陈独秀 陳獨秀 Chen Duxiu
1st General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China
In office 2 August 1921 – 7 August 1927
Succeeded by	Xiang Zhongfa
Personal details
Born	(1879-10-08)8 October 1879 Anqing, Anhui, Qing Dynasty
Died	27 May 1942(1942-05-27) (aged 62) Sichuan, Republic of China
Nationality	Chinese
Political party	Communist Party of China
Alma mater	Waseda University

Chen Duxiu (simplified Chinese: 陈独秀; traditional Chinese: 陳獨秀; pinyin: Chén Dúxiù; October 8, 1879 – May 27, 1942) played many different roles in Chinese history. He was a leading figure in the anti-imperial Xinhai Revolution and the May Fourth Movement for Science and Democracy. Along with Li Dazhao, Chen was a co-founder of the Chinese Communist Party in 1921. He was its first General Secretary. Chen was an educator, philosopher, and politician. His ancestral home was in Anqing (安慶), Anhui, where he established the influential vernacular Chinese periodical La Jeunesse.

Chronology[link]

• October 9, 1879: Birth in Anqing, Anhui.
• 1879 to 1901: Early life and education in China.
• 1901 to 1908: Study in Japan, organising Republican revolutionary groups.
• 1908 to 1911: Working as a teacher.
• 1911 to 1915: Participation in the Xinhai Revolution, the post-revolution Republican government, the anti-Yuan Shikai revolution.
• 1915 to 1920: Leading figure in the May Fourth Movement.
• 1920 to 1927: Founding and leading the Communist Party of China
• 1927 to 1932: Leading Communist forces participating in the Northern Expedition, conflict with Chiang Kai-shek leading to the April 12 Incident and massacre of Communists, conflict with Comintern leading to expulsion from Communist Party. Becomes leader of Trotskyists in China.
• 1932 to 1937: Arrest by Kuomintang authorities and imprisonment.
• 1937 to 1942: Retires from public life.
• May 27, 1942: Death due to heart attack.

Biography[link]

Life in the Qing Dynasty[link]

Chen Duxiu was born in the city of Anqing (安慶), in Anhui (安徽) province. He was born to a wealthy family of officials, the youngest of four children. In his youth, he was described as volatile, emotional, intuitive, non-intellectual, and a defender of the underdog.^[1] His father died when Chen was two years old, and he was raised primarily by his grandfather; and, later, by his older brother.

Chen was given a traditional Confucian education by his grandfather, several private tutors, and his elder brother.^[2] A thorough knowledge of Confucian literary and philosophical works was the pre-requisites for civil service in Imperial China. Chen was an exceptional student, but this poor experiences taking the Confucian civil service exams resulted in a lifelong tendency to advocate unconventional beliefs and to criticize traditional ideas.

Chen took and passed the county-level imperial examination (鄉試) in 1896, and succeeded in the provincial-level examination (省試) the following year.^[2] He later wrote a sardonic memoir in which he reminisced about the filthy conditions, the dishonesty, and the incompetence that he observed when taking the official examinations.^[1] 1898, he passed the entrance exam and became a student of Qiushi Academy (currently Zhejiang University) in Hangzhou, where he studied French, English, and naval architecture.^[2] He moved to Nanjing in 1902, after he was reported to have given speeches attacking the Qing government, and then to Japan the same year. It was in Japan where Chen became influenced by socialism and the growing Chinese dissident movement. While studying in China, Chen helped to found two radical political parties, but refused to join Sun Yat-sen's Revolutionary Alliance (Tomngmenghui), which he regarded as narrowly racist.^[1] In 1907, Chen left Japan to visit France, before returning to Anhui to teach in a high school later that year. In 1908, he visited Manchuria before accepting a position at the Army Elementary School in Hangzhou.^[2]

Life in the Early Republic[link]

At the turn of the century, the Qing Dynasty (清朝) had suffered a series of humiliating military defeats against the colonial foreign powers, most recently in the First Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895) and the war against the Alliance of Eight Nations that invaded China in reaction to the 1901 Boxer Rebellion. At the same time, widespread corruption within the Qing bureaucracy had left the empire in a state of total economic paralysis. Against this background Chen Duxiu became an increasingly influential activist in the revolutionary movement against both foreign imperialism and the Qing government itself.

Influenced by his time in Japan, Chen founded the Anhui Patriotic Association (安徽愛國會) in 1903 and the Yuewang Hui (岳王會) in 1905. He was an outspoken writer and political leader by the time of the Wuchang Uprising (武昌起義) of 1911, which led to the abdication of the last Qing emperor and the collapse of the Qing Dynasty. in 1912, Chen became the secretary general to the new military governor of Anhui, while also serving as the dean of a local highschool. Chen fled to Japan again in 1913 following the short-lived "Second Revolution" against Yuan Shikai (袁世凱), but returned to China soon afterwards.^[2]

In 1915, Chen founded the journal "Youth" in Shanghai. In 1916 the name was changed to "New Youth." It quickly became the most popular and widely distributed journal in China. This journal published articles attacking conservative Chinese morality and promoting individualism. The journal was highly critical of Confucianism, and carried articles promoting the adoption of a Western moral system valuing human rights, democracy, and science, which he believed Confucianism opposed. Chen used the journal to promote vernacular writing at the expense of traditional Confucian writing conventions.^[3]

Chen joined the faculty of Peking University in 1917 as the university's dean, at the invitation of Cai Yuanpei, who also paid for moving Chen's journal to Beijing.^[1] A Marxist study group at the university, led by Li Dazhao, attracted his attention in 1919. At the time, New Youth was highly popular, and Chen decided to run a special edition on Marxism with Li Dazhao as the edition's general editor. The edition of this magazine was the most detailed analysis of Marxism then published in China, and achieved wide readership due to the journal's popularity. Chen's decision to run this edition, and his activities in the May Fourth Movement that same year, motivated conservative opponents within the university to force his resignation in the fall of 1919.^[4] Around the time that he was forced out of Peking University, he was jailed for three months for distributing literatue that Peking authorities considered inflammatory, demanding that all pro-Japanese ministers resign, and that the government guarantee and freedom of speech and assembly. After his release, Chen moved to Shanghai and became more interested in Marxism and the promotion of rapid social change.^[5] His settlement in the French Concession^[6] allowed him to pursue his intellectual and scholarly interests free from official persecution.

Career Within the Chinese Communist Party[link]

Founding the Chinese Communist Party[link]

In 1921, Chen Duxiu, Li Dazhao and other prominent revolutionary leaders founded the Communist Party of China (中国共产党/中國共産黨). It has been generally asserted that Chen, Li and the other Chinese radicals of the time (including future chairman Mao Zedong) formed the CCP out of diligent study of Marxist theories, inspired by the Russian Revolution of 1917.^[2] However, many historians^{[citation needed]} now believe that, for this generation of Chinese radicals, Chen included, the road to Marxism was a long one, with numerous prominent members initially attracted to anarchism or anarcho-communism. Many of the prominent members of the party in 1920 had a very poor understanding of Marxist theory. Over time, the more prominent revolutionaries attracted to the early Chinese Communist Party eventually adopted a more orthodox interpretation of Communism, and were organized through the influence of a Comintern advisor, Grigori Voitinsky, who made a tour of China during 1920-21.

At the First Congress of the Communist Party in Shanghai, Chen was elected (in absentia) as the party's first General Secretary; and, with the assistance of Li Dazhao, he developed what would become a crucial cooperative relationship with the international Communist movement, the Comintern. This cooperation with the Comintern would later prove to be a problem for the fledgling CPC over the next decade, as aggressive foreign Comintern advisors would try to force policy according to the wishes of Moscow and against the will of many prominent CPC leaders, often for the national interest of the USSR.^[7] By 1922, the size of the entire Communist Party in China was only about 200 members, not counting those overseas.^[8] Chen remained as the undisputed leader of the Chinese Communist Party until 1927, and was often referred to as "China's Lenin" during this period.^[2]

Subsequent Efforts to Spread Communism[link]

Soon after the founding of the Chinese Communist Party, in 1920, Chen accepted an invitation by a rebel governor in Guangzhou to serve as the head of the province's education board, but this position dissolved when the government returned to Nationalist control. At the direction of the Comintern, Chen and the Chinese Communists formed an alliance with Sun Yat-sen and the Kuomintang (Nationalist Party) (Chinese: 中國國民黨; pinyin: Guómíndǎng) in 1922. Although Chen was not convinced of the utility of collaborating with the Kuomintang, he reluctantly carried out the Comintern's orders to do so. Pursuing collaboration with the Kuomintang, he was elected into that party's Central Committee in January, 1924.^[2]

In 1927, he and other high-ranking Communists, including Mao Zedong and Borodin, collaborated closely with Wang Jingwei's Nationalist government in Wuhan, convincing Wang's regime to adopt various proto-Communist policies. The Wuhan government's subsequent land reform policies were considered provocative enough to influence various KMT-aligned generals to attack Wang's regime, suppressing it.^[9] Chen was forced to resign as General Secretary in 1927, due to his public dissatisfaction with the Comintern order to disarm during the April 12 Incident, which had led to the deaths of thousands of Communists, and because of his disagreement with the Comintern's new focus on peasant rebellions.

Conflict with Mao[link]

Chen came into conflict with Mao Zedong in 1925 over Mao's essay "An Analysis of Classes in Chinese Society". Although Mao had been one of Chen's students,^{[citation needed]} he had begun to question Chen's analyses of China. While Chen believed that the focus of revolutionary struggle in China should primarily concern the workers, Mao had started to theorize about the primacy of the peasants. According to Han Suyin in Mortal Flower, Chen "opposed the opinions expressed [in Mao's analysis], denied that a radical land policy and the vigorous organization of the rural areas under the Communist party was necessary, and refused the publication of the essay in the central executive organs of publicity."

Although he recognized the value of Mao's interpretation of Marxism in inciting the Chinese peasants and labourers to revolution, Chen opposed Mao's rejection of the strong role of the bourgeoisie that Chen had hoped to achieve. During the last years of his life, Chen denounced Joseph Stalin's dictatorship, and held that various democratic institutions, including independent judiciaries, opposition parties, a free press, and free elections, were important and valuable. Because of Chen's opposition to Mao's interpretation of Communism, Mao believed that Chen was incapable of providing a robust historical materialist analysis of China. This dispute would eventually lead to the end of Chen and Mao's friendship and political association.^[2]

Expelled by the Party[link]

After the collaboration between the Communists and Nationalists collapsed in 1927, the Comintern blamed Chen, and systematically removed him from all positions of leadership. In 1929, he was expelled. Afterwards, Chen became associated with the International Left Opposition of Leon Trotsky. Like Chen, Trotsky opposed many of the policies of the Comintern, and publicly criticized the Comintern's effort to collaborate with the Nationalists. Chen eventually became the voice of the Trotskyists in China, attempting to regain support and influence within the party, but failed.^[2] Chen continued to oppose measures like "New Democracy" and the "Bloc of Four Classes" advocated by Mao Zedong.

Last Years[link]

Taken in the First Nanjing Prison in the spring of the 26th year of the Republic [1937]

In 1932, Chen was arrested by the government of the Shanghai International Settlement, where he had been living since 1927, and extradited to Nanjing. Chen was then tried and sentenced to fifteen years in prison by the Nationalist government. Chen was released on parole in 1937, after the outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War.^[2]

Chen was one of the few early leaders of the Communist party to survive the turmoil of the 1930s, but he was never able to regain any influence within the party he had founded. For the last decade of his life, he faded into obscurity. Chen later embraced a form of libertarian socialism,^{[citation needed]} and refused to side either with the Nationalists or CCP. At the time that he was released, both the supporters of Chen and the pro-Comintern leaders who opposed him had either been killed or had fallen out of favor with the Communist membership. The Chinese Communist Party only managed to survive the purges by fleeing to the northern frontier in the Long March of 1934-5, during which Mao Zedong emerged as leader. Mao and this new generation of Communists would lead the party in China for the next fifty years.

After his release, Chen travelled from place to place until the summer of 1938, when he arrived at the wartime capital of Chongqing and took a position teaching at a junior high school. In poor health and with few remaining friends, Chen Duxiu later retired to Jiangjing, a small town west of Chongqing, where he died in 1942 at the age of 62.^[2] Today, he is buried at his birthplace of Anqing.

Legacy[link]

After the founding of the PRC in 1949, Chen's example was used to warn Communist Party members not to deviate from party orthodoxy. In the Hundred Flowers Campaign, the example of Chen in collaborating with Wang Jingwei's Wuhan government, leading to the ostracism of his peers and the failure of Communist policies at the time, was used by Peng Zhen as a warning never to "forgive" anti-Maoists.^[10] After Mao died in 1976, Hua Guofeng gave a speech praising Mao's suppression of "Right and 'Left' Opportunist lines of the Party" as one of the late Chairman's greatest achievements: Chen's was the first person to be named as being correctly suppressed; Deng Xiaoping was the last.^[11] Subsequent generations of Chinese have since re-assessed Chen's contributions to Chinese Communism as being somewhat more positive.

Literature[link]

Writing Style[link]

Chen felt that his articles should reflect the needs of society. He believed that the progress of society could not be achieved without those who accurately report social weaknesses and sicknesses.

Chen's articles were always expressive. He criticized the traditional Chinese officials as corrupt and guilty of other wrongdoings. He was under constant attack from conservatives in China, and had to flee to Japan four times. In China, he spent much of his life in the French Concession and the Shanghai International Settlement in order to pursue his writing and scholarly activities free from official harassment.

Chen's articles strove to attract publicity, and often arouse discussion by using hyperbole. He emphasized his sadness about the backwardness and corruption in China so that people suffering would be willing to send him their opinions. In New Youth, he wrote various articles using pseudonyms to form "discussions", in order to arouse public interest.^{[citation needed]}

Chen's publications emphasized the responses from their audience. In New Youth there were forums and citizens' columns. On average, there were 6 letters from the public in each issue. Whether in praise or strong opposition, Chen encouraged all to write. He also thought that teamwork was very important in journalism, and consequently asked for help from many talented authors and journalists, including Hu Shih and Lu Xun.

Journalistic Works[link]

[edit] Anhui Suhua Bao

On March 31, 1904, Chen founded Anhui Suhua Bao (安徽俗話報), a newspaper that he established with Fang Zhiwu (房秩五) and Wu Shou (吴守) in Tokyo to promote revolutionary ideas using vernacular Chinese, which was simple to understand and easy for the general public to read. While Chen was the chief secretary of the newspaper, its circulation increased from only a thousand copies to more than three times that figure in less than half a year, becoming one of the most popular vernacular Chinese newspapers in print at that time. During 1904 and 1905, a total of twenty-three issues were published. Each issue had 40 pages - about 15,000 words. However, due to political pressures, the paper was barred from publishing in 1905.

Chen had three main objectives in publishing Anhui Suhua Bao (安徽俗話報): to let his countrymen in Anhui keep abreast of the politics of the Qing Dynasty; to spread knowledge to the paper's readers through vernacular Chinese; and, to promote revolutionary ideas to the public. Chen believed that most Chinese believed that the importance of the family was greater than that of the state, and that this limited their interest in political events. He also found Chinese people in general to be excessively superstitious. Chen urged Chinese people to participate in politics through the publication of Anhui Suhua Bao (安徽俗話報). After its sixteenth issue, the newspaper added an extra 16 columns, the most popular were on military events, Chinese philosophy, hygiene, and astronomy. Almost all of these additional topics were written by Chen. His pen-name was San'ai (三愛). At least 50 articles were published under this name.

[edit] Tokyo Jiayin Magazine

In early 1914, Chen went to Japan, where he worked as an editor and writer in the Tokyo Jiayin Magazine, (甲寅雜誌) which was published by Zhang Shizhao (章士釗). Chen once wrote an article entitled "Self Consciousness on Patriotism" (愛國心與自覺) which conveyed a strong sense of patriotism and encouraged people to fight for their freedom. It promoted the idea that those who love their country should spare no pains to protect it, and should fight for the rights of its citizens. This group of people should work together towards the same goal harmoniously. The article was threatening to the Yuan Shikai's government, as it tried to arouse the self-consciousness of the Chinese people. This preliminary magazine was released for 10 issues in total, before it was prevented from publishing. The magazine was resumed in 1925 in Beijing with the new name Tokyo Jiayin Weekly (甲寅周刊).

[edit] New Youth Magazine

In 1915, Chen started an influential monthly periodical in the French Concession of Shanghai, The Youth Magazine (青年雜誌), which was later renamed La Jeunesse (新青年, literally New Youth). It became one of the most influential magazines among the students who participated in the May Fourth Movement. Chen was the chief editor of this periodical. It was published by Qunyi shushe (群益書社), and ended publication in 1926. The magazine mainly advocated the use of vernacular language, socialism, and Marxism, and was strongly against feudalism.

In 1917, Chen became a lecturer of Chinese Literature, and a Dean of Peking University（北京大学). Having the approval from the Cai Yuanpei, the Chancellor of the Peking University, Chen collected the writings of the students which he appreciated most, which especially included Li Dazhao (李大釗), Hu Shih (胡適), Lu Xun (鲁迅) and Qian Yuan (錢沅). In order to expand the editorial department, New Youth was moved to Beijing at this time, and in February 1917, Chen used New Youth to promote science, democracy and modern literature, and to discourage the study of paleography and classical Chinese literature. The magazine began to advocate the use of the scientific method and Logical arguments towards the achievement of political, economic, social, ethical, and democratic goals.

New Youth focused on different concerns during various phases of its development. From 1915 to 1918 it opposed Chinese conservatism (especially conservatism associated with Confucianism) and promoted the development of democracy. During this phase, it became influential among the New Culture Movement. From 1919 to 1921, until the formation of the Chinese Communist Party, it focused on promoting socialism, and Marxism. From 1921 to 1926, it published and disseminated the prevailing views of the members of the Communist Party.

Minor Publications[link]

The Shanghai local government banned the sale of a publication called "Guomin Ribao" (國民日報) on December 1, 1903. After this, Chen twice planned to found a paper called "Aiguo Xinbao" (愛國新報), but failed because of pressure from different groups. Chen continued to express his discontent towards the government in his later publications. When Anhui Suhua Bao (安徽俗話報) was published on March 31, 1904, Chen was responsible for all editing and distribution.

On November 27, 1918, Chen started another magazine, the Weekly Review (每週評論) with Li Dazhao (李大釗) in order to criticize the politics of his time in a more direct way and to promote democracy, science, and modern literature. Chen also edited Tokyo Jiayin Magazine (甲寅雜誌) and Science Magazine (科學雜誌). Later, he became the Editor-in-Chief of the newspapers Minli Bao (民立報) and Shenzhou Daily (神州日報).

From 1908 to 1910, two students at Peking University, Deng Zhongxia (鄧中夏) and Xu Deheng (許德珩), founded the Guomin magazine (國民雜誌) and invited Li Dazhao (李大釗) to be a consultant for the magazine. From 1912 to 1913, Chen, with the assistance of Luo Jialun (羅家倫) and Fu Sinian (傅斯年), published a paper named Xinchao She (新潮社).

Chen's Contribution to Chinese Journalism[link]

Chen set a precedent for future writers via the intentionally controversial nature of his publications. He insisted on telling the truth to the Chinese people and strengthening the Chinese media for later generations. By publishing newspapers and magazines concerning political issues, Chen provided a channel for the general public to express their ideas or discontent towards the existing government. Chen believed that the purpose of mass media was to reveal the truth. At a young age, Chen had already established his first periodical, Guomin Ribao (國民日報), in which he criticized many social and political problems evident in the late Qing Dynasty. With a view to the things mentioned above, his contribution was said to be influential to journalism as a whole. Chen's writing brought the standards of Chinese journalism closer to those of other, more libearal societies of his time.

Poetry[link]

In 1918, New Youth published contemporary poetry by Hu Shih (胡適) and Liu Bannong (劉半農), written in vernacular Chinese, becoming one of the first publications in China to encourage poetry in vernacular Chinese. Eventually, every article in New Youth were written in vernacular Chinese. New Youth was one of the first publications in China to adopt and use punctuations marks, and popularized their use through its popularity and wide readership.

Final Letters and Articles[link]

Gregor Benton compiled and translated into English the last of Chen Duxiu's writings, publishing them under the title "Chen Duxiu's last articles and letters, 1937-1942".^[12]

Intellectual contributions and disputes[link]

Crisis with Cai Yuanpei[link]

In the second edition of New Youth, Chen prepared to publish Cai Yuanpei's speech, the "Speech on Freedom of Religion" (蔡元培先生在信教自由會之演說), along with an editorial interpreting its meaning and significance. Before its appearance in New Youth, Cai criticized Chen for misinterpreting this speech. Chen later admitted that "the publication of my speech in New Youth included a number of mistakes." Fortunately, Cai did not become angry with Chen and the publication was then amended before publishing.

Crisis with Hu Shih[link]

This crisis was about the political stand of New Youth. Hu Shih insisted that New Youth should be politically neutral and the publication should be concerned with Chinese philosophy. Chen attacked his rationale by publishing "Talking Politics" (談政治) in the 8th edition. Because Chen was invited by Chen Jiongming (陳炯明) to be the Education officer in Guangzhou in mid-December 1920, he decided to assign the publication to Mao Dun (茅盾), who belonged to the Shanghai Communist Party.

Hu Shih was dissatisfied with this responsibility and their friendship and professional relationship ended. Later, Chen wrote to Hu Shih about his dissatisfaction with Hu’s intimacy with many conservative faculty members of Peking University. Especially troubling to Chen was Hu's relationship with Liang Qichao (梁啟超), a supporter of the Duan Qirui (段祺瑞) government and their anti-new wave ideology, which made Chen greatly dissatisfied.

Anti-Confucianism[link]

Chen suggested six guiding principles in New Youth with an article called "Warning the youth" (敬告青年). This article was aimed at removing the old beliefs of Confucianism. "Warning the Youth" promoted six values:

1. Independence instead of servility;
2. Progressivism instead of conservatism;
3. Aggression instead of passivity;
4. Cosmopolitanism instead of isolationism;
5. Utilitarian beliefs instead of impractical traditions;
6. Scientific knowledge instead of visionary insight.

New Youth was one of the most influential magazines in early modern Chinese history. Chen introduced many new ideas into popular Chinese culture, including individualism, democracy, humanism, and the use of the scientific method, and he advocated the abandonment of Confucianism for the adoption Communism.

Seen in this light, New Youth found itself in a position to provide an alternative intellectual influence for many young people. Under the banners of democracy and science, traditional Confucian ethics became the target of attack from New Youth. In its first issue, Chen called for young generation to struggle against Confucianism by "theories of literary revolution" (文學革命論).

To Chen, Confucianism was to be rooted out because:

1. It advocated superfluous ceremonies and preached the morality of meek compliance, making the Chinese people weak and passive, unfit to struggle and compete in the modern world.
2. It promoted family values and rejected the idea that the individual was the basic unit of society.
3. It upheld the inequality of the status of individuals.
4. It stressed filial piety, which made men subservient and dependent.
5. It preached orthodoxy of thought, disregarding freedom of thinking and expression.

Chen called for the destruction of tradition, and his attacks on traditionalism gave new options to the youth of his time. New Youth was a major influence within the May Fourth Movement.

External links[link]

• Broué, Pierre. "Chen Duxiu and the Fourth International, 1937-1942", 1990 article stored at Marxists.org. (English)
• Zheng Chaolin, "Trotskyism in China", article on Revolutionary History Website. (English)]
• Articles on the Anhui Suhua Bao 《安徽俗話報》 (Chinese)
• Chenduxiu page (Chinese)

References[link]

• Benton, Gregor, ed. Chen Duxiu's last articles and letters, 1937-1942. University of Hawaii Press, 1998. ISBN 0-8248-2112-2

v t e Leaders of the Communist Party of China Leaders Chen Duxiu Xiang Zhongfa Li Lisan Xiang Zhongfa Wang Ming Bo Gu Zhang Wentian Mao Zedong Hua Guofeng Deng Xiaoping Jiang Zemin Hu Jintao General Secretaries Chen Duxiu vacant (1922–25) Chen Duxiu Xiang Zhongfa Bo Gu Zhang Wentian vacant (1943–82) Hu Yaobang Zhao Ziyang Jiang Zemin Hu Jintao Chairmen Chen Duxiu vacant (1925–43) Mao Zedong Hua Guofeng Hu Yaobang abolished from 1982 CMC Chairmen Mao Zedong Hua Guofeng Deng Xiaoping Jiang Zemin Hu Jintao

Hu Jintao 胡锦涛 General Secretary of the Communist Party of China Incumbent Assumed office 15 November 2002 Deputy Wu Bangguo Wen Jiabao Jia Qinglin Li Changchun Preceded by Jiang Zemin President of the People's Republic of China Incumbent Assumed office 15 March 2003 Premier Wen Jiabao Vice President Zeng Qinghong Xi Jinping Preceded by Jiang Zemin Chairman of the CPC Central Military Commission Incumbent Assumed office 19 September 2004 Deputy Xi Jinping Guo Boxiong Xu Caihou Preceded by Jiang Zemin Chairman of the PRC Central Military Commission Incumbent Assumed office 13 March 2005 Deputy Xi Jinping Guo Boxiong Xu Caihou Preceded by Jiang Zemin First Secretary of the Central Secretariat of the Communist Party of China In office 19 October 1992 – 15 November 2002 General Secretary Jiang Zemin Preceded by Hu Qili Succeeded by Zeng Qinghong Vice President of the People's Republic of China In office 15 March 1998 – 15 March 2003 President Jiang Zemin Preceded by Rong Yiren Succeeded by Zeng Qinghong Personal details Born (1942-12-21) 21 December 1942 (age 69) Taizhou, China Political party Communist Party Spouse(s) Liu Yongqing Children Haifeng Haiqing Residence Zhongnanhai Alma mater Tsinghua University Signature This article contains Chinese text. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Chinese characters. Hu Jintao Simplified Chinese 胡锦涛 Traditional Chinese 胡錦濤 Transcriptions Mandarin - Hanyu Pinyin Hú Jǐntāo Min - Hokkien POJ Hô Kím-tô Cantonese (Yue) - Jyutping wu4 gam2 tou4

Hu Jintao (Pinyin: Hú Jǐntāo, pronounced [xǔ tɕìntʰɑ́ʊ]; born 21 December 1942) is the current Paramount leader of the People's Republic of China. He has held the titles of General Secretary of the Communist Party of China since 2002, President of the People's Republic of China since 2003, and Chairman of the Central Military Commission since 2004, succeeding Jiang Zemin as the chief of the fourth generation of leadership of the Communist Party of China.

Hu has been involved in the Communist party bureaucracy for most of his adult life, notably as Party secretary for Guizhou province and the Tibet Autonomous Region, and then later first Secretary of the CPC Secretariat and Vice-President under former leader Jiang Zemin. Hu is the first leader of the Communist Party without any significant revolutionary credentials. As such, his rise to the presidency represented China's transition of leadership from establishment communists to younger, more pragmatic technocrats.

During his term in office, Hu has reintroduced state control in some sectors of the economy that were relaxed by the previous administration, and has been conservative with political reforms.^[1] Along with his colleague, Premier Wen Jiabao, Hu presided over nearly a decade of consistent economic growth and development that cemented China as a major world power. He sought to improve socio-economic equality domestically through the Scientific Development Concept, which aimed to build a "Harmonious Society" that was prosperous and free of social conflict.^[2] Meanwhile, Hu kept a tight lid on China politically, cracking down on social disturbances, ethnic minority protests, and dissident figures. In foreign policy, Hu advocated for "China's peaceful development", pursuing soft power in international relations and a business-oriented approach to diplomacy. Through Hu's tenure, China's influence in Africa, Latin America, and other developing countries has increased.^[3]

Hu possesses a low-key and reserved leadership style, and is reportedly a firm believer in consensus-based rule.^[4] These traits have made Hu a rather bland figure in the public eye, embodying the focus in Chinese politics on technocratic competence rather than personality.^[5]

Early life[link]

Hu Jintao was born in Taizhou, Jiangsu province on 21 December 1942. He grew up in Taizhou and finished his high school education there. His branch of the family migrated from Jixi County of Anhui province to Jiangyan during his grandfather's generation. His mother was a native of Taixian in Jiangsu.^{[citation needed]}

Though his father owned a small tea trading business in Taizhou, the family was relatively poor. His mother was a teacher and died when he was seven, and he was raised by an aunt. Hu's father was later denounced during the Cultural Revolution, an event that (together with his relatively humble origins) apparently had a deep effect upon Hu, who diligently tried to clear his father's name.^[6]

Hu was a gifted student in Taizhou high school, excelling in activities such as singing and dancing.^{[citation needed]} In 1964, while still a student at Beijing's Tsinghua University, Hu joined the Communist Party of China (CPC), before the Cultural Revolution. He was the chairman of Tsinghua Student Union at that time. He graduated in hydraulic engineering in 1965. At Tsinghua, Hu met a fellow student Liu Yongqing, now his wife. They have a son and a daughter named Hu Haifeng and Hu Haiqing respectively.

In 1968, Hu volunteered for his service in Gansu and worked on the construction of Liujiaxia Hydroelectric Station^[7] while also managing Party affairs for the local branch of the Ministry of Water Resources and Electric Power. From 1969 to 1974, Hu worked for Sinohydro Engineering Bureau, as an engineer.^[8]

Early political career[link]

In 1973, Hu was transferred to the Construction Department of Gansu as a secretary. The next year he was promoted to vice senior chief. In 1980, Deng Xiaoping implemented the "Four Transformations" program, which aimed to produce communist leaders who were "more revolutionary, younger, more knowledgeable, and more specialized." In response to this nation-wide search for young party members, Song Ping, the first secretary of CPC Gansu Committee (Gansu's governor) discovered Hu Jintao and promoted him several ranks to the position of deputy head of the commission.^[9] Another protégé of Song, Wen Jiabao, also became prominent at the same time.

In 1982, Hu was promoted to the position of Communist Youth League Gansu Branch Secretary and was appointed as the director of the All-China Youth Federation.^[10][11] His mentor Song Ping was transferred to Beijing as Minister of Organization of the Communist Party of China, and was in charge of senior cadres' recommendation, candidacy and promotion. With the support of Hu Yaobang and Deng Xiaoping, Hu was assured of a bright future in the party. At Song Ping's suggestion, in 1982 central Party authorities invited Hu to Beijing to study at the Central Party School.^[12] Soon after, he was transferred to Beijing and appointed as secretariat of the Communist Youth League Central Committee ("CY Central"). Two years later Hu was promoted to First Secretary of CY Central, thus its actual leader. During his term in the Youth League, Hu escorted Hu Yaobang, who was General Secretary of CPC then, in visits around the country. Hu Yaobang, himself a veteran coming from the Youth League, could reminiscence his youth through Hu's company.

Party Committee Secretary of Guizhou[link]

In 1985, Hu Yaobang pushed for Hu Jintao to be transferred to Guizhou as the provincial Committee Secretary of Communist Party of China.^[13] Hu attempted to improve the economy of the backwater province, and reputedly visited all of its eighty-six counties.^[14] While in Guizhou, Hu was careful to follow Beijing's directives and had a reputation of being "airtight"; he rarely would offer his views on policy matters in public.^[14] While Hu was generally seen as an official with integrity and honesty, some locals preferred his predecessor Zhu Houze. In 1987, Hu Jintao handled the local students protest parallel to the Democracy Wall carefully, whereas in Beijing similar protests resulted in Hu Yaobang's forced resignation.

Tenure in Tibet[link]

The exit of his patron Hu Yaobang from the political scene was initially seen as unfavourable towards Hu Jintao. He drew criticism from party elders for failing to criticize the ousted reformer.^[15] In 1988, Hu was transferred to become Party Regional Committee Secretary of the Tibetan Autonomous Region, the restive area's number-one figure, while also taking on the role of Political Commissar of the local People's Liberation Army units. A number of Tibetans have long been opposed to government policy in the region and unrest and ethnic conflict were brewing, particularly anti-Han Chinese sentiments amongst local Tibetans. Minor clashes had been occurring since 1987, and when the scale of unrest grew, Hu responded with the deployment of some 1,700 People's Armed Police into Lhasa in February 1989 in an attempt to warn against further disturbance.^[16] Increased clashes culminated in serious rioting in Lhasa's core on 5 March 1989, five days before the 30th anniversary of the 1959 Tibetan uprising.^[17] What occurred after is a matter of dispute: rioters accused the police of shooting them arbitrarily, and the police claiming that they had acted in self-defense. In addition, there was speculation that Hu delayed his orders to clamp down on the protesters until late into the evening, when the police chief was forced to act because the situation was spiraling out of control. The protesters were suppressed early into the next day, and Hu asked Beijing to declare martial law on 8 March.^[18]

Hu's role in the demonstrations and rioting on March 5 was never made clear. While it is general protocol that Hu must have at least implicitly approved the use of force against protesters, whether he actually gave orders throughout March 5 is a matter of debate.^[19] In addition, John Tkacik cites that Hu had been coordinating with the Chengdu Military Region for troops to be on full alert as the situation progressed.^[16] Some diplomatic analysts linked what they saw as Hu's brutal use of force to the suppression of activists and students at in Tiananmen Square, which took place a mere three months later. Whether Hu provided "inspiration" for the PLA on June 4 is a matter of debate, but it was clear that Hu's actions in Lhasa earned him unprecedented attention in the upper echelons of party power, including paramount leader Deng Xiaoping. When tanks rolled into Tiananmen Square, Hu was one of the first regional leaders to declare his support for the central authorities.^[16] Hu experienced high-altitude sickness in June 1990, and returned to Beijing, but remained in his position for another two years, during which Hu achieved little. But his departure to Beijing was seen as a means to return to the centrefold of Chinese politics, which led to some doubts as to whether or not he was as ill as he had claimed.^[16]

Candidacy[link]

Before the opening of the 14th National Congress of the CPC in 1992, the Party's senior leaders, including Deng and Chen Yun, were to select candidates for the Politburo Standing Committee to ensure a smooth transition of power from the so-called second-generation leaders (Deng, Chen, Li Xiannian, Wang Zhen, etc.) to third-generation Communist Party of China leaders (Jiang Zemin, Li Peng, Qiao Shi etc.). Deng also proposed that they should consider another candidate for a further future transition, preferably someone under fifty to represent the next generation of leaders.^[20] Song, as the organization chief, recommended Hu as an ideal candidate for the prospect of a future leader. As a result, shortly before his 50th birthday, Hu Jintao became the youngest member of the seven-member Politburo Standing Committee, and the second youngest Politburo Standing Committee member ever since the CPC took power in 1949.

In 1993, Hu took charge of the Secretariat of the CPC Central Committee, which oversaw day-to-day operations of the Central Committee, and the Central Party School, which was convenient for him to bring up his own supporters among senior CPC cadres. Hu was also put in charge of the ideological work of the CPC. Although Hu was considered heir apparent to Jiang, he always took great care to ensure that Jiang be at the center of the spotlight. In late 1998, Hu promoted Jiang's unpopular movement of the "Three Stresses" – "stress study, stress politics, and stress healthy trends" – giving speeches to promote it. In 2001, he publicized Jiang's Three Represents theory, which Jiang hoped to place him on the same level as other Marxist theoreticians.^[21] In 1998, Hu became Vice-President of China, and Jiang wanted Hu to play a more active role in foreign affairs. Hu became China's leading voice during the NATO bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in 1999.^{[citation needed]}

At the helm[link]

Hu Jintao with Leaders of the BRICS countries, from left, Singh, Medvedev, Rousseff and Zuma.

Since taking over as Party General Secretary at the Sixteenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China, Hu and his premier, Wen Jiabao, proposed to set up a Harmonious Society which aims at lessening the inequality and changing the style of the "GDP first and Welfare Second" policies. They focused on sectors of the Chinese population that have been left behind by the economic reform, and have taken a number of high profile trips to the poorer areas of China with the stated goal of understanding these areas better. Hu and Wen Jiabao have also attempted to move China away from a policy of favouring economic growth at all costs and toward a more balanced view of growth that includes factors in social inequality and environmental damage, including the use of the green gross domestic product in personnel decisions. Jiang's clique, however, maintained control in most developing areas, therefore Hu and Wen's measures of macroeconomic regulation faced great resistance.^{[citation needed]}

SARS crisis[link]

The first crisis of Hu's leadership happened during the outbreak of SARS in 2003. Following strong criticism of China for initially covering up and responding slowly to the crisis, he dismissed several party and government officials, including the health minister, who supported Jiang, and the Mayor of Beijing, Meng Xuenong, widely perceived as Hu's protégé.^{[citation needed]}

Succession of Jiang Zemin[link]

President Hu with George H. W. Bush and his son George W. Bush in Beijing, August 10, 2008

On 15 November 2002, a new Hu Jintao-led Politburo nominally succeeded Jiang. Although Jiang, then 76, stepped down from the powerful General Secretary and the Politburo Standing Committee to make way for a younger fourth generation of leadership, there was speculation that Jiang would retain significant influence because Hu was not associated with Jiang's influential Shanghai clique, to which six out of the nine members of the all-powerful Standing Committee were believed to be linked. However, later developments show that many of its members have shifted their positions. Zeng Qinghong, for example, moved from a disciple of Jiang to serving as an intermediary between the two factions.^[22] In 2003, Jiang was also re-elected to the post of Chairman of the Central Military Commission of the CPC, a post from which Deng Xiaoping was able to wield power from behind the scenes as 'paramount leader', thus retaining military power.

Western observers^[who?] attribute a sense of caution to Hu's philosophies, citing China's recent history of fallen heirs.^{[citation needed]} Deng Xiaoping appointed three party General Secretaries, all designed to be successors, and was instrumental in the ousting of two of them, Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang. His third and final selection, Jiang Zemin, won Deng's continued, although ambiguous backing and was the only General Secretary in Communist Chinese history to voluntarily leave his post when his term ended.

Although many^[who?] believe Hu was originally hand-picked by Deng as the youngest member of China's top leadership and a leading candidate to succeed Jiang, he had exercised a great deal of political skills between 1992 and 2002 to consolidate his position, and eventually emerged as Jiang's heir apparent in his own right.^{[citation needed]} Hu also benefited from the slow but progressive institutionalization of power succession within the Party, something his predecessors lacked entirely. Since the early 1980s, the People's Republic of China has been marked by progressive institutionalization and rule by consensus, and moved away from the Maoist authoritarian model. Although a western-style legal institution and rule of law remain to be put in place, Hu's power succession was conducted in a fairly orderly and civil manner, which was unprecedented in Communist China's history. This trend is expected^{[by whom?]} to continue and an institutionalized mechanism of power transition is expected to emerge, first perhaps within the Party.^{[citation needed]} In fact, it has been one of the Party's stated major goals to create an orderly system of succession and mechanism to prevent informal rule and a cult of personality.

President Hu talks with U.S. President Barack Obama at the 2009 Pittsburgh G-20 Summit

The rivalry between Jiang and Hu after Jiang stepped down from his posts was, arguably, an inevitable product of China's tradition of succession. Some analysts argue that although Jiang has consolidated power by the time he retired, his ideological stature within the Communist Party remains shaky at best, thus Jiang had to buy time to ensure that his ideological legacy such as the Three Represents, is enshrined in China's socialism doctrine.^{[citation needed]} Jiang resigned as Chairman of the Central Military Commission in September 2004, his last official post. Since then Hu has officially taken on the three institutions in the People's Republic of China where power lie, the party, the state, as well as the military, thus informally, has become the paramount leader.

Hu and Premier Wen Jiabao inherited a China wrought with internal social, political and environmental problems. One of the biggest challenges Hu faces is the large wealth disparity between the Chinese rich and poor, for which discontent and anger mounted to a degree which wreaked havoc on communist rule. Furthermore, the cronyism and corruption plaguing China's civil service, military, educational, judicial and medical systems sought to destroy the country bit by bit. In the beginning of 2006, however, Hu launched the "8 Honours and 8 Shames" movement in a bid to promote a more selfless and moral outlook amongst the population. China's increasingly fragile environment has caused massive urban pollution, sandstorms and the destruction of vast tracts of habitable land.^{[citation needed]} Hu has been presiding over an unprecedented increase in Chinese nationalist sentiment.^{[citation needed]}

At the 17th CPC National Congress, Hu was re-elected as General Secretary and Chairman of the CPC Central Military Commission on 22 October 2007. At the 11th National People's Congress, Hu was re-elected as President on 15 March 2008. He was also re-elected as Chairman of the PRC Central Military Commission.^[23]

Newsweek named Hu the second most powerful person in the world referring to him as "the man behind the wheel of the world's most supercharged economy."^[24] Forbes also named him the second most powerful person in the world.^[25] Hu was named the 2010 World's Most Powerful Person by Forbes Magazine.^[26] Hu has been listed four times (2008, 2007, 2005 & 2004) on the Time 100 annual list of most influential people.