The pre-Columbian era incorporates all period subdivisions in the history and prehistory of the Americas before the appearance of significant European influences on the American continents, spanning the time of the original settlement in the Upper Paleolithic period to European colonization during the Early Modern period.

While the phrase "pre-Columbian era" literally refers only to the time preceding Christopher Columbus's voyages of 1492, in practice the phrase usually is used to denote the entire history of American indigenous cultures until those cultures were conquered or significantly influenced by Europeans, even if this happened decades or centuries after Columbus's first landing. For this reason the alternative terms of Pre-Colonial Americas or Prehistoric Americas are also in use. In areas of Hispanic America the term usually used is Pre-Hispanic.

Many pre-Columbian civilizations established hallmarks which included permanent settlements, cities, agriculture, civic and monumental architecture, major earthworks, and complex societal hierarchies. Some of these civilizations had long faded by the time of the first permanent European arrivals (c. late 15th–early 16th centuries), and are known only through archaeological investigations. Others were contemporary with the colonial period, and were described in historical accounts of the time. A few, such as the Maya, had their own written records. Because most Christian Europeans of the time viewed such texts as heretical, they destroyed many texts in pyres. Only a few hidden documents have survived, giving modern historians glimpses of ancient culture and knowledge.

Where they persist, the societies and cultures that descended from these civilizations may now be substantively different in form from those of earlier ones. Many of these peoples and their descendants maintain various traditions and practices which relate to the earlier times, as well as combining them with more recently adopted ones.

History[link]

Major cultural areas of the pre-Columbian Americas:      Arctic      Northwest      Aridoamerica      Mesoamerica      Isthmo-Colombian      Caribbean      Amazon      Andes

Cultural areas of pre-Columbian North America

Asiatic migration[link]

Asian nomads are thought to have entered the Americas via the Bering Land Bridge (Beringia), now the Bering Strait and possibly along the Northwest coast. Genetic evidence found in Amerindians' maternally inherited mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) supports the theory of multiple genetic populations migrating from Asia.^[1][2] Over the course of millennia, Paleo-Indians spread throughout North America and South America. Exactly when the first group of people migrated into the Americas is the subject of much debate. One of the earliest identifiable cultures was the Clovis culture, with sites dating from some 13,000 years ago. However, older sites dating back to 20,000 years ago have been claimed. Some genetic studies estimate the colonization of the Americas dates from between 40,000 to 13,000 years ago.^[3] The chronology of migration models is currently divided into two general approaches. The first is the short chronology theory with the first movement beyond Alaska into the New World occurring no earlier than 14,000 – 17,000 years ago, followed by successive waves of immigrants.^[4][5][6][7] The second belief is the long chronology theory, which proposes that the first group of people entered the hemisphere at a much earlier date, possibly 50,000 - 40,000 years ago or earlier.^{[8][9][10][11]}

Artifacts have been found in both North and South America which have been dated to 14,000 BP,^[12] and humans are thought to have reached Cape Horn at the southern tip of South America by this time. The Inuit and related peoples arrived separately and at a much later date, probably during the first millennium AD, moving across the ice from Siberia into Alaska.

North America[link]

After the migration or migrations, it was several thousand years before the first complex civilizations arose, at the earliest emerging 5000 BCE. The inhabitants of the Americas were hunter-gatherers. Even after the emergence of advanced civilizations, hunter-gatherers inhabited most of the continents' area until the 18th century. Within this timeframe, roughly pertaining to the Paleo-Indian Period, the Archaic Period, the Early Woodland Period, the Middle Woodland Period and the Late Woodland Period, numerous archaeological cultures have been identified.

Early Paleoamericans soon spread throughout the Americas, diversifying into many hundreds of culturally distinct nations and tribes.^[13] Paleo-Indian adaptation across North America was likely characterized by small, highly mobile bands consisting of approximately 20 to 50 members of an extended family. These groups moved from place to place as preferred resources were depleted and new supplies were sought.^[14] Paleo-Indian groups were efficient hunters and carried a variety of tools. These included highly efficient projectile points/knives (PP/Ks) of the types mentioned above^[ambiguous], as well as less distinctive implements used for butchering and hide processing. During much of the Paleo-Indian period, bands are thought to have subsisted primarily through hunting now-extinct megafauna such as mastodon and bison antiquus.^[15]

The North American climate finally stabilized by 8000 BCE; climatic conditions were very similar to today's.^[16] This led to widespread migration, cultivation and subsequently a dramatic rise in population all over the Americas.^[16] Over the course of thousands of years, American indigenous peoples domesticated, bred and cultivated a large array of plant species. These species now constitute 50–60% of all crops in cultivation worldwide.^[17]

Due to the vastness and variety of the climates, ecology, vegetation, fauna, and landforms, ancient peoples migrated and coalesced separately into numerous separate peoples of distinct linguistic and cultural groups.^[18] According to the oral histories of many of the indigenous peoples of the Americas, they have been living there since their genesis, described by a wide range of traditional creation stories.

Middle Archaic period[link]

As early as 6500 BCE, people in the Lower Mississippi Valley at the Monte Sano site were building complex earthwork mounds to express their religious ceremonies and cosmology. This is the earliest dated mound of numerous sites of mound complexes found in present-day Louisiana, Mississippi and Florida, from thousands of years before the construction of pyramids in Egypt. Since the late twentieth century, archeologists have explored and dated these sites. They have found that they were built by hunter-gatherer societies, whose people occupied the sites on a seasonal basis, and who had not yet developed ceramics. Watson Brake, a large complex of eleven platform mounds, was constructed beginning in 3400 BCE and added to over 500 years. This has changed earlier assumptions that complex construction arose only after societies had adopted agriculture, become sedentary, often developed stratified hierarchy, and generally also developed ceramics. These ancient people had organized to build complex mound projects from a different basis.

Late Archaic period[link]

Poverty Point, 1500 BCE

Until the accurate dating of Watson Brake and similar sites, the oldest mound complex was thought to be Poverty Point, also located in the Lower Mississippi Valley. Built about 1500 BCE, it is the centerpiece of a culture extending over 100 sites on both sides of the Mississippi. The Poverty Point site has earthworks in the form of six concentric half-circles, divided by radial aisles, together with some mounds. The entire complex is nearly a mile across.

Mound building was continued by succeeding cultures, who built numerous sites in the middle Mississippi and Ohio River valleys as well, adding effigy mounds, conical and ridge mounds and other shapes.

Woodland period[link]

Hopewell mounds from the Mound City Group in Ohio

The Woodland period of North American pre-Columbian cultures refers to the time period from roughly 1000 BCE to 1000 CE in the eastern part of North America. The term "Woodland" was coined in the 1930s and refers to prehistoric sites between the Archaic period and the Mississippian cultures. The Adena culture and the ensuing Hopewell tradition during this period built monumental earthwork architecture and established continent-spanning trade and exchange networks.

This period is considered a developmental stage without any massive changes in a short period, but instead having a continuous development in stone and bone tools, leather working, textile manufacture, tool production, cultivation, and shelter construction. Some Woodland peoples continued to use spears and atlatls until the end of the period, when they were replaced by bows and arrows.

Mississippian culture[link]

Mississippian site in Arkansas, Parkin Site, circa 1539. Illustration by Herb Roe.

The Mississippian culture was spread across the Southeast and Midwest from the Atlantic coast to the edge of the plains, from the Gulf of Mexico to the Upper Midwest, although most intensively in the area along the Mississippi River and Ohio River. One of the distinguishing features of this culture was the construction of complexes of large earthen mounds and grand plazas, continuing the moundbuilding traditions of earlier cultures. They grew maize and other crops intensively, participated in an extensive trade network, and had a complex stratified society. The Mississippians first appeared around 1000 CE, following and developing out of the less agriculturally intensive and less centralized Woodland period. The largest urban site of this people, Cahokia — located near modern East St. Louis, Illinois — may have reached a population of over 20,000. Other chiefdoms were constructed throughout the Southeast, and its trade networks reached to the Great Lakes and Gulf of Mexico. At its peak, between the 12th and 13th centuries, Cahokia was the most populous city in North America, and was not surpassed by European-American cities in population until 1800. Larger cities were constructed in Mesoamerica and South America. Monk's Mound, the major ceremonial center of Cahokia, remains the largest earthen construction of the prehistoric New World. The culture reached its peak in c. 1200-1400, and in most places, it seems to have been in decline before the arrival of the Europeans.

Many Mississippian groups were encountered by the Hernando de Soto Expedition of the 1540s, mostly with disastrous results for both sides. Unlike the Spanish expeditions in Mesoamerica, who conquered vast empires with relatively few men, the de Soto expedition wandered the American Southeast for four years, becoming more bedraggled, losing more men and equipment, and eventually arriving in Mexico as a fraction of its original size. The local people fared much worse though, as the fatalities of diseases introduced by the expedition devastated the populations and produced much social disruption. By the time Europeans returned a hundred years later, nearly all of the Mississippian groups had vanished, and vast swaths of their territory were virtually uninhabited.^[19]

Historic tribes[link]

When the Europeans arrived, many natives of North America were semi-nomadic tribes of hunter-gatherers; others were sedentary and agricultural civilizations. Many formed new tribes or confederations in response to European colonization. Some well-known groups included by region:

• Northeast and mid-Atlantic: the Huron, Delaware, Algonquin, Wampanoag, Mohegan, Iroquois (which included Mohawk, Oneida, Seneca, Cayuga, Onondaga and later the Tuscarora tribe), Erie;
• Southeast: Powhatan, Yamasee, Algonquian tribes, Siouan-speaking tribes, Cherokee, Choctaw, Chickasaw, Muskogee, Seminole
• Midwest: Shawnee, Miami, Kansa, Ponca
• Great Plains: Sioux (Lakota and Dakota), Omaha, Cheyenne, Osage, Mandan, Missouri
• Southwest: Apache, Comanche, Hopi, Navajo
• Northwest: Modoc, Klamath, Paiute, Shoshone, Idaho, Haida
• Alaska: Inuit and Alaska Natives.

Although not as technologically advanced as the Mesoamerican civilizations further south, there were extensive pre-Columbian sedentary societies, such as the Hopi and Navajo, in what is now the United States of America. The Iroquois League of Nations or "People of the Long House" was a politically advanced and unique social structure which is thought by some historians to have influenced the United States Constitution,^[20][21] with the Senate passing a resolution to this effect in 1988.^[22] Other historians have contested this interpretation and believe the impact was minimal, or did not exist, pointing to numerous differences between the two systems and the ample precedents for the Constitution in European political thought.^[23][24][25]

Mesoamerica[link]

One of the pyramids in the upper level of Yaxchilán

Atlantes at Tula, Hidalgo

Mesoamerica is the region extending from central Mexico south to the northwestern border of Costa Rica that gave rise to a group of stratified, culturally related agrarian civilizations spanning an approximately 3,000-year period before the European discovery of the New World by Christopher Columbus. Mesoamerican is the adjective generally used to refer to that group of pre-Columbian cultures. This refers to an environmental area occupied by an assortment of ancient cultures that shared religious beliefs, art, architecture, and technology in the Americas for more than three thousand years.

Between 2000 and 300 BCE, complex cultures began to form in Mesoamerica. Some matured into advanced pre-Columbian Mesoamerican civilizations such as the Olmec, Teotihuacan, Maya, Zapotec, Mixtec, Huastec, Purepecha, Toltec, and Mexica (also known as the Aztecs, an incorrect name coined in the 1900s by Alexander von Humboltd. The "Aztecs" were actually known as the Triple Alliance, since they were three smaller kingdoms loosely united together.^[26])^{[page needed]}, which flourished for nearly 3,500 years before first contact with Europeans.

These indigenous civilizations are credited with many inventions in: building pyramid-temples, mathematics, astronomy, medicine, writing, highly accurate calendars, fine arts, intensive agriculture, engineering, an abacus calculator, and complex theology. They also invented the wheel, but it was used solely as a toy. They also used native copper, silver and gold for metalworking, in which they used very advanced methods.

Archaic inscriptions on rocks and rock walls all over northern Mexico (especially in the state of Nuevo León) demonstrate an early propensity for counting in Mexico. Their number system was base 20 and included zero. These very early and ancient count-markings were associated with astronomical events and underscore the influence that astronomical activities had upon Mexican natives before the arrival of Europeans. In fact, many of the later Mexican-based civilizations carefully built their cities and ceremonial centers according to specific astronomical events.

The biggest Mesoamerican cities such as Teotihuacan, Tenochtitlan, and Cholula were among the largest in the world. These cities grew as centers of commerce, ideas, ceremonies, and theology, and they radiated influence outwards onto neighboring cultures in central Mexico.

While many city-states, kingdoms, and empires competed with one another for power and prestige, Mesoamerica can be said to have had five major civilizations: The Olmec, Teotihuacan, the Toltec, the Mexica and the Maya. These civilizations (with the exception of the politically fragmented Maya) extended their reach across Mexico—and beyond—like no others. They consolidated power and distributed influence in matters of trade, art, politics, technology, and theology. Other regional power players made economic and political alliances with these four civilizations over the span of 4,000 years. Many made war with them, but almost all peoples found themselves within these five spheres of influence.

Olmec civilization[link]

The earliest known civilization is the Olmec. This civilization established the cultural blueprint by which all succeeding indigenous civilizations would follow in Mexico. Pre-Olmec civilization began with the production of pottery in abundance, around 2300 BCE in the Grijalva River delta. Between 1600 and 1500 BCE, the Olmec civilization had begun, with the consolidation of power at their capital, a site today known as San Lorenzo Tenochtitlán near the coast in southeast Veracruz.^[27] The Olmec influence extended across Mexico, into Central America, and along the Gulf of Mexico. They transformed many peoples' thinking toward a new way of government, pyramid-temples, writing, astronomy, art, mathematics, economics, and religion. Their achievements paved the way for the greatness of the Maya civilization in the east and the civilizations to the west in central Mexico.

Teotihuacan civilization[link]

The decline of the Olmec resulted in a power vacuum in Mexico. Emerging from that vacuum was Teotihuacan, first settled in 300 BCE. By 150 CE, Teotihuacan had risen to become the first true metropolis of what is now called North America. Teotihuacan established a new economic and political order never before seen in Mexico. Its influence stretched across Mexico into Central America, founding new dynasties in the Maya cities of Tikal, Copan, and Kaminaljuyú. Teotihuacan's influence over the Maya civilization cannot be understated: it transformed political power, artistic depictions, and the nature of economics. Within the city of Teotihuacan was a diverse and cosmopolitan population. Most of the regional ethnicities of Mexico were represented in the city, such as Zapotecs from the Oaxaca region. They lived in apartment communities where they worked their trades and contributed to the city's economic and cultural prowess. By 500 CE, Teotihuacan had become the largest city in the world. Teotihuacan's economic pull impacted areas in northern Mexico as well. It was a city whose monumental architecture reflected a monumental new era in Mexican civilization, declining in political power about 650 CE—but lasting in cultural influence for the better part of a millennium, to around 950 CE.

Maya architecture at Uxmal

Maya civilization[link]

Contemporary with Teotihuacan's greatness was the greatness of the Maya civilization. The period between 250 CE and 650 CE was a time of intense flourishing of Maya civilized accomplishments. While the many Maya city-states never achieved political unity on the order of the central Mexican civilizations, they exerted a tremendous intellectual influence upon Mexico and Central America. The Maya built some of the most elaborate cities on the continent, and made innovations in mathematics, astronomy, and calendrics. The Mayans also evolved the only true writing system native to the Americas using pictographs and syllabic elements in the form of texts and codices inscribed on stone, pottery, wood, or highly perishable books made from bark paper.

Aztec/Mexica/Triple Alliance civilization[link]

With the decline of the Toltec civilization came political fragmentation in the Valley of Mexico. Into this new political game of contenders to the Toltec throne stepped outsiders: the Mexica. They were also a desert people, one of seven groups who formerly called themselves "Azteca", in memory of Aztlán, but they changed their name after years of migrating. Since they were not from the Valley of Mexico, they were initially seen as crude and unrefined in the ways of Nahua civilization. Through political maneuvers and ferocious fighting skills, they managed to become the rulers of Mexico as the head of the 'Triple Alliance' (which included two other "Aztec" cities, Texcoco and Tlacopan).

Latecomers to Mexico's central plateau, the Mexica thought of themselves, nevertheless, as heirs of the civilizations that had preceded them. For them, arts, sculpture, architecture, engraving, feather-mosiac work, and the calendar, were because of the former inhabitants of Tula, the Toltecs.

The Mexica-Aztecs were the rulers of much of central Mexico by about 1400 (while Yaquis, Coras and Apaches commanded sizable regions of northern desert), having subjugated most of the other regional states by the 1470s. At their peak, 300,000 Mexica^{[citation needed]} presided over a wealthy tribute-empire comprising about 10 million people^{[citation needed]} (almost half of Mexico's 25 million^{[26][page needed]} people). The modern name "Mexico" comes from their name.

Their capital, Tenochtitlan, is the site of modern-day capital of Mexico, Mexico City. At its peak, it was one of the largest cities in the world^{[citation needed]} with population estimates of 300,000^{[citation needed]}. The market established there was the largest ever seen by the conquistadors on arrival.

South America[link]

By the first millennium, South America's vast rainforests, mountains, plains, and coasts were the home of tens of millions of people. Some groups formed permanent settlements. Among those groups were the Chibchas (or "Muiscas" or "Muyscas"), Valdivia and the Tairona. The Chibchas of Colombia, Valdivia of Ecuador, the Quechuas of Peru, and the Aymara of Bolivia were the four most important sedentary Amerindian groups in South America. From the 1970s, numerous geoglyphs have been discovered on deforested land in the Amazon rainforest, Brazil, leading to claims about an ancient complex Amazonian civilization.^[28][29]

The theory of pre-Columbian contact across the South Pacific Ocean between South America and Polynesia has received support from several lines of evidence, although solid confirmation remains elusive. A diffusion by human agents has been put forward to explain the pre-Columbian presence in Oceania of several cultivated plant species native to South America, such as the bottle gourd (Lagenaria siceraria) or sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas). Direct archaeological evidence for such pre-Columbian contacts and transport has been lacking, however. A 2007 paper published in PNAS put forward DNA and archaeological evidence that domesticated chickens had been introduced into South America via Polynesia by late pre-Columbian times.^[30] These findings were challenged by a later study published in the same journal, that cast doubt on the dating calibration used and presented alternative mtDNA analyses that disagreed with a Polynesian genetic origin.^[31] The origin and dating remains an open issue. Whether or not early Polynesian-American exchanges occurred, there are no discernible human-genetic, archaeological, cultural or linguistic legacies of that contact.

Norte Chico or Caral[link]

The ancient city of Caral

On the north-central coast of present-day Peru, Norte Chico or Caral (as known in Peru) was a civilization that emerged around 3000 BCE (contemporary with urbanism's rise in Mesopotamia.) It is considered one of the six cradles of civilization in the world. It had a cluster of large-scale urban settlements of which the Sacred City of Caral, in the Supe valley, is one of the largest and best studied sites. Norte Chico or Caral is the oldest known civilization in the Americas and persisted until around 1800 BCE.

Valdivia[link]

The Valdivia culture was concentrated on the coast of Ecuador. Their existence was recently discovered by archeological findings. Their culture is the oldest in the Americas, spanning from 3500 to 1800 BCE. The Valdivia lived in a community of houses built in a circle or oval around a central plaza. They were sedentary people who lived off farming and fishing, though occasionally they hunted for deer. From the remains that have been found, scholars have determined that Valdivians cultivated maize, kidney beans, squash, cassava, hot peppers, and cotton plants, the last of which was used to make clothing. Valdivian pottery initially was rough and practical, but it became showy, delicate, and big over time. They generally used red and gray colors; and the polished dark red pottery is characteristic of the Valdivia period. In its ceramics and stone works, the Valdivia culture shows a progression from the most simple to much more complicated works.

Cañaris[link]

The Cañari were the indigenous natives of today's Ecuadorian provinces of Cañar and Azuay. They were an elaborate civilization with advanced architecture and complex religious beliefs. The Inca destroyed and burned most of their remains. The Cañari's old city was replaced twice, first by the Incan city of Tomipamba, and later by the colonial city of Cuenca. The city was also believed to be the site of El Dorado, the city of gold from the mythology of Colombia. (see Cuenca)

The Cañari were most notable for having repelled the Incan invasion with fierce resistance for many years until they fell to Tupac Yupanqui. Many of their descendants are still present in Cañar. The majority did not mix with the colonists or become Mestizos.

Larco Museum houses the largest private collection of pre-Columbian art. Lima, Peru.

Chavín[link]

The Chavín, a South American preliterate civilization, established a trade network and developed agriculture by 900 BCE, according to some estimates and archeological finds. Artifacts were found at a site called Chavín in modern Peru at an elevation of 3,177 meters. The Chavín civilization spanned from 900 to 300 BCE.

Chibchas[link]

The Chibcha linguistic communities were the most numerous, the most territorially extended and the most socio-economically developed of the pre-Hispanic Colombians. By the 3rd century, the Chibchas had established their civilization in the northern Andes. At one point, the Chibchas occupied part of what is now Panama, and the high plains of the Eastern Sierra of Colombia.

The areas which they occupied in Colombia were the present-day Departments of Santander (North and South), Boyacá and Cundinamarca. This is where the first farms and industries were developed. It is also where the independence movement originated. They are currently the richest areas in Colombia. The Chibcha developed the most populous zone between the Mayan and Inca empires. Next to the Quechua of Peru and the Aymara in Bolivia, the Chibcha of the eastern and north-eastern Highlands of Colombia developed the most notable culture among the sedentary indigenous peoples in South America.

In the Oriental Andes, the Chibcha comprised several tribes who spoke the same language (Chibchan). They included the following: the Muisca, Guane, Lache, Cofán, and Chitarero.

Moche[link]

The Moche thrived on the north coast of Peru approximately 1,500–2,000 years ago. The heritage of the Moche is seen in their elaborate burials. Some were recently excavated by UCLA's Christopher B. Donnan in association with the National Geographic Society.

As skilled artisans, the Moche were a technologically advanced people. They traded with distant peoples such as the Maya. What has been learned about the Moche is based on study of their ceramic pottery; the carvings reveal details of their daily lives. The Larco Museum of Lima, Peru has an extensive collection of such ceramics. They show that the people practiced human sacrifice, had blood-drinking rituals, and that their religion incorporated non-procreative sexual practices (such as fellatio).

Inca Empire[link]

Holding their capital at the great cougar-shaped city of Cuzco, the Inca civilization dominated the Andes region from 1438 to 1533. Known as Tawantinsuyu, or "the land of the four regions", in Quechua, the Inca civilization was highly distinct and developed. Inca rule extended to nearly a hundred linguistic or ethnic communities, some 9 to 14 million people connected by a 25,000 kilometer road system. Cities were built with precise, unmatched stonework, constructed over many levels of mountain terrain. Terrace farming was a useful form of agriculture. There is evidence of excellent metalwork and even successful brain surgery in Inca civilization.

The iconic Machu Picchu, symbol of the Inca civilization.

Cambeba[link]

Also known as the Omagua, Umana and Kambeba, the Cambeba are an indigenous people in Brazil's Amazon valley. The Cambeba were a populous, organized society in the late Pre-Columbian era whose population suffered steep decline in the early years of the Columbian Exchange. The Spanish explorer Francisco de Orellana traversed the Amazon River during 16th Century and reported densely populated regions running hundreds of kilometers along the river. These populations left no lasting monuments, possibly because they used local wood as their construction material as stone was not locally available. While it is possible Orellana may have exaggerated the level of development among the Amazonians, their semi-nomadic descendants have the odd distinction among tribal indigenous societies of a hereditary, yet landless, aristocracy. Archaeological evidence has revealed the continued presence of semi-domesticated orchards, as well as vast areas of land enriched with terra preta. Both of these discoveries, along with Cambeba ceramics discovered within the same archaeological levels suggest that a large and organized civilization existed in the area.^[32]

Agricultural development[link]

Early inhabitants of the Americas developed agriculture, developing and breeding maize (corn) from ears 2–5 cm in length to the current size we are familiar with today. Potatoes, tomatoes, tomatillos (a husked green tomato), pumpkins, chili peppers, squash, beans, pineapple, sweet potatoes, the grains quinoa and amaranth, cocoa beans, vanilla, onion, peanuts, strawberries, raspberries, blueberries, blackberries, papaya, and avocados were among other plants grown by natives. Over two-thirds of all types of food crops grown worldwide are native to the Americas.

The natives began using fire in a widespread manner. Intentional burning of vegetation was taken up to mimic the effects of natural fires that tended to clear forest understories, thereby making travel easier and facilitating the growth of herbs and berry-producing plants that were important for both food and medicines. This created the Pre-Columbian savannas of North America.^[33]

While not as widespread as in other areas of the world (Asia, Africa, Europe), native Americans did have livestock. In Mexico as well as Central America, natives had domesticated deer which was used for meat and possibly even milk. Andean societies had llamas and alpacas for the same reasons, as well as for beasts of burden. Guinea pigs were raised for meat in the Andes. Iguanas were another source of meat in Mexico, Central, and northern South America. Domesticated turkeys were common in Central America and in some regions of North America; they were valued for their meat, feathers, and, possibly (though less likely), eggs. There is documentation of Central Americans utilizing hairless dogs, especially the Xoloitzcuintle breed, for their meat.

By the 15th century, maize had been transmitted from Mexico and was being farmed in the Mississippi embayment, as far as the East Coast of the United States, and as far north as southern Canada. Potatoes were utilized by the Inca, and chocolate was used by the Aztec.

Genetics[link]

Schematic illustration of maternal (mtDNA) gene-flow in and out of Beringia, from 25,000 years ago to present.

The haplogroup most commonly associated with Indigenous Amerindian genetics is Haplogroup Q1a3a (Y-DNA).^[34] Y-DNA, like mtDNA, differs from other nuclear chromosomes in that the majority of the Y chromosome is unique and does not recombine during meiosis. This has the effect that the historical pattern of mutations can easily be studied.^[35] The pattern indicates Indigenous Amerindians experienced two very distinctive genetic episodes; first with the initial-peopling of the Americas, and secondly with European colonization of the Americas.^[3][36] The former is the determinant factor for the number of gene lineages and founding haplotypes present in today's Indigenous Amerindian populations.^[36]

Human settlement of the New World occurred in stages from the Bering sea coast line, with an initial 20,000-year layover on Beringia for the founding population.^[37][38] The micro-satellite diversity and distributions of the Y lineage specific to South America indicates that certain Amerindian populations have been isolated since the initial colonization of the region..^[39] The Na-Dené, Inuit and Indigenous Alaskan populations exhibit haplogroup Q (Y-DNA) mutations, however are distinct from other indigenous Amerindians with various mtDNA mutations.^[40][41][42] This suggests that the earliest migrants into the northern extremes of North America and Greenland derived from later populations.^[43]

See also[link]

	History portal
	Indigenous peoples of the Americas portal
	Indigenous peoples of North America portal
	Aboriginal peoples in Canada portal

• List of pre-Columbian civilizations
• Metallurgy in pre-Columbian America
• Pre-Inca cultures in Peru
• Pre-Columbian trans-oceanic contact
• Pre-Columbian population
• 1491: New Revelations of the Americas Before Columbus

References[link]

Biblogaphy

External links[link]

Look up pre-columbian era in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.

• Central Andes Prehistoric Sequence
• Pre Columbian textiles – Virtual Museum of Textile Arts
• McGuiness Publishing site on pre-Columbian archaeological topics
• Arqueologia Iberoamericana – Open access international scientific journal devoted to the archaeological study of the American and Iberian peoples. It contains numerous research articles on pre-Columbian America.

Links to related articles v t e Pre-Columbian civilizations and cultures  Americas Paleo-Indians  · Genetic history · Archaeology of the Americas · Indigenous peoples of the Americas  North America North American pre-Columbian cultures – Caddoan Mississippian – Chichimeca –Hopewell tradition – Coles Creek – Fremont – Marksville – Mississippian – Mogollon – Plaquemine – Plum Bayou – Poverty Point – Troyville – Weeden Island –  Mesoamerica Mesoamerican pre-Columbian chronology – Capacha – Cholula – Coclé – Epi-Olmec – Huastec – Izapa – Mezcala – Mixtec – Olmec – Pipil – Quelepa – Shaft tomb tradition – Teuchitlan – Tarascan – Teotihuacan – Tlatilco – Tlaxcaltec – Toltec – Totonac – Veracruz – Xochipala – Zapotec  South America South American Indigenous people – pre-Columbian chronology – Cañaris – Chachapoya – Chancay – Chavín – Chimu – El Abra – Hydraulic culture of mounds (Bolivia) – Las Vegas – Lima – La Tolita (Tumaco) – Manteño-Guancavilca – Mapuche – Moche – Mollo – Muisca 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Paul E. Gootenberg is a historian of Latin America who specializes in the history of the Andean drug trade, the fields of Peruvian and Mexican history, as well as historical sociology. He earned an M. Phil from the University of Oxford (1981) and a Ph. D. from the University of Chicago (1985), and is currently a Professor of History and Co-director of Latin American Studies at the State University of New York at Stony Brook.^[1] He has been both a Rhodes Scholar and a Guggenheim Fellow.^[2][3] Along with the historian Herman Lebovics and the sociologist Daniel Levy, he is a coordinator of the Stony Brook Initiative for Historical Social Sciences.^[4]

Gootenberg is the author of Imagining Development: Economic Ideas in Peru's "Fictitious Prosperity" of Guano, 1840-1880, which has been described as having "had a profound impact on Peruvian historiography".^[5] Referring to himself as a "recovering economic historian",^[2] Gootenberg has centered his scholastic energies on contributing to the crafting of a "new history of drugs"^[6] and has published several works in the field. He has also written Andean Cocaine: The Making of a Global Drug, which Gootenberg describes as "cocaine's first full-length biography".^[2] It has received mostly positive reviews, with the historian Arnold Bauer calling it Gootenberg's "most accomplished book to date"^[7] and the St. John's University scholar Elaine Carey stating that the book should be considered "an essential work for any scholar or student of the histories of narcotics, Latin America, and economics."^[8]

Works[link]

Books[link]

• Between Silver and Guano: Commercial Policy and the State in Postindependence Peru (Princeton University Press, 1989)
• Imagining Development: Economic Ideas in Peru's "Fictitious Prosperity" of Guano, 1840-1880 (University of California Press, 1993)
• Cocaine: Global Histories (ed.) (New York: Routledge, 1999)
• Andean Cocaine: The Making of a Global Drug (University of North Carolina Press, 2009)
• Indelible Inequalities in Latin America: Insights from History, Politics, and Culture (ed.) (Duke University Press, 2010) with Luis Reygadas

Book chapters[link]

• "Beleaguered Liberals: The Failed First Generation of Free Traders in Peru" in Love, Joseph L. and Nils Jacobsen (eds.). Guiding the Invisible Hand: Economic Liberalism and the State in Latin American History. (Praeger, 1988)
• "Paying for Caudillos: The Politics of Emergency Finance in Peru, 1820–1845" in Peloso, Vincent C. and Barbara Tenenbaum (eds.). Liberals, Politics, and Power: State Formation in Nineteenth-Century Latin America. (London: University of Georgia Press, 1996)
• "Cocaine in Mexico: A Prelude to 'Los Narcos'" with L. Astorga in Gootenberg, Paul. Cocaine: Global Histories. (New York: Routledge, 1999)
• "Doctors, Diplomats, and Businessmen: Conflicting Interests in the Netherlands and Dutch East Indies, 1860–1950" with M. de Kort in Gootenberg, Paul. Cocaine: Global Histories. {New York: Routledge, 1999).
• "Reluctance or Resistance?: Constructing Cocaine (Prohibitions) in Peru, 1910–1950" in Gootenberg, Paul. Cocaine: Global Histories. (New York: Routledge, 1999)
• "Hijos of Dr. Gerschenkron: "Latecomer" Conceptions in Latin American Economic History" in Centeno, Miguel Angel and Fernando López-Alves. The Other Mirror: Grand Theory Through the Lens of Latin America. {Princeton University Press, 2001)
• "Talking Like a State: Drugs, Borders, and the Language of Control" in van Schendel, Willem and Itty Abraham. Illicit Flows and Criminal Things: States, Borders, and the Other Side of Globalization. (Indiana University Press, 2005)
• "Cocaine in Chains: The Rise and Demise of a Global Commodity, 1860–1950" in Topik, Stephen, Carlos Marichal, and Zephyr L. Frank (eds.). From Silver to Cocaine: Latin American Commodity Chains and the Building of the World Economy, 1500–2000. (Duke University Press, 2006)

Articles[link]

• "The Social Origins of Protectionism and Free Trade in Nineteenth-Century Lima". (1982). Journal of Latin American Studies. 14 (2): 329–358.
• "Carneros y Chuño: Price Levels in Nineteenth-Century Peru". (Feb. 1990). The Hispanic American Historical Review. 70 (1): 1–56.
• "North—South: Trade Policy, Regionalism, and Caudillismo in Post–Independence Peru". Journal of Latin American Studies. 23 (2): 273–308.
• "Population and Ethnicity in Early Republican Peru: Some Revisions". (1991). Latin American Research Review. 26 (3): 109–157.
• "Paying the Price of Freedom: Family and Labor Among Lima's Slaves, 1800–1854". (1995). Journal of Latin American Studies. 27 (3): 712–713.
• "On Salamanders, Pyramids, and Mexico's 'Growth Without Change': Anachronistic Reflections on a Case of Bourbon New Spain". (1996). Colonial Latin American Review. 5 (1): 117–127.
• "The Coca Boom and Rural Social Change in Bolivia". (1998). The Hispanic American Historical Review. 78 (1): 149–150.
• "Daniel Nugent (1954–1997)". (1998). The Hispanic American Historical Review. 78 (1): 117–119.
• "Close Encounters of Empire: Writing the Cultural History of US–Latin American Relations". (1999). Social History. 24 (3):
• "Between Coca and Cocaine: A Century or More of US–Peruvian Drug Paradoxes, 1860–1980". (2003). The Hispanic American Historical Review. 83 (1): 119–150.
• "Between a Rock and a Softer Place: Reflections on Some Recent Economic History of Latin America". Latin American Research Review. 39(2): 239–257.
• "Secret Ingredients: The Politics of Coca in US–Peruvian Relations, 1915–65". (2004). Journal of Latin American Studies. 36 (2): 233–265.
• "Desigualdades Persistentes en América Latina: Historia y Cultura". (2004). Alteridades. 14 (28): 9–19.
• "Scholars on Drugs: Some Qualitative Trends". (2005). Qualitative Sociology. 28 (4): 479–491.
• "Order[s] and Progress in Developmental Discourse: A Case of Nineteenth Century Peru". (2006). Journal of Historical Sociology. 8 (2):111–135.
• "A Forgotten Case of "Scientific Excellence on the Periphery": The Nationalist Cocaine Science of Alfredo Bignon, 1884–1887". (2007). Comparative Studies in Society and History. 49 (1): 202–232.
• "The 'Pre–Columbian' Era of Drug Trafficking in the Americas: Cocaine, 1945–1965". (2007). The Americas. 64 (2): 133–176.
• "Los Liberales Asediados: La Fracasada Primera Generación de Librecambistas en el Perú, 1820–1850". Revista Andina. 6 : 403–450.
• "Talking About the Flow: Drugs, Borders, and the Discourse of Drug Control". (2009). Cultural Critique. 71: 13–46.

Book reviews[link]

• The Origins of the Peruvian Labor Movement, 1883–1919 by Peter Blanchard. (1984). Journal of Latin American Studies. 16 (1): 205–208.
• A Century of Debt Crises in Latin America: From Independence to the Great Depression, 1820 1930 by Carlos Marichal. (1990). The Hispanic American Historical Review. 70 (1): 196–197.
• Real hacienda y economía en Hispanoamérica, 1541–1820 by Bernard Slicher van Bath. (1990). The Journal of Economic History. 50 (4):971–972.
• The Foreign Policy of Peru by Ronald Bruce St. John. (1993). The American Historical Review. 98 (3): 984–985.
• Slavery and Abolition in Early Republican Peru by Peter Blanchard. (1994). The Americas. 50 (4): 568–569.
• Bolivia and Coca: A Study in Dependency by James Painter. (1995). The Journal of Developing Areas. 29 (4): 564–566.
• Paying the Price of Freedom: Family and Labor Among Lima's Slave, 1800 1854 by Christine Hünefeldt. (1995). Journal of Latin American Studies. 27 (3): 712–713.
• Crafting the Third World: Theorizing Underdevelopment in Rumania and Brazil by Joseph Love. (1997). The Americas. 53 (4): 614–616.
• Neoliberalism, Transnationalization, and Rural Poverty: A Case Study of Michoacan, Mexico by John Gledhill. (1997), The Hispanic American Historical Review. 77 (4): 733–734.
• Latin America: Economy and Society Since 1930 edited by Leslie Bethell. (1999). The Hispanic American Historical Review. 79 (3):551–553.
• Modernity at the Edge of Empire: State, Individual, and Nation in the Northern Peruvian Andes, 1885–1935 by David Nugent. (1999). Journal of Interdisciplinary History. 30 (1): 163–164.
• Selva Central: History, Economy, Land Use in Peruvian Amazonia by Fernando Santos-Granero and Frederica Barclay (trans. Elisabeth King). (1999). The Journal of Economic History. 59 (4): 1109–1110.
• The Idea of the Middle Class: White Collar Workers and Peruvian Society, 1900 1950 by D. S. Parker. (1999). Journal of Social History. 33 (3): 702–703.
• Peasants on Plantations: Subaltern Strategies of Labor and Resistance in the Pisco Valley, Peru by Vincent Peloso. (2000). The Journal of Economic History. 60 (3): 885–886.
• The Bewitchment of Silver: The Social Economy of Mining in Nineteenth-Century Peru by José R. Deustua. (2002). The Americas. 58 (3): 497–498.
• Goods, Power, History: Latin America's Material Culture by Arnold Bauer. (2003). Journal of World History. 14 (4): 561–563.
• Bourbon Peru: 1750–1824 by John Fisher. (2004). The American Historical Review. 109 (3): 952–953.
• The Political Economy of the Drug Industry: Latin America and the International System by Menno Vellinga. (2004). The Americas. 61 (2): 260–261.
• Drugs, Labor, and Colonial Expansion edited by William Jankowiak and Daniel Bradburd. (2005). American Anthropologist. 107 (1): 152–153.
• "More and More Scholars on Drugs". (2008). Qualitative Sociology. 31 (4): 425–436.
• More Than Gold: The Story of the Peruvian Guano Trade by David Hollett (2009). The Americas. 66 (2): 257.

References[link]

Santa Muerte
Close-up of a Santa Muerte south of Nuevo Laredo, Tamaulipas
Lady of the Shadows, Lady of the Night, Lady of the Seven Powers
Honored in	Folk Catholicism, Mexican-US Traditional Catholic Church
Major shrine	Sanctuary of La Santísima Muerte
Feast	November 1, August 15
Attributes	colored robe, veil, globe, scales, hourglass, owls, oil lamp
Patronage	prostitutes, smugglers, drug dealers, taxi drivers, Mariachi players, bar owners, homosexuals, love, against assaults, against gun violence, against violent death

Santa Muerte is a sacred figure venerated in Mexico, probably a syncretism between Mesoamerican and Catholic beliefs. The name literally translates to "Holy Death" or "Saint Death."^[1] Mexican culture since the pre-Columbian era has maintained a certain reverence towards death,^[2] which can be seen in the widespread Mexican celebration of the syncretic Day of the Dead.^[3] Catholic elements of that celebration include the use of skeletons to remind people of their mortality.^[4]

Santa Muerte generally appears as a skeletal figure, clad in a long robe and carrying one or more objects, usually a scythe and a globe.^[5] The robe is most often white, but images of the figure vary widely from person to person and according to the rite being performed or the petition of the devotee.^[6] As the cult of Santa Muerte was clandestine until recently, most prayers and other rites are done privately in the home. However, for the past ten years or so, worship has become more public, especially in Mexico City.^[4][7] The cult is condemned by the Catholic Church in Mexico, but it is firmly entrenched among Mexico’s lower classes and criminal worlds.^[1] The number of believers in Santa Muerte has grown over the past ten to twenty years, to approximately two million followers^[2] and has crossed the border into Mexican American communities in the United States.^[3] Santa Muerte should not be confused with the Argentinian folk-saint San La Muerte, as the two are ascribed similar powers and are venerated with similar rituals.^[8]