Standard anatomical terms of location are designations employed in science that deal with the anatomy of animals to avoid ambiguities that might otherwise arise. They are not language-specific, and thus require no translation. They are universal terms that may be readily understood by zoologists who speak any language.

While these terms are standardized within specific fields of biology, they can differ dramatically from one discipline to another. Differences in terminology remain a problem that, to some extent, still separates the fields of zoological anatomy (sometimes called zootomy) and human (medical) anatomy (sometimes called androtomy).

The Craniata (vertebrates) share a substantial heritage of common structure, allowing much of the same terminology to be used for all of them. It is necessary for this terminology to be based on the anatomy of the animal in a standard way to avoid ambiguities such as might occur if a word such as "top" were used, which might designate the head of a human but the left or right side of a flounder. Most animals, furthermore, are capable of moving relative to their environment. So while "up" might refer to the direction of a standing human's head, the same term ("up") might be used to refer to the direction of the belly of a supine human. It is also necessary to employ some specific anatomical knowledge in order to apply the terminology unambiguously: For example, while the ears would be superior to (above) the shoulders in a human, this fails when describing the armadillo, where the shoulders are above the ears. Thus, in veterinary terminology, the ears would be cranial to (i.e., "toward the head from") the shoulders in the armadillo, the dog, the kangaroo, or any other vertebrate, including the human. Likewise, while the belly is considered anterior to (in front of) the back in humans, this terminology fails for the flounder, the armadillo, and the dog. In veterinary terms, the belly would be ventral ("toward the abdomen") in all vertebrates. In human anatomy, as will be explained below, all naming is based on positions relative to the body in a standing (standard anatomical) position with arms at the side and palms facing forward (thumbs out). While the universal vertebrate terminology used in veterinary medicine would work in human medicine, the human terms are thought to be too well established to change.

For invertebrates, locational terminology becomes more complicated, as many species are not bilaterally symmetrical. In these species, terminology depends on the type of symmetry present (if any).

Thus, standardized anatomical (and zootomical) terms of location have been developed, usually based on Latin words, to enable all biological and medical scientists to precisely delineate and communicate information about animal (including human) bodies and their component organs.

Standard anatomical position[link]

Because animals can change orientation with respect to their environment, and because appendages (arms, legs, tentacles, etc.) can change position with respect to the main body, it is important that positional descriptive terms refer to the organism when it is in its standard anatomical position.

Thus, all descriptions are with respect to the organism in its standard anatomical position, even when the organism in question has appendages in another position. For example, see Fig. 9, where the tentacles are curved, and therefore not in anatomical position. However, a straight position is assumed when describing the proximo-distal axis. This helps avoid confusion in terminology when referring to the same organism in different postures.

Invertebrate and vertebrate zootomy[link]

Medical (human) anatomy[link]

Unlike the situation in zootomy, standard anatomical position is rigidly defined for human anatomy. As with other vertebrates, the human body is standing erect and at rest. Unlike the situation in other vertebrates, the limbs are placed in positions reminiscent of the supine position imposed on cadavers during autopsy. Therefore, the body has its feet together (or slightly separated), and its arms are rotated outward so that the palms are forward, and the thumbs are pointed away from the body (forearms supine). As well, the arms are usually moved slightly out from the body, so that the hands do not touch the sides.^[1][2] The positions of the limbs (and the arms in particular) have important implications for directional terms in those appendages. The penis in males is also erect in the anatomical position, hence the dorsal surface of the penis is actually anterior in the flaccid state.^[3]

Skull[link]

In humans, the anatomical position of the skull has been agreed by international convention to be the Frankfurt plane, a position in which the lower margins of the orbits, the orbitales, and the upper margins of the ear canals, the poria, all lie in the same horizontal plane. This is a good approximation to the position in which the skull would be if the subject were standing upright and facing forward normally.

Directional terms[link]

Ultimately, the bodies we are most familiar with are vertebrate bodies similar to our own. All vertebrates (including humans) have the same basic body plan (or bauplan)—they are bilaterally symmetrical. That is, they have mirror-image left and right halves if divided down the centre.^[4][5][6][7] For these reasons, the basic directional terms can be considered to be those used in vertebrates. By extension, the same terms are used for many other (invertebrate) organisms as well.

Vertebrate directional terms[link]

To begin with, distinct, polar-opposite ends of the organism are chosen. By definition, each pair of opposite points defines an axis. In a bilaterally symmetrical organism, there are 6 polar opposite points, giving three axes that intersect at right angles—the x, y, and z axes familiar from three-dimensional geometry.

Figure 2: Anatomical directions and defined axes in a vertebrate

[edit] Anterior and posterior

The most obvious end-points are the "nose" and "tail" (see Fig. 2). In terms of anatomy, the nose is referred to as the anterior end (Latin ante; before). In organisms like vertebrates, that have distinct heads, the anterior end is sometimes referred to as the rostral end (Latin rostrum; beak), the cranial end (Greek kranion; skull), or the cephalic end (Greek kephalē; head).^[4][5][7] For reasons of broader applicability, especially in organisms without distinct heads (many invertebrates), "anterior" is usually preferred.^[5][8][9]

The polar opposite to the anterior end is the posterior end (Latin post; after). Another term for posterior is caudal (Latin cauda; tail, though in humans this refers to the feet i.e. inferior rather than posterior) — a term that strictly applies only to vertebrates, and therefore less preferred, except in veterinary medicine where these terms are standard.^{[5][8][9][10]}

By drawing a line connecting these two points, we define the anteroposterior axis (sometimes written antero-posterior). Caudal and Posterior (back end) are often used interchangeably. In veterinary medicine, caudo-cranial is preferred between head and tail, and rostro-caudal between nose and neck. Less-used synonyms would be rostrocaudal or cephalocaudal axes (see Table 1). For brevity, the term anteroposterior is often abbreviated to read AP (or A-P) axis. As well as defining the anteroposterior axis, the terms "anterior" and "posterior" also define relative positions along the axis. Thus, in the fish in Fig. 2, the gill openings are posterior relative to the eyes, but anterior to the tail.

Dorsal and ventral[link]

The next most obvious end-points are the back and belly. These are termed the dorsal end (Latin dorsum; back) and the ventral end (Latin venter; belly), respectively. By connecting the outermost points the dorsoventral axis is formed (sometimes hyphenated: dorso-ventral). This is commonly abbreviated to DV (or D-V) axis. The DV axis, by definition, is perpendicular (at right angles to) the AP axis at all times (see below).

As with anteroposterior, the terms "dorsal" and "ventral" are also used to describe relative positions along the dorsoventral axis. Thus, the pectoral fins are dorsal to the anal fin, but ventral to the dorsal fin in Fig. 2. (Note that these fins are not aligned anteroposteriorly, either — the dorsal fin being posterior to the pectoral, and anterior to the anal fins, respectively.)

Left and right (lateral), and medial[link]

The last axis, by geometric definition, must be at right angles to both the AP and the DV axes. The left side and right side of the organism are the outermost points between the two "sides" of the organism. When connected, these points form the left-right axis (commonly abbreviated to LR (or L-R) axis. In Latin, this is called the dextro-sinistral (or, more uncommonly, the sinistro-dextral) axis, from dexter (right) and sinister (left). It is important to note that the "left" and "right" sides are the sides of the organism, and not those of the observer.

"Left-right" is typically used in English and some other languages.^{[clarification needed]}

As with the other directions, the terms can be used as relative terms, to describe locations along the left-right axis. Thus, in Fig. 2 the dorsal fin is right of the left pectoral fin, but is left of the right eye. However, as left and right sides are mirror images, usage like this tends to be somewhat confusing, as structures are duplicated on both sides (i.e., above there is both a right eye and a left eye, forcing one to specify which is used as a reference).

To counter this clumsiness of usage, the directional term lateral (Latin lateralis; "to the side") is used as a modifier for both sides, yielding the left lateral and right lateral sides. As an opposite to lateral, the term median (Latin medius; "middle") is used to define a point in the centre of the organism (where the left-right axis intersects the midsagittal plane —see below), and the term medial means "toward the median plane". Thus, rather than "left-right" axis and its inherent clumsiness of usage, the term mediolateral (also sometimes hyphenated medio-lateral) axis is frequently used. Sometimes this is abbreviated to ML (or M-L) axis.^[4][5][7] In proper usage, the ML axis is a half-axis; in practice, its usage is less clumsy and less linguistically biased than "left-right". The terms may still be used relatively to describe locations along the LR axis. Thus, in Fig. 2 the gills are medial to the operculum, but lateral to the heart.

The usage "mediolateral" is strictly used to describe relative position along the left-right axis, to avoid confusion with the terms "superficial" and "deep" (see below).

Sources of confusion[link]

Figure 3: Directional axes in the tetrapod vertebrate Equus caballus (a horse). The axis between cranial and caudal is the Cr-Cd axis, and between the dorsal and ventral is the D-V axis. (Left-right axis not shown; image shows the right side of the organism.)

Together, the AP, DV and LR (or ML) axes allow for precise three-dimensional descriptions of location within any bilaterally symmetrical organism, whether vertebrate or invertebrate. In practice, the terms can cause some confusion when, unlike the fish shown in Fig. 2, the organism in question is not strictly linear in form, which includes most tetrapods (see Figs. 3 and 4). For example, the AP axis in Fig. 3 does not appear to be at right angles to the DV axis. Rather, it is a depiction of the approximate average AP axis, when all body segments are included.

Figure 4: Different directional AP axes in three body segments of a horse). Axis (A) (in red) shows the AP axis of the tail, (B) shows the AP axis of the neck, and (C) shows the AP axis of the head.

When considering any one segment, the dorsoventral axis is perpendicular to the AP axis. Thus, in Fig. 4, the DV axis of the tail would run from the "back" of the tail (posterior end of the trunk), to the "underside" of the tail (near the legs) — nearly parallel to the AP axis of the main body.

As a general rule of thumb, if the body is included in consideration, the AP axis of the main body would be used, as would the DV and ML axes perpendicular to it. However, if considering only one segment, the AP axis would shift to reflect the axes shown in Fig. 4, with the DV and ML axes shifting correspondingly. In alternative manner, to avoid confusion, AP, DV, and ML terms are used strictly in relation to the main body, and the terms proximal and distal are used for body segments such as the head, neck, and tail (see below).

To avoid this confusion, in veterinary medicine, the terms anterior, posterior, superior, and inferior are in general avoided except for certain structures within the head.^[10] By using the terms cranial, caudal, dorsal and ventral, all tetrapod organisms (including bipeds) can be described uniformly.

Rostral and Caudal shown on a human skull

In humans, the directions "rostral" and "caudal" often become confused with anterior and posterior, or superior and inferior. The difference between the two is most easily visualized when looking at the head, as can be seen in the image to the right. From the most caudal of positions in the nervous system (of a person) to a nearby, rostral area, it is equally accurate to say the area in question is rostral as to say it is superior. However, in the frontal lobes of the telencephalon, to say an area is rostral to a nearby area is equivalent to saying it is anterior (or ventral). Those two lines lie on planes perpendicular to one another. This occurs, as becomes clear in the diagram, due to the intuitive yet curious curving "C" shape of rostrocaudal directionality when discussing the human brain.

Proximal and distal[link]

The term proximal (Latin proximus; nearest) describes where the appendage joins the body, and the term distal (Latin distare; to stand away from) is used for the point furthest from the point of attachment to the body. Since appendages often move independently of (and therefore change position with respect to) the main body, these separate directional terms are used when describing them.

As noted above, the standard AP, DV and ML directional axes, can cause some confusion when describing parts of the body that can change position (move) relative to the main body. This is particularly true when considering appendages. "Appendages" would include vertebrate fins (see Fig. 2) and limbs (see Figs. 3 and 4), but properly apply to any structure that extends (and can at least potentially move separately) from the main body. Thus, "appendage" would also include such structures as external ears (pinnae) and hair (in mammals), feathers (in birds) and scales (fish, reptiles and birds). As well, varieties of tentacles or other projections from the body in invertebrates and the male in many vertebrates and some invertebrates, would be included.

By connecting the two points, the proximodistal (sometimes hyphenated to proximo-distal) axis is created. (The abbreviation AB axis is occasionally, but not commonly, used.) As before, the terms "proximal" and "distal" can be used as relative terms to indicate where structures lie along the proximodistal axis. Thus, the "elbow" is proximal to the hoof, but distal to the "shoulder" in Figs. 3 and 4.

Choosing terms for the other two axes perpendicular to the proximodistal axis could be variable, as they would also depend on the position of the limb. For that reason, when considering any organism, the other two axes are considered to be relative to the appendage when in standard anatomical position. This is roughly defined for all organisms, as in the normal position when at rest and not moving. For tetrapod vertebrates, this includes the caveat that they are standing erect and not lying down. Thus, the fish in Fig. 2, and the horse in Figs. 3 and 4 are in standard anatomical position. (Special considerations with respect to limb position are applied in human anatomy—see below).

Ostial and distal[link]

Similar to appendages that branch out from the body, the directions of blood vessels may be labeled with the terms Ostial (referring to the Ostium or opening where the vessel branches off) and distal (the extreme end away from the branch point).

Teeth[link]

Teeth may be aligned with their main axis identical to that of the jaw, but they can also be rotated. In such a case using terms like "anterior" or "lateral" can be confusing. Therefore, a special set of terms exists, used mainly in palaeontology.^[11]

• lingual (Latin lingua; tongue): on the side that faces the tongue.
• labial (Latin labium; lip): facing the lips
• buccal (Latin bucca; cheek): on the side that faces the cheek.

• mesial: toward the mandibular symphysis (where lower jaws meet)
• distal: away from the mandibular symphysis

Dentistry uses the same terminology, as well as

• vestibular (Latin vestibulum; entrance): the side away from the tongue (includes labial and buccal).

Other directional terms[link]

In addition to the three primary axes (AP, DV and the ML half-axis) and the proximodistal axis of appendages, several directional terms can be used in bilaterally symmetrical animals. These terms are strictly relative, and as such do not and cannot be used to define fixed axes. These terms include:

• Ipsilateral (Latin ipse; self/same + latus-eris, "side"): on the same side as another structure. Thus, the left arm is ipsilateral to the left leg.
• Contralateral (Latin contra; against): on the opposite side to another structure. Thus, the left arm is contralateral to the right arm, or the right leg.
• Superficial (Latin superfacies; at the surface or face): near the outer surface of the organism. Thus, skin is superficial to the muscle layer. The opposite is "deep", or "visceral".
• Deep: further away from the surface of the organism. Thus, the muscular layer is deep to the skin, but superficial to the intestines. This is one of the few terms where the English vernacular is prevalent. The proper anglicised Latin term would be profound (Latin profundus; due to depth), but this word has other meanings in English. In other languages, the equivalent term is usually similar to "profound" (e.g. profond, meaning deep, in French).
• Intermediate (Latin intermedius; inter, between and medius, middle): between two other structures. Thus, the navel is intermediate to (or intermediate between) the left arm and the contralateral (right) leg.
• Visceral (Latin viscus,-eris; internal organs, flesh): associated with organs within the body's cavities. The stomach is a viscus within the abdominal cavity, and is covered with a lining called the visceral peritoneum.
• Parietal (Latin paries,-etis, "wall"): pertaining to the wall of a body cavity. The parietal peritoneum is the lining on the inside of the abdominal cavity. (Parietal can also refer specifically to the parietal bone of the skull or associated structures.)
• Axial (Latin axis from Greek axōn "axle"): Toward the central axis of the organism or the extremity.
• Abaxial : away from the central axis of the organism or extremity
• Rostral (Latin - rostr(um), beak or nose ): situated toward the oral or nasal region, or in the case of the brain, toward the tip of the frontal lobe.
• Caudal (Latin - cauda, tail): of, at, or near the tail or the posterior end of the body. In the human case, toward the bottom of the feet (also the "tail" of the spinal cord, and body).

Invertebrate directional terms[link]

The large variety of body shapes present in invertebrates presents a difficult problem when attempting to apply standard directional terms. Depending on the organism, some terms are taken by analogy from the vertebrate terms, and appropriate novel terms are applied, as necessary. In all cases, the usage of terms is dependent on the bauplan of the organism.

Figure 5: Asymmetrical and spherical body shapes. (a) An organism with an asymmetrical bauplan (Amoeba proteus—an amoeba). (b) An organism with a spherical bauplan (Actinophrys sol—a heliozoan.

Asymmetrical and spherical organisms[link]

In organisms with a changeable shape, such as amoeboid organisms (Fig. 5a), directional terms are meaningless, since the shape of the organism is changeable, and no fixed axes are present. Similarly, in organisms that are spherical in shape (Fig. 5b), there is nothing to distinguish one line through the centre of the organism from another. An infinite number of triads of mutually perpendicular axes could be defined, but any such choice of axes would be functionally and practically indistinguishable from all others, and therefore would be useless. In such organisms, only the terms superficial and deep hold any descriptive meaning.

Figure 6: Four individuals of Phaeodactylum tricornutum, a diatom with a fixed elongated shape.

Elongated organisms[link]

In organisms that maintain a constant shape and have one dimension longer than the other, at least two directional terms can be used. The long or longitudinal axis is defined by points at the opposite ends of the organism. Similarly, a perpendicular transverse axis can be defined by points on opposite sides of the organism. There is typically no basis for the definition of a third axis. Usually such organisms, like that pictured in Fig. 6, are planktonic (free-swimming) protists, and are nearly always viewed on microscope slides, where they appear essentially two-dimensional. In some cases a third axis can be defined, particularly where a non-terminal cytostome or other unique structure is present.^[9]

Elongated organisms with distinctive ends[link]

Figure 7: Organisms where the ends of the long axis are distinct. (Paramecium caudatum, above, and Stentor roeseli, below.)

Some elongated protists have distinctive ends of the body. In such organisms, the end with a mouth (or equivalent structure, such as the cytostome in Paramecium or Stentor), or the end that usually points in the direction of the organism's locomotion (such as the end with the flagellum in Euglena), is normally designated as the anterior end. The opposite end then becomes the posterior end, and by connecting them, an anteroposterior axis is formed.^[9] Properly, this terminology would apply only to an organism that is always planktonic (not normally attached to a surface, as in Fig. 7 top), although the term can also be applied to one that is sessile (normally attached to a surface, as in Fig. 7, bottom, and Fig. 8).^[12]

Figure 8: A cluster of Euplectella aspergillum sponges (Venus flower baskets), showing the apical-basal axes.

Organisms that are attached to a substrate, such as sponges (Fig. 8), or some animal-like protists also have distinctive ends. The part of the organism attached to the substrate is usually referred to as the basal end (Latin basis; support or foundation), whereas the end furthest from the attachment is referred to as the apical end (Latin apex; peak, tip). Thus, by joining the two ends, an apical-basal (or basal-apical) axis is formed (see Fig. 8). Transverse axes may be defined indifferently in any direction perpendicular to this axis, as there is no symmetry present.

Radially symmetrical organisms[link]

Radially symmetrical organisms include those in the group Radiata—primarily jellyfish, sea anemones and corals and the comb jellies.^[5][9] Adult echinoderms (sea stars (starfish), sea urchins, and sea cucumbers and others) are also included, since they are pentaradial (i.e. they have fivefold discrete rotational symmetry). Echinoderm larvae are not included, since they are bilaterally symmetrical.^[5][9]

Figure 9: Chrysoara spp. (a jellyfish), showing the oral-aboral, and proximodistal axes. (Note that the appendages are not in standard anatomical position, so that the axis is curved.)

Unlike spherical and asymmetrical organisms, radially symmetrical animals always have one distinctive axis.

Figure 10: Aurelia aurita, another species of jellyfish, showing multiple radial and medio-peripheral axes.

Cnidarians have an incomplete digestive system, meaning that one end of the organism has a mouth, and the opposite end has no opening from the gut (coelenteron).^[9] For this reason, the end of the organism with the mouth is referred to as the oral end (Latin oris; mouth), and the opposite surface is the aboral end (Latin ab-; prefix meaning "away from"). Thus, by joining the polar opposite oral and aboral ends, an oral-aboral axis is formed (Fig. 9).

As with vertebrates, appendages that move independently of the body (tentacles in cnidarians and comb jellies), have a definite proximodistal axis (Fig. 8). Unlike vertebrates, cnidarians (jellyfish, sea anemones, corals) have no other distinctive axes, and multiple radial axes are possible (Fig. 10).

It is noteworthy that some “biradially symmetrical" comb jellies have distinct "tentacular" and "pharyngeal" axes,^[13] and are thus anatomically equivalent to bilaterally symmetrical animals. As well, adult echinoderms (starfish, sea urchins, sea cucumbers) are pentaradial, and have only five symmetrical radial axes (unlike the multiple axes in cnidarians).

Lateral, dorsal, and ventral have no meaning in such organisms, and all can be replaced by the generic term peripheral (Latin peri-; around; see Table 2). Medial can be used, but in the case of radiates indicates the central point of these organisms, rather than a central axis (as in vertebrates). Thus, as there are many possible radial axes, there are multiple medio-peripheral (half-) axes (Fig. 10).

Arachnids[link]

Two specialized terms are sometimes used for describing views of arachnid legs and pedipalps. Prolateral refers to the surface of a leg that is closest to the anterior end of an arachnid's body. Retrolateral refers to the surface of a leg that is closest to the posterior end of an arachnid's body.^[14]

Medical (human) directional terms[link]

As humans are bilaterally symmetrical organisms, anatomical directions in humans can usually be correctly described using the same terms as those for vertebrates and other members of the taxonomic group Bilateria. However, for historical and other reasons, standard human directional terminology has several differences from that used for other bilaterally symmetrical organisms.

Why zootomy and androtomy terms differ[link]

The terms of zootomy and androtomy came into usage at a time when all scientific communication took place in Latin. In their original Latin forms the respective meanings of "anterior" and "posterior" are in front of (or before) and behind (or after), those of "dorsal" and "ventral" are toward the spine and toward the belly, and those of "superior" and "inferior" are above and below. From these meanings it can be seen that in the most general terms the anterior/posterior axis is oriented to the direction of forward motion, the dorsal/ventral axis is oriented to the anatomy of the vertebrate torso, and the superior/inferior axis is oriented to gravity.

For almost all vertebrates, including almost all bipeds, these axes all provide a consistent reference for anatomical positions across species—with the inferior/superior axis being roughly the same as the dorsal/ventral axis, and therefore redundant. Humans, however, have the rare property of having a torso oriented perpendicular to their direction of forward motion—while their head orientation remains consistent with other vertebrates on this axis. This makes the dorsal/ventral axis on humans redundant with the anterior/posterior axis, and the inferior/superior axis necessary. Because of this difference with humans, the anterior/posterior and inferior/superior axes are inconsistent between humans and other vertebrates in torso anatomy but consistent in head anatomy. As all three of these axes are used in the naming of anatomical structures, and most human anatomical structures are shared by other animals, these differences can lead to considerable confusion. For example, in the naming of brain structures, the non-human context of the dorsal/ventral axis was used. Therefore, in human anatomy, "dorsal" can refer to two different (perpendicular) directions—the posterior direction in the context of the torso, and the superior direction in the context of the brain. Ironically, the "dorsal" direction in the human brain, besides being perpendicular to the "dorsal" direction in the human torso, is actually the opposite direction of what might be inferred from the literal Latin meaning of "toward the spine".^{[citation needed]}

While it would be possible to introduce a system of axes that is completely consistent between humans and other vertebrates by having two separate pairs of axes, one used exclusively for the head (e.g. anterior/posterior and inferior/superior) and the other exclusively for the torso (e.g. dorsal/ventral and caudal("toward the tail")/rostral("toward the beak")), doing so would require the renaming of very many anatomical structures.

For a quick comparison of equivalent terminology used in vertebrate and human anatomy, see Table 3 (below).

[edit] Superior and inferior

As with other vertebrates, two of the most obvious extremes are the "top" and the "bottom" of the organism. In standard anatomical position, these correspond to the head and feet, respectively in humans. The head end is referred to as the superior end (Latin superior: "above"), while the feet are referred to as the inferior end (Latin inferior: "below"). Thus, the axis formed by joining the two is the superior-inferior axis.^[15][16]

As with other vertebrate terminology, there are synonymous terms for superior and inferior (Table 3). The terms cranial and cephalic are often encountered. "Cranial", as a reference to the skull, is fairly commonly used, whereas "cephalic" is uncommonly used. The term "rostral" is rarely used in human anatomy, referring more to the front of the face than the superior aspect of the organism. This term is more applicable in organisms with longer heads, such as equids.^[17] Similarly, the term caudal is occasionally used in human anatomy,^[17] and the cranio-caudal axis is occasionally encountered. Generally, this usage would be used with respect to only the head and the main body (trunk), and not when considering the limbs.

As with vertebrate directional terms, superior and inferior can be used in a relative sense in humans, but can not be uniformly applied to other organisms with varying normal anatomical positions. For example, the shoulders are superior to the navel, but inferior to the eyes in humans. In any tetrapod, the shoulders are cranial to the belly, but caudal to the eyes.

Anterior and posterior[link]

In human anatomical usage, anterior refers to the "front" of the individual, and is synonymous with ventral, other than in the head. Similarly, posterior, refers to the "back" of the subject, and is synonymous with dorsal, other than in the head (see Table 3).^[18] The terms "dorsal" and "ventral" are used in human anatomy, but infrequently when referring to the body as a whole.^[19] The anteroposterior axis is preferred usage for describing the axis connecting the front and the back in humans.^[18][20]

"Anterior" and "posterior" can also be used as relative terms. Thus, the eyes are posterior to the nose, but anterior to the back of the head in humans.
However, in the horse, for example, the eyes are caudal to the nose, and rostral to the back of the head.

Left and right (lateral), and medial[link]

Left and right lateral are used in the same sense as they are in other vertebrates, as is medial. The left-right axis is rarely used in medicine; instead, the mediolateral axis is used almost exclusively.^[17][21]

Appendages[link]

As in other vertebrates, the terms "proximal" and "distal" are used to describe the point of attachment to, and part of an appendage furthest away from, the body, respectively. However, other terms are used for direction in the appendages, given the unique position of the limbs (in standard anatomical position) in humans.

Arms[link]

Figure 12: The directional terms used in a human hand.

In standard anatomical position, the palms of the hands point anteriorly. Thus, anterior can be used to describe the palm of the hand, and posterior can be used to describe the back of the hand and arm.

However, presumably for improved clarity, the directional term palmar (Latin palma; palm of the hand) is usually used for the anterior of the hand, and dorsal is used to describe the back of the hand. Thus, by connecting the extremes, dorsopalmar axis is formed. Most commonly, "dorsopalmar" is used when describing the hand, although it is sometimes applied to the arm as a whole (see Fig. 12).

For the third axis, the mediolateral axis suffices, although if referring to the limb alone, "medial" may refer to the centre of the arm itself.

Relative directions[link]

Also, in common usage, the segments of the digestive system closest to the mouth are termed proximal, as opposed to those closest to the anus, which are termed distal. The terms oral "of the mouth" and aboral "away from the mouth" are also used.

Relative directions in the limbs[link]

Specialized terms are used to describe location on appendages, parts that have a point of attachment to the main trunk of the body. Structures that are close to the point of attachment of the body are proximal or central, while ones more distant from the attachment point are distal or peripheral. For example, the hands are at the distal end of the arms, while the shoulders are at the proximal ends. These terms can also be used relatively to organs, for example the proximal end of the urethra is attached to the bladder.

In the limbs of most animals, the terms cranial and caudal are used in the regions proximal to the carpus (the wrist, in the forelimb) and the tarsus (the ankle in the hindlimb). Objects and surfaces closer to or facing toward the head are cranial; those facing away or farther from the head are caudal.

Distal to the carpal joint, the term dorsal replaces cranial and palmar replaces caudal. Similarly, distal to the tarsal joint the term dorsal replaces cranial and plantar replaces caudal. For example, the top of a dog's paw is its dorsal surface; the underside, either the palmar (on the forelimb) or the plantar (on the hindlimb) surface.

The sides of the forearm are named after its bones: Structures closer to the radius are radial, structures closer to the ulna are ulnar, and structures relating to both bones are referred to as radioulnar. Similarly, in the lower leg, structures near the tibia (shinbone) are tibial and structures near the fibula are fibular (or peroneal).

Volar (sometimes used as a synonym for "palmar") refers to the underside, for both the palm and the sole (plantar), as in volar pads on the underside of hands, fingers, feet and toes.

The terms valgus and varus are used to refer to angulation of the distal part of a limb at a joint. For example, at the elbow joint, in the anatomical position, the forearm and the upper arm do not lie in a straight line, but the forearm is angulated laterally with respect to the upper arm by about 5–10°. The forearm is said to be "in valgus". Angulation at a joint may be normal (as in the elbow) or abnormal.

Planes[link]

Anatomical planes in a human

General usage[link]

Three basic reference planes are used in zoological anatomy.

• A sagittal plane, being a plane parallel to the sagittal suture, divides the body into sinister and dexter (left and right) portions.
  • The midsagittal or median plane is in the mid line; i.e. it would pass through mid line structures such as the navel or spine, and all other sagittal planes (also referred to as parasagittal planes) are parallel to it. Median can also refer to the midsagittal plane of other structures, such as a digit.
• A coronal or frontal plane divides the body into dorsal and ventral (back and front, or posterior and anterior) portions.
• A transverse plane, also known as an axial plane or cross-section, divides the body into cranial and caudal (head and tail) portions.

For post-embryonic humans a coronal plane is vertical and a transverse plane is horizontal, but for embryos and quadrupeds a coronal plane is horizontal and a transverse plane is vertical.

When describing anatomical motion, these planes describe the axis along which an action is performed. So by moving through the transverse plane, movement travels from head to toe. For example, if a person jumped directly up and then down, their body would be moving through the transverse plane in the coronal and sagittal planes.

Some of these terms come from Latin. Sagittal means "like an arrow", a reference to the position of the spine that naturally divides the body into right and left equal halves, the exact meaning of the term "midsagittal", or to the shape of the sagittal suture, which defines the sagittal plane and is shaped like an arrow.

A longitudinal plane is any plane perpendicular to the transverse plane. The coronal plane and the sagittal plane are examples of longitudinal planes.

Usage in human anatomy[link]

Sometimes the orientation of certain planes needs to be distinguished, for instance in medical imaging techniques such as sonography, CT scans, MRI scans, or PET scans. One imagines a human in the anatomical position, and an X-Y-Z coordinate system with the Z-axis going from front to back, the X-axis going from left to right, and the Y-axis going from up to down. The Z-axis is always forward (Tait-Bryan angles) and the right-hand rule applies.

• A transverse (also known as axial or horizontal) plane is an X-Z plane, parallel to the ground, which (in humans) separates the superior from the inferior, or put another way, the head from the feet.
• A coronal (also known as frontal) plane is a Y-X plane, perpendicular to the ground, which (in humans) separates the anterior from the posterior, the front from the back, the ventral from the dorsal.
• A sagittal (also known as lateral) plane is an Y-Z plane, perpendicular to the ground, which separates left from right. The midsagittal plane is the specific sagittal plane that is exactly in the middle of the body.

The axes and the sagittal plane are the same for bipeds and quadrupeds, but the orientation of the coronal and transverse planes switch. The axes on particular pieces of equipment may or may not correspond to axes of the body, especially since the body and the equipment may be in different relative orientations.

Occasionally, in medicine, abdominal organs may be described with reference to the trans-pyloric plane, which is a transverse plane passing through the pylorus.

Anatomical planes in animal brains[link]

In discussing the neuroanatomy of animals, particularly rodents used in neuroscience research, a simplistic convention has been to name the sections of the brain according to the homologous human sections. Hence, what is technically a transverse (orthogonal) section with respect to the body length axis of a rat (dividing anterior from posterior) may often be referred to in rat neuroanatomical coordinates as a coronal section, and likewise a coronal section with respect to the body (i.e. dividing ventral from dorsal) in a rat brain is referred to as transverse. This preserves the comparison with the human brain, whose length axis in rough approximation is rotated with respect to the body axis by 90 degrees in the ventral direction. It implies that the planes of the brain are not necessarily the same as those of the body.

However, the situation is more complex, since comparative embryology shows that the length axis of the neural tube (the primordium of the brain) has three internal bending points, namely two ventral bendings at the cervical and cephalic flexures (cervical flexure roughly between the medulla oblongata and the spinal cord, and cephalic flexure between the diencephalon and the midbrain), and a dorsal (pontine or rhombic) flexure at the midst of the hindbrain, behind the cerebellum. The latter flexure mainly appears in mammals and sauropsids (reptiles and birds), whereas the other two, and principally the cephalic flexure, appear in all vertebrates (the sum of the cervical and cephalic ventral flexures is the cause of the 90 degree angle mentioned above in humans between body axis and brain axis). This more realistic concept of the longitudinal structure of vertebrate brains implies that any section plane, except the sagittal plane, will intersect variably different parts of the same brain as the section series proceeds across it (relativity of actual sections with regard to topological morphological status in the ideal unbent neural tube). Any precise description of a brain section plane therefore has to make reference to the anteroposterior part of the brain to which the description refers (e.g., transverse to the midbrain, or horizontal to the diencephalon). A necessary note of caution is that modern embryologic orthodoxy indicates that the brain's true length axis finishes rostrally somewhere in the hypothalamus where basal and alar zones interconnect from left to right across the median line; therefore, the axis does not enter the telencephalic area, although various authors, both recent and classic, have assumed a telencephalic end of the axis. The causal argument for this lies in the end of the axial mesoderm -mainly the notochord, but also the prechordal plate- under the hypothalamus. Early inductive effects of the axial mesoderm upon the overlying neural ectoderm is the mechanism that establishes the length dimension upon the brain primordium, jointly with establishing what is ventral in the brain (close to the axial mesoderm) in contrast with what is dorsal (distant from the axial mesoderm). Apart of the lack of a causal argument for introducing the axis in the telencephalon, there is the obvious difficulty that there is a pair of telencephalic vesicles, so that a bifid axis is actually implied in these outdated versions.

Surface and other landmarks in humans[link]

Axillary lines.

In humans, reference may take origin from superficial anatomy, made to landmarks that are on the skin or visible underneath. As with planes, lines and points are imaginary. Examples include:

• The midaxillary line, a line running vertically down the surface of the body passing through the apex of the axilla (armpit). Parallel are the anterior axillary line, which passes through the anterior axillary skinfold, and the posterior axillary line, which passes through the posterior axillary skinfold.
• The mid-clavicular line, a line running vertically down the surface of the body passing through the midpoint of the clavicle.
• The mid-pupillary line, a line running vertically down the face through the midpoint of the pupil when looking directly forward.
• The mid-inguinal point, a point midway between the anterior superior iliac spine and the pubic symphysis.
  • mid-point of inguinal ligament = mid-point between anterior superior iliac spine and pubic tubercle
• Tuffier's line, which is a transverse line passing across the lumbar spine between the posterior iliac crests.
• Mid-ventral line, the intersection between the ventral skin and the median plane.

In addition, reference may be made to structures at specific levels of the spine (e.g. the 4th cervical vertebra, abbreviated "C4"), or the rib cage (e.g., the 5th intercostal space).

See also[link]

• Anatomical terms of motion
• Commonly used terms of relationship and comparison in dentistry
• Human positions

Notes[link]

References[link]

• Atkins, B.T., Duval, A., Lewis, H.M.A., and Milne, R.C. (1993) Collins-Robert French-English, English-French Dictionary, 2nd ed. HarperCollins, Glasgow UK and Le Robert, Paris, France. ISBN 0-06-275513-7.
• Barber, K., ed. (1998) The Canadian Oxford English Dictionary. Oxford University Press, Don Mills, ON, Canada. ISBN 0-19-541120-X.
• Campbell, N.A. and Reece, J.B. (2005) Biology, 7th ed. Pearson, San Francisco, CA, USA. ISBN 0-8053-7166-4.
• Hickman, C.P., Jr., Roberts, L.S. and Larson, A. (2003) Animal Diversity, 3rd ed. McGraw-Hill, New York, NY, USA. ISBN 0-07-234903-4.
• Houseman, J. (2003) Digital Zoology, v. 2.0. McGraw-Hill, New York, NY, USA. ISBN 0-07-256481-4.
• Kardong, K. (2005) Vertebrates: Comparative Anatomy, Function, Evolution, 4th ed. McGraw-Hill, New York, NY, USA. ISBN 0-07-290956-0.
• Marieb, E.N. (1995) Human Anatomy and Physiology, 3rd ed. Benjamin/Cummings, Redwood City, CA, USA. ISBN 0-8053-4281-8.
• Miller, S.A. (2002) General Zoology Laboratory Manual, 5th ed. McGraw-Hill, New York, NY, USA. ISBN 0-07-250837-0 (Mix from ISBN 0-07-243559-3).
• Ruppert, E.E., Fox, R.S. and Barnes, R.D. (2004) Invertebrate Zoology: A Functional Evolutionary Approach, 7th ed. Thomson, Belmont, CA, USA. ISBN 0-03-025982-7.
• Tortora, G.J. and Derrickson, B. (2006) Principles of Anatomy and Physiology, 11th ed. Wiley, Hoboken, NJ, USA. ISBN 0-471-68934-3.
• Wischnitzer, S. (1993) Atlas and Dissection Guide for Comparative Anatomy, 5th ed. W.H. Freeman, New York. ISBN 0-7167-2374-3.

External links[link]

• Anatomy of the lower limb
• Directions, cross sections, and divisions of the human brain

Bo Xilai 薄熙来
CPC Chongqing Committee Secretary
In office November 2007 – March 2012
Deputy (Mayor)	Wang Hongju (2007–2009) Huang Qifan (2009–)
Preceded by	Wang Yang
Succeeded by	Zhang Dejiang
Minister of Commerce of the PRC
In office February 2004 – December 2007
Premier	Wen Jiabao
Preceded by	Lü Fuyuan
Succeeded by	Chen Deming
Personal details
Born	(1949-07-03) 3 July 1949 (age 62) Beijing, Republic Of China
Political party	Communist Party of China
Spouse(s)	Li Danyu (divorced) Gu Kailai
Relations	Bo Yibo (father)
Children	Li Wangzhi Bo Guagua
Alma mater	Peking University Chinese Academy of Social Sciences

Bo Xilai (born 3 July 1949) is a Chinese politician. He came to prominence through his tenures as the mayor of the coastal economic hub of Dalian and then governor of Liaoning province. From 2004 to November 2007, he served as Minister of Commerce. Between 2007 and 2012 he served as a member of the Politburo and head of the Communist Party's Chongqing branch.

The son of Bo Yibo, one of the Eight Elders of the Communist Party of China, Bo Xilai is identified as one of the "princelings" of Chinese politics. He cultivated a casual and charismatic image in the media that marked a departure from the normally staid nature of Chinese politics.

In Chongqing, Bo became known for heavy-handed populism. He initiated a campaign against organized crime, increased spending on welfare programs, maintained consistent double-digit percentage GDP growth, and campaigned to revive Cultural Revolution-era "red culture." Bo's promotion of egalitarian values and the achievements of his "Chongqing model" made him the champion of the Chinese New Left, composed of both Maoists and social democrats disillusioned with the country's market-based economic reforms and increasing economic inequality.^[1] However, the perceived lawlessness of Bo's anti-corruption campaigns, coupled with concerns about his outsized personality, made him a controversial figure.

Bo was considered a likely candidate for promotion to the elite Politburo Standing Committee in CPC 18th National Congress in 2012. His political fortunes came to an abrupt end following the Wang Lijun incident, in which his top lieutenant and police chief sought asylum at the American consulate in Chengdu and revealed details of Bo's alleged involvement in a homicide plot. In the fallout, Bo was removed as Chongqing party chief in March 2012 and suspended from the politburo the following month. Bo's dismissal was notable for exposing disunity within Communist Party ranks shortly before a leadership transition.

Early life[link]

Bo Xilai was the fourth child of prominent Communist Party leader Bo Yibo, who served as Minister of Finance in the early years of the People's Republic of China but who fell from favor in 1965 for supporting more open trade relations with the West^{[citation needed]}. When the Cultural Revolution began in 1966, Bo Yibo was labeled a "rightist" and a "counterrevolutionary" and purged from his posts.^[2] He spent the ensuing twelve years in prison, where he was reportedly tortured. His wife, Hu Ming, was abducted by Red Guard in Guangzhou, and was either beaten to death or committed suicide.^[3]

Bo Xilai was 17 years old when the Cultural Revolution began, and at the time attended the prestigious No. 4 High School in Beijing — one of the best in the country.^[3][4] In the early years of the Cultural Revolution, Bo is reported to have been an active member of the liandong Red Guard organization^[4][5] and may have at one point denounced his father.^[6]

As the political winds of the Cultural Revolution shifted, Bo and his siblings were either imprisoned or sent to the countryside, and Bo Xilai was locked up for five years.^[7] After the death of Mao Zedong in 1976, the members of the Gang of Four were officially blamed for the chaos of the Cultural Revolution, and Bo's family was released. Bo Yibo was politically rehabilitated, and in 1979 became vice premier.^[2]

After his release, Bo Xilai worked at the Hardware Repair Factory for the Beijing Second Light Industry Bureau.^[8] He was admitted to the Peking University by public examination in 1977. Unlike many of his contemporaries in the Chinese leadership who studied engineering, Bo majored in world history.^[9] In his sophomore year, Bo enlisted in a Master's program in international journalism at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences,^[4] graduating with a Master's degree in 1982.^[10] He joined the Communist Party in October 1980.^[10]

Early political career[link]

During the 1980s, the Bo family regained its political influence. Bo Yibo served successively as vice premier and vice-chairman of the Central Advisory Commission. The elder Bo came to be known as one of the “eight elders” (sometimes referred to as the “eight immortals”) of the Communist Party and was instrumental in the implementation of market reforms in the 1980s. Although he favored more liberal economic policies, the elder Bo was politically conservative, and endorsed the use of military force against demonstrators during the 1989 Tiananmen Square Protests.^[2] After the 1989 crackdown, Bo Yibo helped ensure the ascent of Jiang Zemin to succeed Deng Xiaoping as the leader of the Party and helped Jiang consolidate power in the 1990s.^[9] Bo Yibo remained a prominent figure in the party until his death in 2007^[2] and was influential in shaping his son's career.^[11]

After graduating from university, Bo was assigned to Zhongnanhai^[9] – the headquarters of the Communist Party – where he worked with the research office of the CPC Central Committee Secretariat and CPC Central Committee General Office.^[4] He soon requested a transfer to the provinces, and in 1984 was appointed deputy party secretary of Jin County, near Dalian in the northeastern province of Liaoning.^[9][10] In an interview with People’s Daily, Bo said that his family name created career obstacles. "For quite a long time people had reservations about me," he said.^[11] Bo subsequently became deputy secretary and then secretary of the party committee of the Dalian Economic and Technological Development Zone and secretary of the Jinzhou party committee.^[10]

Rising again in rank within the party, he became a member of the Standing Committee of the Dalian Municipal CPC Committee, the city's top decision-making body, and became the Vice-mayor of Dalian in 1990.^[10] In 1993, Bo became deputy Party secretary and mayor of Dalian.^[9]

Liaoning[link]

Mayor of Dalian[link]

Dalian saw significant development under Bo's leadership.

Bo became acting mayor of Dalian in 1992 and formally assumed the post in 1993. He remained mayor until 2000. Bo served as Dalian's deputy party secretary from 1995.^[10] Bo was promoted to party chief in 1999 and served in that position until 2000.

Bo's tenure in Dalian was marked by the city's phenomenal transformation from a drab port city to a modern metropolis, a 'showcase' of China's rapid economic growth.^[12] In the early 1990s, Bo took some credit for the construction of the Shenyang-Dalian Expressway, China's first controlled-access freeway, winning accolades for the rapid expansion of infrastructure and for environmental work.^[13] Since Bo's time in office, Dalian became known as one of the cleanest cities in China, having won the UN Habitat Scroll of Honour Award in 1999. In addition, Bo was an advocate for free enterprise and small businesses, and successfully courted foreign investment from South Korea, Japan, and Western countries.^[12] In contrast to his colleagues, he held press conferences at Chinese New Year, and developed a reputation among foreign investors for 'getting things done'.^[13]

Bo spent seventeen years in the city of Dalian, a lengthy term in comparison to colleagues of the same rank, who are often transferred to different locales throughout their careers. Despite the accompanying economic growth and rise in living standards, Bo's tenure in Dalian has sometimes been criticized as having been too focused on aesthetic development projects such as expansive boulevards, monuments, and large public parks.^[13] To make way for his large-scale projects, Bo's administration moved large numbers of local residents from downtown areas into new homes in the city's outskirts. Dalian's greenery was dubbed "Xilai Grass".^[14] He also reputedly had a remote control in the Mayor's office for the fountains on the city's main square.^[15] In addition, he spearheaded the construction of a huabiao in the city.^[16] In 2000, Bo was frontrunner for the post of Mayor of Shenzhen, based on his success in making Dalian the "Hong Kong of the North". However it was suggested that Bo was too independent and outspoken for the post. The post went to Yu Youjun instead.^[17]

15th Party Congress[link]

During the 15th Party Congress in 1997, Bo Xilai’s family launched an unsuccessful campaign to secure his promotion to become a member of the Central Committee of the CCP. Although nepotism was generally frowned upon in China, Bo Yibo’s ambitions for his son were well-known.^[14] Bo Yibo advanced the idea that revolutionary elders should 'nominate' their children to become high officials, and Bo Xilai was selected as his family’s 'representative' over his older brother Bo Xicheng,^[14] ostensibly because of Xilai’s superior academic credentials, which included attendance at the elite Peking University and a master’s degree.

In order to secure Bo Xilai’s selection for promotion during the 15th Party Congress, the family launched a nationwide campaign to publicize his son’s "achievements" as mayor of Dalian.^[14] They commissioned author Chen Zufeng to pen a report portraying Bo as a man who is "as statesman-like as Henry Kissinger, as environmentally conscious as Al Gore, and almost as beloved by the public as Princess Diana."^[14] Despite the publicity campaign, Bo Xilai failed even to gain a seat in the Liaoning provincial delegation to the Party Congress. Ultimately, Bo Yibo helped him gain a seat with the Shanxi delegation, but the younger Bo was unable to secure a promotion.^[14]

In addition, Bo placed second-last in the confirmation vote for membership in the 15th Central Committee. As he placed in the bottom 5% of candidates, Bo was denied entry into the elite council, suffering a major political embarrassment.^[4] Bo's failure to get elected was attributed to a general opposition to nepotism within the Party.^[14] Moreover, during his tenure in Dalian, Bo caused resentment for the amount of 'special favours' that he procured for the coastal city at the expense of the rest of the province.^[14] His perceived partisan interests locked Bo's kin in a factional struggle against Li Tieying, one of China's central leadership figures, who may have created obstacles to his promotion.^[14]

Provincial Governor[link]

In 2001, a corruption scandal involving former Liaoning governor Zhang Guoguang provided an opportunity for Bo's advancement.^[13] Prior to the 15th Party Congress, Bo Yibo and Bo Xilai assisted then-President Jiang Zemin in preparing to force political rival Qiao Shi into retirement. The Bo family also supported Jiang's lacklustre "Three Stresses" (San Jiang) campaign in 1997.^[9] Such unwavering support for Jiang was said to have worked in Bo Xilai's favour when the vacancy for Governor of Liaoning opened. Bo became acting Governor in 2001 after the dismissal and arrest of Zhang Guoguang,^[9] and was officially confirmed as Governor in 2003.^[10] In his position as governor, which he held until 2004, Bo gained membership to the Central Committee of the Communist Party.^[4]

During his tenure in Liaoning, Bo played a critical role in the promotion of the Northeast Area Revitalization Plan. Adopted in 2003 by party authorities, the policy aimed to strengthen economic development in the provinces of Liaoning, Jilin and Heilongjiang. Bo Xilai was particularly enthusiastic about the policy, stating his desire to see the northeast become "China's fourth economic engine" (the others being the Pearl River Delta, Yangtze River Delta, and the Bohai Economic Region).^[4]

The northeast region was at one time known as the "cradle of industrialization" of China. In 1980, industrial output for Liaoning province alone was twice that of the southern Guangdong province. However, the northeast was left behind amidst market reforms of the 1980s and 1990s, while regions like Guangdong prospered. Its economy—still largely tied to state-owned enterprises—stagnated relative to other regions, with high unemployment rates.^[4] The revitalisation plan aimed to address this by reviving the region’s traditional industries, strengthening trade ties with and encouraging investment from South Korea and Japan, and experimenting with free trade zones in select cities.^[18] In 2004, official media reported that foreign direct investment in Liaoning had nearly doubled since the launch in 2003 of the northeastern rejuvenation strategy.^[19]

Although Bo established a reputation as a comparatively clean politician during his tenures in Dalian and as governor of Liaoning,^[20] he was not immune to corruption allegations. In particular, Bo was the subject of critical investigative reports by Liaoning journalist Jiang Weiping,^[21] the whistleblower in the Mu and Ma corruption case in Liaoning – a scandal that Bo benefited from politically. While Bo was not directly involved in the scandal, Jiang accused Bo of providing political cover for his friends and relatives.^[21] Jiang was initially sentenced to eight years in prison on trumped-up charges, for which Bo was criticized, but was released after five years under international pressure.^[13][22] Yang Rong, the former chief executive of Brilliance China Automotive who fled to the United States after getting embroiled in a dispute against state property authorities, accused Bo of interfering in his judicial proceedings in Beijing.^[13] In addition, Bo openly clashed with Wen Shizhen, then-party secretary in Liaoning who was technically Bo's superior.^[4][13] Wen reportedly criticized Bo for "developing China's cities like Europe and its countryside like Africa," and even held a party to celebrate Bo's departure from Liaoning in 2004.^[23]

Falun Gong practitioners and their supporters have accused Bo of leading an especially severe crackdown on the group during his tenure in Liaoning.^[24][25] They have filed lawsuits against Bo in over ten countries, alleging torture and crimes against humanity.^[26][27] In 2007 Bo was found liable for the torture of a Falun Gong practitioner in an uncontested civil suit in Australia.^[28]

16th Party Congress[link]

At the 16th Party Congress in 2002, Bo's age, regional tenures, and patronage links fit the profile for a potential candidate to be groomed for the "5th generation of leaders" that would assume power in 2012. His chief competitors were seen as Xi Jinping, then party chief in the coastal province of Zhejiang, and Li Keqiang, a populist Tuanpai candidate who was the Governor of the central province of Henan.^[9] As with the 15th Party Congress five years earlier, the elder Bo lobbied for his son's promotion.^[9] The Bo family enjoyed the patronage of Jiang Zemin. However, Bo Xilai's unequivocal support for Jiang strengthened the reluctance of his political opponents to support his nomination. Ultimately, although Bo remained a top contender for higher promotion, Xi and Li remained the main candidates to succeed Hu Jintao as Paramount leader.^[9]

Minister of Commerce[link]

Commerce Minister Bo meets his American counterpart, Carlos Gutierrez, during a visit to the United States in 2007

When Hu Jintao succeeded Jiang Zemin as General Secretary in late 2002, Bo's career as a local official ended with his appointment to Minister of Commerce in Wen Jiabao's cabinet to replace Lü Fuyuan, who retired for health reasons. Bo concurrently served as a member of the 16th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China.

Bo's stint as Minister of Commerce significantly raised his international profile and generated media attention both in China and abroad. Described as good-looking, articulate and open-minded in his approach to problems,^[29] Bo's rise from a municipal official to the central government generated great media fanfare and elevated his status to something of a 'political star.' Bo's political persona was considered a departure from the generally serious and conservative leadership in Beijing. With his youthful vigour, populism, and purported popularity with female reporters, Bo's political rise had been compared to that of John F. Kennedy.^[30]

Bo presided over a continued rise in foreign investment in China as Minister of Commerce. His daily schedule was dominated by receiving foreign guests and dignitaries. By the time that he became Minister, he spoke relatively fluent and colloquial English. During a meeting with American officials, Bo reputedly told a struggling interpreter to stop translating because the Chinese officials could understand English and it was wasting time. In May 2004 Bo was one of the few ministers hand-picked to accompany Premier Wen Jiabao on a five-country trip to Europe.^[30] The trade policy of the United States toward China also sparked significant controversy. Bo maintained a conciliatory but assertive attitude as he attended talks in Washington.^[30] On his trips to the United States, he conducted substantive discussions with his American counterparts and signed agreements on intellectual property, the services sector, agricultural products, food safety, and consumer protection.^[30]

Bo also oversaw the restructuring of the Ministry, formed from the amalgamation of the National Economics and Commerce Bureau and the Department of International Trade. Bo sought to balance the amount of attention given to foreign investors and domestic commercial institutions. He began tackling the imbalance from the retail sector, whose success up to that point was largely dependent on foreign companies.^[30] He drew up plans to protect Chinese industries' competitive position within a domestic market that was quickly being crowded out by foreign competition.^[31]

17th Party Congress[link]

At the 17th Party Congress in October 2007, Bo gained a seat on the 25-member Politburo, effectively China's ruling council. He was then tipped to leave the Ministry of Commerce and take over as party chief in the southwestern megalopolis of Chongqing. Bo’s predecessor, political rival Wang Yang, was reassigned as party chief of Guangdong province.

At the time, Chongqing was reeling from problems such as air and water pollution, unemployment, poor public health, and complications from the Three Gorges Dam.^[6] According to analysts, Hu wanted to transfer his ally Wang Yang out of Chongqing before these problems intensified.^[6] Bo was initially reluctant to go to Chongqing and was reportedly unhappy with his new assignment. He had hoped to become vice-premier instead,^[32] but Premier Wen Jiabao and Vice-premier Wu Yi argued against Bo's promotion to vice-premiership. In particular, Wu was critical of Bo’s penchant for self-promotion,^[23] and Wen cited international lawsuits against Bo by Falun Gong adherents as a barrier to his holding higher office.^[6]

Bo took up the Chongqing post on 30 November, a month following the conclusion of the Congress, even though Wang Yang had vacated the position on 13 November.^[32] Whilst some saw this transfer as a 'banishment' from the central government to the hinterlands to keep Bo's perceived arrogance and high-profile antics out of Beijing's view,^[6] others considered it a promotion since being the party chief in one of the four direct-controlled municipalities came with an ex officio seat on the Politburo.^[32][33]

Chongqing[link]

The Chongqing model[link]

Although Bo was initially unhappy about his re-assignment in Chongqing, he soon resolved to use his new position as a staging ground for a return to higher national office.^[34] Bo made no secret of his desire to enter the nine-member Politburo Standing Committee (PSC) during the 18th Party Congress in autumn 2012,^[35] all but two of the PSC members—including President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao—were expected to retire.^[29] The transition would be an opportunity for Bo to join the highest echelon of national leadership, likely as a replacement for ally Zhou Yongkang, secretary of the Central Political and Legislative Committee, serving as the head of the party's security apparatus.^[35][36]

In Chongqing, Bo pioneered a new style of governance dubbed the "Chongqing Model” — a set of social and economic policies intended to address diverse challenges facing modern China following economic reforms.^[37][38]

The Chonqging model was characterized in part by increased state control and the promotion of a neo-leftist ideology. Along with his police chief Wang Lijun, Bo launched a sweeping campaign against organized crime, and increased the security and police presence in the city. Critics noted these policies were accompanied by the erosion of the rule of law, and allegations surfaced of political and personal rivals being victimized amidst Bo’s anti-corruption drive. As a means of addressing declining public morality, Bo launched a “red culture” movement to promote Maoist-era socialist ethics. On the economic front, he actively courted foreign investment—much as he had done in Liaoning province. The Chongqing model was also characterized by massive public works programs, subsidized housing for the poor, and social policies intended to make it easier for rural citizens to move to the city, thus reaping the benefits of urban status.^[37] Some have compared Bo's governing style to Russian president Vladimir Putin.^[39]

The Chongqing model provided an 'alternate' comprehensive roadmap for development that diverged from the policies favored by the reformist faction dominated by Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao.^[37] Bo’s leadership in Chongqing dramatically raised his profile, both nationally and internationally. In 2010, he was named as one of the 'World's 100 Most Influential People in 2010' by Time.^[40] Observers noted that, in China's non-electoral political system, Bo's high-profile presence and bold political maneuvers effectively amounted to a public campaign for the top leadership.^[41] However, he drew the ire of some of the country’s leaders; President Hu and Premier Wen were reluctant to acknowledge Bo publicly, ostensibly due to a discomfort over his leadership style.^[41]

Organized crime[link]

Bo's tenure in Chongqing was dominated by a protracted war against organized crime and corruption known as dahei ("striking black"). Between 2009 and 2011, an estimated 5,700 people were arrested in the sweeping campaign that ensnared not only criminals, but also businessmen, members of the police force, judges, government officials, and political adversaries.^[42][43] The campaign was overseen by Wang Lijun, whom Bo had worked with previously in Liaoning province.^[29]

Wen Qiang, one of the most prominent figures implicated in the trials, had been a prominent municipal official since the days of party chiefs He Guoqiang and Wang Yang. China observer Willy Lam suggested that the such a large-scale crackdown was given 'go-ahead' from central authorities and general secretary, president Hu Jintao, and Bo was careful to not look as though Chongqing was trying to 'set an example' for the rest of the country so he could benefit from the success politically.^[44]

The dahei campaign earned Bo national recognition and widespread popularity in Chongqing—all the more because of the city’s historical reputation as a center for criminal activity.^[35] In contrast to often colorless and orthodox politicians, Bo gained the reputation as a party boss that "got things done."^[45] The apparent success of the campaign gave Bo a 'rock star status', and resulted in calls for a nation-wide campaign modeled on Chongqing. Through the campaign, Bo gained the support of a number of powerful members of the Politburo Standing Committee, including Wu Bangguo, Jia Qinglin, Li Changchun, Xi Jinping and Zhou Yongkang, all of whom visited Chongqing or praised Bo's achievements sometime between 2010 and 2011.^[38]

However, Bo's campaign was criticized for running roughshod over judicial due process and eroding the rule of law.^[42] Individuals targeted in the campaign were arbitrarily detained by the authorities, with an estimated 1,000 being sent to forced labor.^[46] Lawyers for the accused were intimidated and harassed, and in at least one case, sentenced to 18 months in prison.^[45] Allegations also surfaced over the use of torture to extract confessions.^[45] Moreover, assets seized during the campaign were allegedly redirected to help pay for Bo’s popular social housing programs.^[47] The Wall Street Journal reported that the $11 billion went into government coffers through the campaign.^[42] Li Jun, a fugitive businessman, asserted that he became a target of Bo anti-corruption drive as a result of a land dispute with the government. When he refused government demands to give up the land, he claims that he was abducted and tortured, and that the $700 million worth of assets in his business were seized.^[48][49]

Red culture movement[link]

During his time in Chongqing, Bo initiated a series of Maoist-style campaigns to revive 'red culture' and improve public morale. The initiative included the promotion of Maoist quotes, 'red' songs, revolutionary television programing and operas, and initiatives to encourage students to work in the countryside, akin to the way students were required to do during the Down to the Countryside Movement of the Cultural Revolution.^[50] As part of the movement, Bo and the city's Media Department initiated a "Red Songs campaign" that demanded every district, government department, commercial enterprise, educational institution, state radio and TV station begin singing 'red songs' praising the achievements of the Communist Party of China. Bo pledged to reinvigorate the city with the Marxist ideals reminiscent of the Mao era.^{[51][52][53][54]}

Prior to the 60th Anniversary of the People's Republic of China celebrations, for instance, Bo sent out 'red text messages' to the city's 13 million cellphone users.^[55] According to Xinhua, Bo's text messages are usually quotes from Mao's Little Red Book, and include phrases such as "I like how Chairman Mao puts it: The world is ours, we will all have to work together,"^[56] and "responsibility and seriousness can conquer the world, and the Chinese Communist Party members represent these qualities."^[35] Bo and his team of municipal administrators also raised new Mao statues in Chongqing, while providing 'social security apartments' to the city's less well-off.^[57] Some scholars have characterized this as an example of the revival of Maoism in the Chinese Communist ethos.^[57]

Reactions to the red culture movement were divided. Bo’s revival of Mao-era culture and accompanying social welfare programs were popular within much of the middle to lower income strata of Chongqing society, and made Bo a star with both conventional Marxists and neo-leftists. Bo won praise for returning the city to what some called China's 'true socialist heritage' by de-emphasizing material wealth, and evoked nostalgia to the social equality that existed during Mao's time.^[58] Some retirees said they wanted to pass on "revolutionary spirit" to their children, while others participated as a means to praise the Communist Party for the country’s economic progress.^[59]

The campaign also had many detractors. Some intellectuals and reformers criticized the campaign for being regressive, akin to "being drowned in a red sea", and bringing back painful memories from the Cultural Revolution.^[58][60] Several mid-level officials in the city committed suicide due to overwhelming pressure to organize events for the red songs campaign.^[60] Bo’s critics derisively referred to him as "little Mao".^[61]

Social policies[link]

A cornerstone of Bo’s Chongqing model involved a series of egalitarian social policies aimed to lessen the gap between rich and poor, and ease the rural-urban divide. Bo promoted the notion of pursuing “red GDP”—an economic model embodying communist egalitarianism—and suggested that, if economic development were analogous to 'baking a cake', then the primary task should be to divide the cake fairly rather than building a larger cake.^[62]

To that end, the city reportedly spent $15.8 billion on public apartment complexes for use by recent college graduates, migrant workers and low-income residents.^[38] In 2007, the cities of Chongqing and Chengdu were selected to run pilot projects intended to mitigate the rural-urban divide and ease integration of rural residents into the cities. Under China’s hukou registration system, citizens are classified as either rural or urban—a distinction that determines nor only where they may live, but also affects educational opportunities, taxation, property rights, and so on. Of Chongqing’s 32 million residents, only 27% held urban hukous as of 2007.^[63] The 2007 project made it easier for rural residents to obtain urban status, a policy intended not only to help balance inequality, but also to enable the government to develop underused rural land. Under Bo’s leadership, Chongqing established “land exchanges” where rural villages could earn credits for maximizing farmland.^[64]

Bo's approach to social policy was demonstrated during the November 2008 taxi strikes, which saw over 8,000 taxi drivers take to the streets for two days in protests over high fees, unregulated competition and rising fuel charges. Similar protests in China are frequently suppressed—sometimes forcefully—with official media sometimes blaming labor unrest on criminal instigation.^[65] Bo's government instead held a televised roundtable dialogues with the protesters and citizens, and agreed to allow the formation of a trade union. His handling of situation earned him praise as a comparatively restrained and progressive leader.^[66][67]

Economic policies[link]

Another major component of Bo’s Chongqing model concerned the city’s economic policies. Just as he had done in Liaoning province, Bo ambitiously pursued foreign investment in the city, lowering corporate income tax rates (15% compared to the 25% national average), and sought to stimulate rapid urbanization and industrialization.^[63] He also carried on with policies initiated by his predecessors which focused on domestic consumption, rather than export-led growth.

During his tenure, Chongqing reported annual GDP growth far exceeding the national average. In 2008, for instance, nationwide GDP growth was reported at 8%, while Chongqing reported 14.3%; the same year, foreign trade rose by 28%, and bank loans were up 29%.^[63]

Bo model of economic growth won national and international praise for seamlessly combining foreign investment and state-led growth. However, Bo's critics called the model of “red GDP” – subsidized infrastructure, housing and public works projects – unsustainable and a drain on the city's budget. Some civil servants complained that they were not getting salaries on time.^[60] Chongqing received a disproportionately high share (some $34 billion) of stimulus money from the Beijing in 2008. Political rivals such as Bo’s predecessor Wang Yang also suggested that economic figures in Chongqing were “rigged”—artificially inflated through unnecessary construction and public works projects.^[68]

Leadership style[link]

Although many of Bo’s campaigns earned popular support, especially from the city’s poor, his leadership style has been described as “propagandistic,” “ruthless,” and “arrogant” by subordinates and city officials, academics, journalists, and other professionals.^[23][60] Michael Wines of the New York Times wrote that although Bo was possessed of “prodigious charisma and deep intelligence,” these qualities were offset by a “studied indifference to the wrecked lives that littered his path to power…Mr. Bo’s ruthlessness stood out, even in a system where the absence of formal rules ensures that only the strongest advance.”^[23] Bo placed onerous demands on government officials in the city, requiring them to be available to work all day and all night, seven days a week.^[60] He reportedly called subordinates to late-night meetings, publicly criticized and humiliated those with whom he disagreed, and even hit underlings who failed to meet his demands.^[23] According to a psychologist quoted in the Daily Telegraph, since Bo Xilai assumed power, "depression, burn out and suicides have all risen among officials…Officials now make up the largest share of patients in counselling in the city.”^[60]

In late 2009, a popular investigative television show on China Central Television aired a critical story on Bo’s anti-crime drive, expressing concern over the apparent disregard for the legal process. In response, Bo utilized his connections to have the show’s host temporarily banned from the airwaves, and its producer moved to another program.^[23] Others who opposed Bo’s initiatives were also met with retribution. Li Zhuang, a defense lawyer from Beijing, was sentenced to two and a half years in prison (lated reduced to 18 months) in 2009 for attempting to defend one of the high-profile targets of Bo’s crackdown.^[23][69] Cheng Li, a scholar at the Brookings Institution, remarked that “Nobody really trusts [Bo]: a lot of people are scared of him, including several princelings who are supposed to be his power base.”^[23]

Alleged eavesdropping operations[link]

As part of Bo’s efforts to fight crime and maintain social and political stability in Chongqing, he initiated a major electronic surveillance operation. Wang Lijun, Bo’s police chief, served as the architect of the state-funded project, which was described in official media as a “comprehensive package bugging system covering telecommunications to the Internet.”^[70] The system involved wiretaps, eavesdropping, and monitoring of internet communications, and was designed with the help of cybersecurity expert Fang Binxing, known for his pivotal role in the construction of China’s Great Firewall.^[70]

According the New York Times, the eavesdropping operations did not only target local criminals, but also the communications of top Chinese leaders, including general secretary, president Hu Jintao.^[71] One source connected to the Chinese leadership said that Bo tried to monitor nearly all central leaders who had visited Chongqing.^[70] In August 2011, a phone call between President Hu Jintao and anti-corruption official Ma Wen was found to be wiretapped under Bo’s orders. The revelation about the eavesdropping operation resulted in intense scrutiny from Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, and contributed in Bo’s downfall in 2012.^[70]

Death of Neil Heywood[link]

On 14 November 2011, British citizen Neil Heywood was found dead in his Chongqing hotel room. At the time, local authorities declared he had died from alcohol over-consumption, though his family noted that he was not a heavy drinker. The official cause of death was not scrutinized until several months later, when revelations emerged that Heywood’s death was a homicide, and Bo Xilai was implicated.

Heywood served as an intermediary linking western companies to powerful Chinese politicians.^[72] He was a long-time associate of the Bo family: he reportedly shared a close personal relationship with Bo’s wife, Gu Kailai, and had helped the couple’s son earn admission to the Harrow School in England.^[73] Heywood also allegedly served as a middleman for the family, helping them clandestinely move large sums of money overseas.^[74]

In October 2011, Heywood reportedly had a business dispute with Bo’s wife, Gu Kailai, when he demanded a higher commission for his services. The dispute escalated, with Heywood ultimately threatening to reveal the family’s business dealings and overseas assets, estimated to total in excess of $136 million.^[75][76] Heywood was then allegedly poisoned by Gu and an assistant.^[77]

Downfall[link]

Wang Lijun incident[link]

In early 2012, the party's Central Commission for Discipline Inspection bolstered its presence within Chongqing as the city's leaders came under investigation. Much of the attention focused on Bo's police chief, Wang Lijun, who may have been under investigation for his role in a corruption case in Liaoning province. Growing scrutiny over the city's wiretapping operation against senior leaders also likely fell mainly on Wang.^[70] Although details are scarce, several sources have suggested that Wang's resentment against Bo grew amidst the investigations—resentment that was compounded when Wang realized that he and his wife had also been targets of wiretapping under Bo's orders.^[70]

Moreover, Wang was privy to details of Neil Heywood's death, and had reportedly attempted to voice his concerns to Bo about alleged poisoning. Around 16 January, Wang is believed to have confronted Bo over evidence that implicated Bo's wife in the murder. Although Bo initially agreed to allow an inquiry, he then changed course and sought to obstruct investigations.^[78] Wang was abruptly demoted on 2 February to the far less prestigious position of Vice-mayor overseeing education, science, and environmental affairs.^[79] Bo placed Wang under surveillance, and several of his close associates were reportedly taken into custody. Some reports allege that Bo may have been plotting to have Wang assassinated.^[80]

On 6 February 2012, apparently fearing for his life, Wang traveled to the U.S. consulate in the nearby city of Chengdu, bringing evidence implicating Bo and his family in the Neil Heywood murder. According to reports, Wang sought and was denied asylum in the United States.^[81] He remained in the consulate for approximately 24 hours before leaving "of his own volition" and being taken into the custody of state security officials dispatched from Beijing.^[82][83][84] Local media in Chongqing announced that he was on a mental health-related sick leave.^[85]

A day after Wang's leave, several overseas Chinese-language news websites posted an open letter allegedly penned by Wang, which sharply criticized Bo as a "hypocrite" and "the greatest gangster in China" and accused Bo of corruption.^[86] Without knowing what incriminating material Wang may have held against Bo, even Bo's supporters in China's top leadership were reluctant to vouch for him.^[87] Bo responded in an unusually open press conference during the 2012 National People's Congress, acknowledging "negligent supervision" of his subordinates, saying he may have "relied upon the wrong person".^[88]

Removal from posts[link]

On 15 March, Bo was dismissed as Chongqing party chief and its related municipal posts, while temporarily retaining a seat on the Politburo. Due to the potentially destructive effects Bo's dismissal would have on party unity, party elders were consulted on the matter.^[89] The decision was reportedly made at a meeting of the Politburo Standing Committee on 7 March, during which security tsar Zhou Yongkang cast a lone dissenting vote.^[89] On 14 March, Bo was reprimanded by Premier Wen Jiabao during the Premier's annual press conference.^[90][91] Wen called the achievements of Chongqing "significant," but the result of "multiple administrations," i.e., not just Bo himself. Wen also made numerous allusions to the damage wrought by the Cultural Revolution, an indirect rebuke of Bo's efforts to revive "red culture".^[32][91] Addressing high-level political changes by a Premier to an open public forum was unprecedented. Political observers believe that Wen's remarks and Bo's downfall represented a consensus within the central leadership that Bo not only needed to shoulder the responsibility for the Wang Lijun scandal, but also marked a significant victory for liberal reformers.^[92][93]

On 10 April, Bo was suspended from the party's Central Committee and its Politburo, pending investigation for "serious disciplinary violations." Bo's wife, Gu Kailai, was now a prime suspect in the inquiry into the death of British businessman Neil Heywood.^[94] The announcements, carrying criminal implications, likely marked the end of Bo's political career.^[95][96]

Aftermath[link]

Bo's downfall elicited strong reactions among the Chinese public and with commentators across the political spectrum.^[97] Leftist websites such as Utopia, Red China, and Maoflag were full of angry commentary over Bo's dismissal. These websites were shut down for a period of "maintenance" shortly after.^[97][98] Leftist commentators voiced support for Bo: Kong Qingdong called Bo's dismissal 'a plot by enemies of the state'; Sima Nan said associating Bo with the Cultural Revolution was a 'smear campaign';^[99] Sima's pro-Bo microblogs were censored.^[98] Large numbers of sympathetic posts for Bo appeared in microblogs from Chongqing, and Dalian, where Bo was once mayor.^[97][100] The Global Times also wrote a sympathetic editorial. Liberal media reacted positively, criticizing Bo's style of 'personality-based rule' as dangerous and regressive.^[101] Right-leaning commentators said Bo's downfall signified a 'correct orientation' to China's future development.^[101] Southern Media Group editor Yan Lieshan remarked that Bo correctly identified China's problems but prescribed the wrong solution.^[101] Businesspeople whose assets were seized by Bo's administration in Chongqing also reacted positively.^[97]

Bo's dismissal caused political shockwaves unseen since the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989,^[95][102] and exposing internal conflicts within Communist Party. In the weeks following 15 March, party authorities deliberated on Bo's case.^[103] In the absence of official reports of the proceedings, microblogs churned out a flood of speculation, including rumours of a coup.^[104] In response, the authorities instructed newspapers and websites to strictly report only official releases, and arrested six people accused of 'rumourmongering'.^[103]

Aware of its potentially divisive impact, authorities carefully controlled media coverage of Bo's removal from office. State media reported 'pledges of loyalty' to the party's decision to disgrace Bo, including statements from the new Chongqing party authorities, Beijing municipal organs, and grassroots party members rallying to the party line. The party's mouthpiece People's Daily issued a front-page editorial calling for unity behind the "correct decision".^[103][96] The military held 'political education' sessions on short notice, stressing unity and loyalty to the Party under the leadership of Hu Jintao.^[105] Bo's downfall also affected his ally Zhou Yongkang, who had reportedly relinquished his operational control over Chinese security institutions and lost the right to influence who would succeed him at the 18th Party Congress.^[106]

Political alignment and affiliations[link]

In the course of his career, Bo Xilai was the beneficiary of considerable patronage from former Communist Party leader Jiang Zemin.^[107] He is thus associated with Jiang’s faction,^[68] sometimes referred to as the “elitists,” that is generally known to favor a model that emphasizes free trade, economic development in the coastal regions, and export-led growth. It is a coalition composed largely of “princelings” (the children of high-ranking former party leaders), business people, leaders of coastal cities, and members of the erstwhile "Shanghai clique."^[108] By contrast, the “populist” coalition of Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao advocates more balanced economic development and improvements to China’s social safety net.^[68] The populist faction is generally associated with the "left," and comprised rural leaders, socialist intellectuals, and several leaders who rose to prominence through their connections with the Communist Youth League.^[108]

Although Bo is identified with the elitist bloc for his time in Liaoning and as Minister of Commerce, during his tenure in the interior city of Chongqing, he adopted a number of populist policies more typically associated with the left. Namely, he implemented social housing programs, gave residency status (and therefore the associated social welfare benefits) to rural migrant workers, and emphasized a need for a more balanced distribution of wealth.^[109] Although Bo relentlessly pursued technology, capital, and business opportunities, he also spearheaded a large number of government programs to help the working class and disadvantaged groups.^[38] Bo’s campaigns against corruption also allegedly seized the assets of private entrepreneurs, in turn funneling these funds into state projects and welfare programs, effectively re-asserting state control over wealth.^[47] He also sought to promote “red culture,” and mandated the revival of Mao-era slogans and songs, evoking a time of an egalitarian society.

Bo's policies in Chongqing ultimately made him a prominent figure among neo-Maoists and leftists,^[47] and a representative of the conservative wing of the Communist Party. Although Bo did not favor the discontinuation of market economics or a return to Mao-era policies, he was seen to advocate a strong role for the state in peoples' lives.^[110] Bo’s anti-corruption campaign, in particular, earned him a reputation for heavy-handedness and authoritarian methods in crime and punishment.^[111][112] Bo’s policies put him in opposition to the more liberal and reform-oriented faction, particularly Premier Wen Jiabao and Guangdong party chief Wang Yang, who favored the strengthening of rule of law and a continuation of political reform.^[47][110] To observers, Bo and Wang's verbal warfare over the future direction of development marked an increasing polarization of Chinese politics into leftist and reformer camps.^[113]

Family[link]

Bo's first wife was Li Danyu, the daughter of former Beijing Party First Secretary Li Xuefeng. Their son, Li Wangzhi, graduated from Columbia University in 2001.^[114][115] Li Danyu insisted that her son change his surname to Li following her divorce from Bo Xilai.^[114] Li Wangzhi is reportedly low-key and modest, and has a master's degree in media studies. He worked at Citibank and a law firm in Beijing.^[114]

Bo married his second wife, Gu Kailai, in 1986. Gu was a prominent lawyer and founder of the Kailai lawfirm in Beijing.^[116] Gu’s father, Gu Jingsheng, was a Communist revolutionary. Her mother, Fan Chengxiu, is a descendant of the renowned Song Dynasty Prime Minister and Poet Fan Zhongyan.^[116]

Bo Xilai drew criticism from others in the party for his high-profile courting of media attention and using his family pedigree to further the interests of his wife and her law firm.^[9] Bo denied that his wife had profited from his position, saying that his wife had retired her legal practice while the couple lived in Dalian in the 1990s. Bo said that Gu "now basically just stays at home, doing some housework for me."^[117] Jiang Weiping claimed that Gu served as Bo's "gatekeeper" when Bo was the mayor of Dalian, regularly accepting gifts and bribes from property developers seeking access to him, and from Party officials seeking government appointments.^[118] There was speculation that Bo Xilai may have attempted to interfere with a corruption investigation into his wife.^[119] Following his dismissal, his wife was reported to have been implicated in the death of British businessman and family friend Neil Heywood.^[120]

Bo and Gu have one son, Guagua. He attended Harrow School, and was later admitted to Balliol College, Oxford, where in 2006 he started studying for a degree in Philosophy, Politics and Economics. Guagua then went on to study at Harvard's Kennedy School of Government.^[121][122] Bo Guagua's high-profile and privileged lifestyle has provided tabloid fodder for Chinese-language media.^[117][121] Asked how he could afford his son's tuition fees on his estimated annual salary of $22,000,^[121] Bo replied that his son received "full scholarships" from the respective institutions.^[117] Maclean's reported that Bo's family associate, Neil Haywood, pulled strings to have Guagua accepted into Harrow shortly after becoming involved with Bo.^[118]

Bo Xiyong, Bo Xilai's eldest brother, is a vice-chairman and executive director of Hong Kong-listed China Everbright International, but does so under a pseudonym. Although the name used, according to company filings, is 'Li Xueming', the company declined to confirm if they are one and the same.^[123]

See also[link]

• Politics of Liaoning
• Politics of Chongqing

References[link]