léger-Félicité Sonthonax, proclaimed emancipation for all slaves in French Saint-Domingue,[42] hoping to bring the black troops over to his side.[43] Initially, this failed, perhaps because Toussaint and the other leaders knew that Sonthonax was exceeding his authority.[44] However, on 4 February 1794, the French revolutionary government proclaimed the abolition of slavery.[45] For months, Toussaint had been in diplomatic contact with the French general Étienne Maynaud Bizefranc de Lavaux. During this time, competition between himself and other rebel leaders was growing and the Spanish had started to look with disfavor on his near-autonomous control of a large and strategically important region.[46] In May 1794, when the decision of the French government became known in Saint-Domingue, he switched allegiance from the Spanish to the French and rallied his troops to Lavaux.[47]

Allegiance with the French: 1794–1796[link]

Toussaint joined the French in early May 1794, raising the republican flag over the port of Gonaïves and provoking a mass exodus of refugees. In the first weeks he eradicated all Spanish supporters from the Cordon de l'Ouest, which he had held on their behalf.[48] He now faced attack from multiple sides. His former colleagues in the black rebellion were now fighting against him for the Spanish. As a French commander, he was under attack from the British troops who had landed on Saint-Domingue in September.[49] On the other hand, he was able to pool his 4000 men with Lavaux's troops in joint actions.[50] By now his officers included men who were to remain important throughout the revolution: his brother Paul, his nephew Moïse, Jean-Jacques Dessalines and Henry Christophe.[51]

Before long Toussaint had put an end to the Spanish threat to French Saint- Domingue. In any case, the Treaty of Basel of July 1795 marked a formal end to hostilities between the two countries. Even then, the black leaders, Jean-François and Biassou, continued to fight against Toussaint until November, when they left for Spain and Florida, respectively. At that point, most of their men joined Toussaint's forces.[52] Toussaint also made inroads against the British troops, but was unable to oust them from Saint-Marc, so he contained them and rendered them ineffective by returning to guerilla tactics.[53]

Throughout 1795 and 1796, Toussaint was also concerned with re-establishing agriculture and keeping the peace in areas under his control. In speeches and policy he revealed his belief that the long-term freedom of the people of Saint-Domingue depended on the economic viability of the colony.[54] He was held in general respect and resorted to a mixture of diplomacy and force to return the field hands to the plantations as emancipated and paid workers.[55] Nevertheless, there were regular small rebellions by workers protesting poor conditions, their lack of real freedom or fearing a return to slavery.[56]

Another of Toussaint's concerns was to manage potential rivals for power within the French part of the colony. The most serious of these involved the mulatto commander, Villate, based in Cap-Français. Toussaint and Villate had been in competition over the right to command some sections of troops and territory since 1794. By 1796 Villate was able to drum up popular support by accusing the French authorities of plotting a return to slavery. On March 20, he imprisoned Toussaint's friend and ally, the French Governor Lavaux and appointed himself Governor in his place. Toussaint's troops quickly fell on Cap-Français to deliver Lavaux and rout Villate. Toussaint famously opened the warehouses to the public, proving that they were empty of the chains supposedly imported to prepare for a return to slavery. The insurrection ended in a triumphal ceremony in which Toussaint and Lavaux asserted their partnership in power. Lavaux proclaimed Toussaint Lieutenant Governor, announcing at the same time that he would do nothing without his approval, to which Toussaint replied "After God, Lavaux".[57]

The Third Commission: 1796–1797[link]

A few weeks after the triumph over the Villate insurrection France's representatives of the third commission arrived on Saint-Domingue. Among them was Sonthonax, the commissioner who had previously declared abolition on the same day as Toussaint's proclamation of Camp Turel.[58] At first the relationship between the two was positive. Sonthonax promoted Toussaint to general and arranged for his sons, Placide and Isaac, to attend the school that had been established in France for the children of colonials.[59]

In September 1796, elections were held to choose colonial representatives for the French national assembly. Toussaint's letters show that he encouraged Lavaux to stand, and historians have speculated as to whether he was seeking to place a firm supporter in France or to remove a rival in power.[60] Sonthonax was also elected, either at Toussaint's instigation or on his own initiative, but while Lavaux left Saint Domingue in October, Sonthonax remained.[61]

Sonthonax, a fervent revolutionary and fierce supporter of racial equality, soon rivalled Toussaint in popularity and although their goals were similar, there were several points of conflict.[62] The worst of these was over the return of the white planters who had fled Saint-Domingue at the start of the revolution. To Sonthonax, they were potential counter-revolutionaries, to be assimilated, officially or not, with the ‘émigrés’ who had fled the French revolution and were forbidden to return under pain of death. To Toussaint, they were bearers of useful skills and knowledge and he wanted them back.[63] In summer 1797, Toussaint authorised the return of Bayon de Libertat, the ex-overseer of Breda with whom he had a lifelong relationship. Sonthonax wrote to Toussaint threatening him with prosecution and ordering him to get Bayon off the territory. Toussaint then went over his head and wrote to the French Directoire directly for permission for Bayon to stay.[64] Only a few weeks later, he abruptly turned against Sonthonax and on 24 August 1797, he forcibly deported him from the island.[65]

There were in fact several reasons why Toussaint might want to get rid of Sonthonax, but the one he gave out officially was that Sonthonax had tried to involve him in a plot to make Saint-Domingue independent, starting with a massacre of the whites of the island.[66] The accusation played on Sonthonax's political radicalism and known hatred of the aristocratic white planters, but historians have varied as to how credible they consider it.[67] On reaching France, Sonthonax countered by accusing Toussaint of royalist, counter-revolutionary and pro-independence tendencies.[68] Toussaint knew that he had asserted his authority to such an extent that the French government might well suspect him of seeking independence.[69] At the same time, the French Directoire government was considerably less revolutionary than it had been, and suspicions began to brew that it might reconsider the abolition of slavery.[70] In November 1797, Toussaint wrote again to the Directoire, assuring them of his loyalty but reminding them firmly that abolition must be maintained.[71]

Treaties with Britain and America: 1798[link]

File:Maitland and Louverture.jpg
General Thomas Maitland meets Toussaint to discuss the secret treaty

For several months, Toussaint found himself in sole command of French Saint-Domingue, except for a semi-autonomous state in the south, where the mulatto general, Andre Rigaud, had rejected the authority of the third commission.[72] Both generals continued attacking the British, whose position on Saint-Domingue was looking increasingly weak.[73] Toussaint was negotiating their withdrawal when France's latest commissioner, Gabriel Hédouville, arrived in March 1798, with orders to undermine his authority.[74]

On 30 April 1798, Toussaint signed a treaty with the British general, Thomas Maitland, exchanging the withdrawal of British troops from western Saint-Domingue for an amnesty for the French counter-revolutionaries in those areas. In May, Port-au-Prince was returned to French rule in an atmosphere of order and celebration.[75]

In July, Toussaint and Rigaud met commissioner Hédouville together. Hoping to create a rivalry that would diminish Toussaint's power, Hédouville displayed a strong preference for Rigaud, and an aversion for Toussaint[76] However, General Maitland was also playing on French rivalries and evaded the authority of Hédouville to deal with Toussaint directly.[77] In August, Toussaint and Maitland signed treaties for the evacuation of the remaining British troops. On 31 August, they signed a secret treaty which lifted the British blockade on Saint-Domingue in exchange for a promise that Toussaint would not export the black revolution to Jamaica.[78]

As Toussaint's relationship with Hédouville reached the breaking point, an uprising began among the troops of Toussaint's adopted nephew, Hyacinthe Moïse. Attempts by Hédouville to manage the situation made matters worse and Toussaint declined to help him. As the rebellion grew to a full-scale insurrection, Hedouville prepared to leave the island, while Toussaint and Dessalines threatened to arrest him as a troublemaker.[79] Hédouville sailed for France in October 1798, nominally transferring his authority to Rigaud. Toussaint decided instead to work with Phillipe Roume, a member of the third commission who had been posted to the Spanish parts of the colony.[80] Though he continued to protest his loyalty to the French government, he had expelled a second government representative from the territory and was about to negotiate another autonomous agreement with one of France's enemies.[81]

The United States had suspended trade with France in 1798 because of increasing conflict over piracy. The two countries were almost at war, but trade between Saint-Domingue and the United States was desirable to both Toussaint and the United States. With Hédouville gone, Toussaint sent Joseph Bunel to negotiate with the government of John Adams. The terms of the treaty were similar to those already established with the British, but Toussaint continually resisted suggestions from either power that he should declare independence.[82] As long as France maintained the abolition of slavery, it seems that he was content that the colony remain French, at least in name.[83]

Expansion of territory: 1799–1801[link]

In 1799, the tensions between Toussaint and André Rigaud came to a head. Toussaint accused Rigaud of trying to assassinate him to gain power over Saint Dominque for himself. Rigaud claimed Toussaint was conspiring with the British to restore slavery.[84] The conflict was complicated by racial overtones which escalated tension between blacks and mulattoes.[85] Toussaint had other political reasons for bringing down Rigaud. Only by controlling every port could he hope to prevent a landing of French troops if necessary.[86]

Toussaint persuaded Roume to declare Rigaud a traitor in July 1799 and attacked the southern state.[87] The civil war lasted over a year, with the defeated Rigaud fleeing to Guadeloupe, then France, in August 1800.[88] Toussaint delegated most of the campaign to his lieutenant, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, who became infamous, during and after the war, for massacring mulatto captives and civilians.[89] The number of deaths is contested: James claims a few hundred deaths in contravention of the amnesty. The contemporary French general, Pamphile de Lacroix, suggested 10,000.[90]

In November 1799, during the civil war, Napoleon Bonaparte gained power in France and passed a new constitution declaring that the colonies would be subject to special laws.[91] Although the colonies suspected this meant the re-introduction of slavery, Napoleon began by confirming Toussaint's position and promising to maintain the abolition.[92] But he also forbade Toussaint to invade Spanish Santo Domingo, an action that would put Toussaint in a powerful defensive position.[93] Toussaint was determined to proceed anyway and coerced Roume into supplying the necessary permission.[94] In January 1801, Toussaint and Hyacinthe Moïse invaded the Spanish territory, taking possession from the Governor, Don Garcia, with few difficulties. The area had been wilder and less densely populated than the French section. Toussaint brought it under French law which abolished slavery, and embarked on a program of modernization. He was now master of the whole island.[95]

The Constitution of 1801[link]

An early engraving of L'Ouverture.

Napoleon had made it clear to the inhabitants of Saint-Domingue that France would draw up a new constitution for its colonies, in which they would be subjected to special laws.[96] Despite his initial protestations to the contrary, it seemed likely all along that he might restore slavery. In March 1801, Toussaint formed a constitutional assembly to draft a constitution for Saint-Domingue that would preempt these ‘special laws’.[97]

Toussaint promulgated the Constitution of 1801 on 7 July, officially establishing his authority over the entire island of Hispaniola and confirming most of his existing policies. It made him governor general for life with near absolute powers and the possibility of choosing his successor. Article 3 of the constitution states: "There cannot exist slaves [in Saint-Domingue], servitude is therein forever abolished. All men are born, live and die free and French."[98] The constitution guaranteed equal opportunity and equal treatment under the law for all races, but also confirmed Toussaint‘s policies of forced labour and the importation of workers through the slave trade.[99] Toussaint was willing to compromise the dominant Vodou faith for Catholicism. Article 6 clearly states that "the Catholic, Apostolic, Roman faith shall be the only publicly professed faith."[100]

Toussaint charged Colonel Vincent with the task of presenting the new constitution to Napoleon, even though Vincent himself was horrified to discover that the general had gone so far. Several aspects of the constitution were damaging to France: the absence of provision for French government officials, the lack of advantages to France in trade with its own colony, and Toussaint's breach of protocol in publishing the constitution before submitting it to the French government. Despite his disapproval, Vincent attempted to submit the constitution to Napoleon in a positive light, but was briefly exiled to Elba for his pains.[101]

Toussaint professed himself a Frenchman and strove to convince Bonaparte of his loyalty. He wrote to Napoleon but received no reply.[102] Napoleon eventually decided to send an expedition of 20,000 men to Saint-Domingue to restore French authority, and possibly to restore slavery as well.[103]

Leclerc's campaign[link]

Napoleon's troops, under the command of his brother-in-law, General Charles Emmanuel Leclerc were to seize control of the island by diplomatic means, proclaiming peaceful intentions, and keeping secret his orders to deport all black officers.[104] Meanwhile, Toussaint was preparing for defence and insuring discipline. This may have contributed to a rebellion against forced labour led by his nephew and top general, Moïse, in October 1801. It was violently repressed with the result that when the French ships arrived not all of Saint-Domingue was automatically on Toussaint's side.[105] In late January 1802, while Leclerc sought permission to land at Cap-Français and Christophe held him off, the Vicomte deRochambeau suddenly attacked Fort-Liberté, effectively quashing the diplomatic option.[106]

Toussaint's plan in case of war was to burn the coastal cities and as much of the plains as possible, retreat with his troops into the inaccessible mountains and wait for fever to decimate the European troops.[107] The biggest impediment to this plan proved to be difficulty in internal communications. Christophe burned Cap-Français and retreated, but Paul Louverture was tricked by a false letter into allowing the French to occupy Santo Domingo, other officiers believed Napoleon's diplomatic proclamation, while some attempted resistance instead of burning and retreating.[108] French reports to Napoleon show that in the months of fighting that followed, the French felt their position was weak, but that Toussaint and his generals were not fully conscious of their strength.[109]

With both sides shocked by the violence of the initial fighting, Leclerc tried belatedly to revert to the diplomatic solution. Toussaint's sons and their tutor had accompanied the expedition with this end in mind and were now sent to present Napoleon's proclamation to Toussaint.[110] When these talks broke down, months of inconclusive fighting followed. On 6 May 1802, Toussaint rode into Cap-Français to treat with Leclerc. He negotiated an amnesty for all his remaining generals, then retired with full honors to his plantations at Ennery.[111]

Arrest and imprisonment[link]

Leclerc originally asked Dessalines to arrest Louverture, but he declined. The task then fell to Jean Baptiste Brunet. However accounts differ as to how he accomplished this. One account has it that Brunet pretended that he planned to settle in Saint-Domingue and was asking Toussaint's advice about plantation management. Louverture's memoirs however suggest that Brunet's troops had been provocative, leading Louverture to seek a discussion with him. Either way, Louverture had a letter in which Brunet described himself as a "sincere friend" to take with him to France. Embarrassed about his trickery, Brunet absented himself during the arrest.[112] He deported them to France on a warship, claiming that he suspected the former leader of plotting an uprising. It was during this crossing that Toussaint Louverture famously warned his captors that the rebels would not repeat his mistake:

In overthrowing me you have cut down in Saint Domingue only the trunk of the tree of liberty; it will spring up again from the roots, for they are many and they are deep.[113]

They reached France on 2 July 1802 and, on 25 August, Toussaint Louverture was sent to the jail in Fort-de-Joux in the Doubs. While in prison, he died on the seventh of April, 1803.{100} In his absence, Jean-Jacques Dessalines led the Haitian rebellion until its completion, finally defeating the French forces in 1803.

Memorials[link]

File:Louverture cuba.JPG
Monument of Toussaint Louverture in Santiago de Cuba
1938: Haiti. A drama of the Black Napoleon by William DuBois. Poster for Federal Theater Project presentation in Boston; showing bust portrait of Toussaint Louverture.

On August 29, 1954, the Haitian ambassador to France, Léon Thébaud, inaugurated a stone cross memorial for Toussaint Louverture at the foot of the fort. Years afterward, the French government ceremoniously presented a shovelful of soil from the grounds of Fort-de-Joux to the Haitian government as a symbolic transfer of Toussaint Louverture's remains. An inscription in his memory, installed in 1998, can be found on the wall of the Panthéon in Paris, inscribed with the following description:

Combattant de la liberté, artisan de l'abolition de l'esclavage, héros haïtien mort déporté au Fort-de-Joux en 1803.
(Combatant for liberty, artisan of the abolition of slavery, Haitian hero died in deportation at Fort-de-Joux in 1803.)

The inscription is opposite a wall inscription, also installed in 1998, honoring Louis Delgrès, a mulatto military leader who died leading the resistance against Napoleonic reoccupation and re-institution of slavery in Guadeloupe; the location of Delgrès' body is also a mystery. Both inscriptions are located near the coffins of Jean Jaurès, Félix Éboué, Marc Schoelcher and Victor Schoelcher.

Cultural references[link]

  • English poet William Wordsworth published his sonnet "To Toussaint L'Ouverture"[114] in January 1803.
  • African American novelist Frank J. Webb references Toussaint in his novel The Garies and Their Friends about free African Americans in 1857.
  • Alphonse de Lamartine, a preeminent French poet and statesman of the early 19th century, wrote a verse play about Toussaint entitled Toussaint Louverture: un poeme dramatique en cinq actes (1850).[citation needed]
  • In 1936, Trinidadian historian C. L. R. James wrote a play entitled Toussaint Louverture, which was performed at the Westminster Theatre in London and starred actors including Paul Robeson (in the title role), Robert Adams and Orlando Martins.[115] The play was later revised in 1967 as The Black Jacobins, after James's classic 1938 history of that name.
  • In 1938, American artist Jacob Lawrence created a series of paintings about the life of Toussaint Louverture, which he later adapted into a series of prints.[116] His painting, titled Toussaint L’Ouverture, hangs in the Butler Institute of American Art in Youngstown, Ohio, USA.
  • In 1944, the African American writer, Ralph Ellison, wrote the story, Mr. Toussan, in which two African American youths exaggerate the story of Toussaint L'Ouverture. In this story, Toussaint is seen as a symbol of Blacks asserting their identities and liberty over white dominance.
  • Kenneth Roberts' best-selling novel Lydia Bailey (1947) is set during the Haitian Revolution and features L'Ouverture, Dessalines, and Cristophe as the principal historical characters. The 1952 American film based on the novel was directed by Jean Negulesco; Toussaint is portrayed by the actor Ken Renard.[117]
  • In Frank Webb's novel, The Garies and their Friends, Toussaint's portrait is a source of inspiration for the real estate tycoon Mr. Walters.
  • 1971 album 'Santana (III)' features an instrumental song titled "Toussaint L'Ouverture". It has remained a staple of the band's concert repertoire since that time. Officially released live instrumental versions are included on the 1974 album ' 'Lotus' ' as well as the 1998 CD re-issue of Abraxas.
  • In 1975 black feminist playwright Ntozake Shange referenced Toussaint Louverture in her Broadway play For Colored Girls Who've Considered Suicide When the Rainbow is Enuf.
  • In 1977 The opera Toussaint by David Blake was produced by English National Opera at the Coliseum Theatre in London, starring Neil Howlett in the title role.
  • The 1979 song 'Tribute to the Martyrs' by British reggae group Steel Pulse, from the album of the same name, mentions Toussaint Louverture as one of the martyred Black heroes of modern culture, along with Steve Biko, Paul Bogle, George Jackson, Marcus Garvey, Martin Luther King, Jr., and Malcolm X.
  • 1983, Jean-Michel Basquiat, the Brooklyn-born New York painter of the 1980s, whose father was from Haiti, painted the monumental work Toussaint L'Ouverture vs Savonarolla, with a portrait of L'Ouverture.
  • 1995–2004, Madison Smartt Bell published a trilogy of novels inspired by the slave uprising and Haitian Revolution, with Toussaint Louverture a key figure. All Souls' Rising (1995) was shortlisted for both the PEN/Faulkner and National Book awards. Master of the Crossroads (2000) and The Stone That the Builder Refused (2004) completed the trilogy.
  • In 2003, Hakim Adi published a book about great political figures from Africa since 1787 which he included Toussaint Louverture as one of the greatly influential political leaders in those years.[118]
  • In 2004, John Agard had published 'Half-Caste and Other Poems' (Hodder Children's, 2004) which features the poem 'Checking Out Me History; a poem that references Toussaint and 'Nanny de Maroon'. This poem is now being studied [2010] for GCSE English. The poem is copyrighted 1996, implying writing around that time.
  • Bell also published Freedom's Gate: A Brief Life of Toussaint L'Ouverture (2007)
  • Wyclef Jean created an album in 2009 referencing Toussaint L'Ouverture's life and influence on Haiti. The album is called From the Hut, To the Projects, To the Mansion
  • Derick Alexander directed The Last Days of Toussaint Louverture, starring Joseph Ademola Adeyemo as Toussaint Louverture (2009)

Notes[link]

  1. ^ Bell, pp.3-4
  2. ^ Matthewson; "Abraham Bishop, "The Rights of Black Men", and the American Reaction to the Haitian Revolution"; The Journal of Negro History, Vol 67, No 2, Summer 1982, pp.148-154
  3. ^ a b Cauna, pp.7-8
  4. ^ Bell, pp.57-58
  5. ^ Beard, pp.23-24
  6. ^ Korngold, page number needed
  7. ^ Bell, pp.59-60, 62
  8. ^ Bell, p.60
  9. ^ Beard, p.26-27; Bell, p.60, 62
  10. ^ Bell, pp.66, 70, 72
  11. ^ Bell, p.61
  12. ^ Bell, p.61; Beard, pp.30-36
  13. ^ Bell, p. 64-65
  14. ^ Cauna, pp.61-67; Bell, pp.60, 80
  15. ^ Bell, p.61; James, p.104
  16. ^ Cauna, p.263
  17. ^ Cauna, pp.264-267
  18. ^ Parkinson, p.37
  19. ^ Up to, for example, C.L.R. James, writing in 1938
  20. ^ Cauna, pp.62-62
  21. ^ a b Bell, pp.24-25
  22. ^ Bell, p.62
  23. ^ Bell, p.76,
  24. ^ Cauna, pp.63-65
  25. ^ Bell, pp.72-73
  26. ^ Bell, p.194
  27. ^ Bell, pp.56, 196
  28. ^ Bell, p.63
  29. ^ Bell, pp.12-15; James, pp.81-82
  30. ^ James, p.90; Bell, pp.23-24
  31. ^ Bell, p.32-33
  32. ^ Bell, p.33
  33. ^ Bell, pp.34-35
  34. ^ Bell, pp.42-50
  35. ^ Bell, pp.46
  36. ^ Bell, pp.28, 55
  37. ^ Bell, p.50
  38. ^ Bell, p.56
  39. ^ James, pp.125-126
  40. ^ Bell, pp.86-87; James, p.107
  41. ^ Bell, p.18
  42. ^ Bell, p.19
  43. ^ James, pp.128-130
  44. ^ James, p.137
  45. ^ James, pp.141-142
  46. ^ Bell, pp.92-95
  47. ^ James pp.143-144
  48. ^ Bell, pp.104-108
  49. ^ Bell, p.109
  50. ^ James, p.143
  51. ^ James, p.147
  52. ^ Bell, p.115
  53. ^ Bell, pp.110-114
  54. ^ Bell, p.113, 126
  55. ^ James, pp.155-156
  56. ^ James, pp.152-154
  57. ^ Bell, pp.132-134; James, pp.163-173
  58. ^ Bell, p.136
  59. ^ Bell, pp.137, 140-141
  60. ^ Bell, pp.147-148
  61. ^ Bell, p.145, James, p.180
  62. ^ James, pp.174-176; Bell, pp. 141-142, 147
  63. ^ Bell, pp.145-146
  64. ^ Bell, p.150
  65. ^ Bell, pp.152-153
  66. ^ Bell, pp.150-153
  67. ^ James, pp.190, Bell, pp.153-154
  68. ^ Bell, p.153
  69. ^ Bell, pp.153, 155
  70. ^ James, p.179
  71. ^ Bell, p.155
  72. ^ Bell, pp.142-143
  73. ^ James, p.201
  74. ^ James, pp.201-202
  75. ^ James, pp.202, 204
  76. ^ James, pp.207-208
  77. ^ James, pp.211-212
  78. ^ Bell, pp.159-160
  79. ^ James, pp.219-220
  80. ^ Bell, pp.165-166
  81. ^ Bell, pp.166-167
  82. ^ Philippe Girard,  “Black Talleyrand: Toussaint Louverture’s Secret Diplomacy with England and the United States,” William and Mary Quarterly 66:1 (Jan. 2009), 87-124.
  83. ^ Bell, pp.173-174
  84. ^ Bell, pp.174-175
  85. ^ Bell, pp.175-177, 178-179; James, pp.229-230
  86. ^ James, pp.224, 237
  87. ^ Bell, p.177
  88. ^ Bell, pp.182-185
  89. ^ Bell, pp.179-180
  90. ^ James, p.236-237
  91. ^ Bell, p.180
  92. ^ Bell, p.184
  93. ^ Bell, p.186
  94. ^ Bell, pp.180-182, 187
  95. ^ Bell, pp.189-191
  96. ^ Alexis, Stephen. Black Liberator. London: Ernest Benn Limited, 1949, p.165
  97. ^ Bell, pp.209-210
  98. ^ Ogé, Jean-Louis. Toussaint Louverture et l'Indépendence d'Haïti. Brossard: L’Éditeur de Vos Rêves, 2002, p.140
  99. ^ Bell, pp.210-211
  100. ^ Ogé, Jean-Louis. Toussaint Louverture et l'Indépendence d'Haïti. Brossard: L’Éditeur de Vos Rêves, 2002, p.141
  101. ^ Philippe Girard, The Slaves Who Defeated Napoléon: Toussaint Louverture and the Haitian War of Independence (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, November 2011).
  102. ^ James, p.263
  103. ^ Philippe Girard,  “Napoléon Bonaparte and the Emancipation Issue in Saint-Domingue, 1799-1803,” French Historical Studies 32:4 (Fall 2009), 587-618.
  104. ^ James, pp.292-294, Bell, pp.223-224
  105. ^ Bell, pp.206-209, 226-229, 250
  106. ^ Bell, pp.232-234
  107. ^ Bell, pp.234-236
  108. ^ Bell, pp.234, 236-237
  109. ^ Bell, p.256-260
  110. ^ Bell, pp.237-241
  111. ^ Bell, pp.261-262
  112. ^ Girard, Philippe R. (2011), The Slaves who Defeated Napoléon: Toussaint Louverture and the Haitian War of Independence, 1801-1804, The University of Alabama Press 
  113. ^ Abbott, Elizabeth (1988). Haiti: An insider's history of the rise and fall of the Duvaliers. Simon & Schuster. p. viii ISBN 0-671-68620-8
  114. ^ Nathanielturner.com
  115. ^ McLemee, Scott. "C.L.R. James: A Biographical Introduction." American Visions, April/May 1996. mclemee.com
  116. ^ Alitashkgallery.com
  117. ^ Lydia Bailey (1952)
  118. ^ Adi, Hakim; Sherwood, Marika (2003). Pan-African history : political figures from Africa and the diaspora since 1787 (1. publ. ed.). London [u.a.]: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-17352-3. 

Bibliography[link]

  • Alain Foix. "Toussaint Louverture", Paris, Ed. Gallimard, 2007
  • Alain Foix. "Noir de Toussaint Louverture à Barack Obama", Paris, Ed. Galaade, 2008
  • Jacques de Cauna. "Toussaint Louverture et l'indépendance d'Haïti. Témoignages pour une commémoration", Paris, Ed. Karthala, 2004
  • Madison Smartt Bell. "Toussaint Louverture: A Biography", New York: Pantheon, 2007 (Vintage Books, 2008). ISBN 1-4000-7935-7
  • David Brion Davis. "He changed the New World." Review of M.S. Bell's "Toussaint Louverture: A Biography", The New York Review of Books, 31 May 2007, pp. 54–58.
  • Girard, Philippe. “Black Talleyrand: Toussaint Louverture’s Secret Diplomacy with England and the United States,” William and Mary Quarterly 66:1 (Jan. 2009), 87-124.
  • Girard, Philippe. “Napoléon Bonaparte and the Emancipation Issue in Saint-Domingue, 1799-1803,” French Historical Studies 32:4 (Fall 2009), 587-618.
  • Girard, Philippe R. (2011), The Slaves who Defeated Napoléon: Toussaint Louverture and the Haitian War of Independence, 1801-1804, The University of Alabama Press. ISBN 0817317325.
  • Girard, Philippe. “Jean-Jacques Dessalines and the Atlantic System: A Reappraisal,” William and Mary Quarterly (July 2012).
  • C.L.R. James. The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L'Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution, Vintage Books, 1963. (Penguin Books, 2001) ISBN 0-14-029981-5
  • Laurent Dubois and John D. Garrigus. Slave Revolution in the Caribbean, 1789–1804: A Brief History with Documents (St. Martin's Press,2006). ISBN 0-312-41501-X
  • Junius P. Rodriguez, ed. Encyclopedia of Slave Resistance and Rebellion. (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood, 2006). ISBN 0-313-33271-1
  • Graham Gendall Norton - Toussaint Louverture, in History Today, April 2003.
  • Arthur L. Stinchcombe. Sugar Island Slavery in the Age of Enlightenment: The Political Economy of the Caribbean World (Princeton University Press, 1995). ISBN 1-4008-0777-8
  • Ian Thomson. 'Bonjour Blanc: A Journey Through Haiti' (London, 1992). A colourful, picaresque, historically- and politically-engaged travelogue; regular asides on Louverture's career (New edition, Vintage, 2004). ISBN 0-09-945215-4
  • Martin Ros - The Night of Fire: The Black Napoleon and the Battle for Haiti (in Dutch, 1991). 1994, Published by Sarpedon, New York, ISBN 0-9627613-7-0
  • DuPuy, Alex. Haiti in the World Economy: Class, Race, and Underdevelopment since 1700 (West View Press, 1989). ISBN 0-8133-7348-4
  • Alfred N. Hunt. Haiti's Influence on Antebellum America: Slumbering Volcano in the Caribbean (Louisiana State University Press, 1988). ISBN 0-8071-3197-0
  • Aimé Cesaire - Toussaint Louverture (Présence africaine, Paris, 1981). Written by a prominent French thinker, this book is well written, well argued, and well researched. ISBN 2-7087-0397-8
  • Robert Heinl and Nancy Heinl - Written in Blood: The story of the Haitian people, 1492–1971 (Houghton Mifflin, 1978). A bit awkward, but studded with quotations from original sources. ISBN 0-395-26305-0
  • Thomas Ott - The Haitian Revolution: 1789–1804 (University of Tennessee Press, 1973). Brief, but well-researched. ISBN 0-87049-545-3
  • George F. Tyson, ed. - Great Lives Considered: Toussaint L'Ouverture (Prentice Hall, 1973). A compilation,indeed includes some of Toussaint's writings. ISBN 0-13-925529-X
  • Ralph Korngold - Citizen Toussaint (1944, Greenwood Press, reissued 1979). ISBN 0-313-20794-1
  • J. R. Beard - The Life of Toussaint L'Ouverture: The Negro Patriot of Hayti (1853). Still in print. A pro-Toussaint history written by an Englishman. ISBN 1-58742-010-4
  • J. R. Beard - Toussaint L'Ouverture: A Biography and Autobiography (1863). Out of print, but published online. Consists of the earlier "Life", supplemented by an autobiography of Toussaint written by himself.
  • Victor Schoelcher - Vie de Toussaint-Louverture (1889). A sympathetic biography by a French abolitionist, with good scholarship (for the time), and generous quotation from original sources, but entertaining and readable nonetheless. Important as a source for many other biographers (e.g. C.L.R. James).
  • F. J. Pamphile de Lacroix - La révolution d'Haïti (1819, reprinted 1995). Memoirs of one of the French generals involved in fighting Toussaint. Surprisingly, he esteemed his rival and wrote a long, well-documented, and generally highly regarded history of the conflict.
  • Toussaint L'Ouverture - The Haitian Revolution (New York: Verso, 2008). A collection of L'Ouverture's writings and speeches, with an introduction by Jean-Bertrand Aristide. ISBN 1-84467-261-1
  • The Collective Works of Yves. Book I explains Haiti's past to be recognized. Book 2 culminates Haiti's scared present day epic history.
  • World leaders, past & present - Toussaint L'ouverture Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr.

External links[link]

http://wn.com/Toussaint_Louverture




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