Popular sovereignty or the sovereignty of the people is the principle that the legitimacy of the state is created and sustained by the will or consent of its people, who are the source of all political power. It is closely associated with Republicanism and the social contract philosophers, among whom are Thomas Hobbes, John Locke and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Popular sovereignty expresses a concept and does not necessarily reflect or describe a political reality.^[1] It is usually contrasted with the concept of parliamentary sovereignty, and with individual sovereignty.

Benjamin Franklin expressed the concept when he wrote, "In free governments, the rulers are the servants and the people their superiors and sovereigns."^[2]

The term "squatter sovereignty" is used by Jefferson Davis in his book A Short History of the Confederate States of America. This term referred to the influx of new citizens in order to manipulate the ultimate sovereign votes.

Popular sovereignty also can be described as the voice of the people.

Origins[link]

Popular sovereignty in its modern sense - that is, including all the people and not just noblemen - is an idea that dates to the social contracts school (mid-17th to mid-18th centuries), represented by Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679), John Locke (1632–1704), and Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712–1778), author of The Social Contract, a prominent political work that clearly highlighted the ideals of "general will" and further matured the idea of popular sovereignty. The central tenet is that legitimacy of rule or of law is based on the consent of the governed. Popular sovereignty is thus a basic tenet of most democracies. Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau were the most influential thinkers of this school, all postulating that individuals choose to enter into a social contract with one another, thus voluntarily giving up some of their natural freedom in return for protection from dangers derived from the freedom of others. Whether men were seen as naturally more prone to violence and rapine (Hobbes) or cooperation and kindness (Rousseau), the idea that a legitimate social order emerges only when the liberties and duties are equal among citizens binds the social contract thinkers to the concept of popular sovereignty.

A parallel development of a theory of popular sovereignty can be found among the School of Salamanca (see e.g. Francisco de Vitoria (1483–1546) or Francisco Suarez (1548–1617)), who (like the theorists of the divine right of kings and Locke) saw sovereignty as emanating originally from God, but (unlike divine right theorists and in agreement with Locke) passing from God to all people equally, not only to monarchs.

Republics and popular monarchies are theoretically based on popular sovereignty. However, a legalistic notion of popular sovereignty does not necessarily imply an effective, functioning democracy: a party or even an individual dictator may claim to represent the will of the people, and rule in its name, pretending to detain auctoritas. That would be congruent with Hobbes`view on the subject, but not with most modern definitions that see democracy as a necessary condition of popular sovereignty.

Popular sovereignty in the United States[link]

The application of the doctrine of popular sovereignty receives particular emphasis in American history, notes historian Christian G. Fritz's American Sovereigns: The People and America's Constitutional Tradition Before the Civil War, a study of the early history of American constitutionalism.^[3] In describing how Americans attempted to apply this doctrine prior to the territorial struggle over slavery that led to the Civil War, political scientist Donald S. Lutz noted the variety of American applications:::

To speak of popular sovereignty is to place ultimate authority in the people. There are a variety of ways in which sovereignty may be expressed. It may be immediate in the sense that the people make the law themselves, or mediated through representatives who are subject to election and recall; it may be ultimate in the sense that the people have a negative or veto over legislation, or it may be something much less dramatic. In short, popular sovereignty covers a multitude of institutional possibilities. In each case, however, popular sovereignty assumes the existence of some form of popular consent, and it is for this reason that every definition of republican government implies a theory of consent.

—^[4]

The American Revolution marked a departure in the concept of popular sovereignty as it had been discussed and employed in the European historical context. With their Revolution, Americans substituted the sovereignty in the person of King George III, with a collective sovereign—composed of the people. Thenceforth, American revolutionaries generally agreed and were committed to the principle that governments were legitimate only if they rested on popular sovereignty – that is, the sovereignty of the people.^[5] This idea—often linked with the notion of the consent of the governed—was not invented by the American revolutionaries. Rather, the consent of the governed and the idea of the people as a sovereign had clear 17th and 18th century intellectual roots in English history.^[6]

1850s[link]

In the 1850s, in the runup to the Civil War, Northern Democrats led by Senator Lewis Cass of Michigan and Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois promoted popular sovereignty as a middle position on the slavery issue. It said that actual residents of territories should be able to decide by voting whether or not slavery would be allowed in the territory. The federal government did not have to make the decision, and by appealing to democracy Cass and Douglas hoped they could finesse the question of support for or opposition to slavery. Douglas applied popular sovereignty to Kansas in the Kansas Nebraska Act which passed Congress in 1854. The Act had two unexpected results. By dropping the Missouri Compromise of 1820 (which said slavery would never be allowed in Kansas), it was a major boost for the expansion of slavery. Overnight outrage united anti-slavery forces across the North into an "anti-Nebraska" movement that soon was institutionalized as the Republican Party, with its firm commitment to stop the expansion of slavery. Second, pro- and anti-slavery elements moved into Kansas with the intention of voting slavery up or down, leading to a raging civil war, known as "Bleeding Kansas." Abraham Lincoln targeted popular sovereignty in the Lincoln-Douglas Debates of 1858, leaving Douglas in a position that alienated Southern pro-slavery Democrats who thought he was too weak in his support of slavery. The Southern Democrats broke off and ran their own candidate against Lincoln and Douglas in 1860.^[7]

See also[link]

• Claim of Right 1989
• Consent of the governed
• Declaration of Arbroath
• Philosophical anarchism
• Legitimacy (political)
• Retroversion of the sovereignty to the people
• Scottish Constitutional Commission
• Sovereign Citizen Movement

Further reading[link]

• Childers, Christopher. "Interpreting Popular Sovereignty: A Historiographical Essay," Civil War History Volume 57, Number 1, March 2011 pp. 48-70 in Project MUSE
• Etcheson, Nicole. "The Great Principle of Self-Government: Popular Sovereignty and Bleeding Kansas," Kansas History 27 (Spring-Summer 2004):14-29, links it to Jacksonian Democracy
• Morgan, Edmund S. Inventing the People: The Rise of Popular Sovereignty in England and America (1988).
• Johannsen, Robert W. Stephen A. Douglas (Oxford Univ. Press, 1973), pp 576-613.

Notes[link]

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Lewis Cass
22nd United States Secretary of State
In office March 6, 1857 – December 14, 1860
President	James Buchanan
Preceded by	William Marcy
Succeeded by	Jeremiah Black
President pro tempore of the Senate
In office December 4, 1854 – December 5, 1854
President	Franklin Pierce
Preceded by	David Atchison
Succeeded by	Jesse Bright
United States Ambassador to France
In office October 4, 1836 – November 12, 1842
Appointed by	Andrew Jackson
Preceded by	Edward Livingston
Succeeded by	William King
14th United States Secretary of War
In office August 1, 1831 – October 4, 1836
President	Andrew Jackson
Preceded by	John Eaton
Succeeded by	Joel Poinsett
2nd Territorial Governor of Michigan
In office October 29, 1813 – August 1, 1831
Appointed by	James Madison
Preceded by	William Hull
Succeeded by	George Porter
United States Senator from Michigan
In office March 4, 1849 – March 4, 1857
Preceded by	Thomas Fitzgerald
Succeeded by	Zachariah Chandler
In office March 4, 1845 – May 29, 1848
Preceded by	Augustus Porter
Succeeded by	Thomas Fitzgerald
Personal details
Born	(1782-10-09)October 9, 1782 Exeter, New Hampshire, United States
Died	June 17, 1866(1866-06-17) (aged 83) Detroit, Michigan, United States
Political party	Democratic Party
Spouse(s)	Eliza Spencer
Profession	Lawyer
Signature
Military service
Service/branch	United States Army
Years of service	1813–1814
Rank	Brigadier General
Battles/wars	War of 1812

Lewis Cass (October 9, 1782 – June 17, 1866) was an American military officer and politician. During his long political career, Cass served as a governor of the Michigan Territory, an American ambassador, a U.S. Senator representing Michigan, and co-founder as well as first Masonic Grand Master of the Grand Lodge of Michigan. He was the losing nominee of the Democratic Party for president in 1848. Cass was nationally famous as a leading spokesman for the controversial Doctrine of Popular Sovereignty, which would have allowed voters in the territories to determine whether to make slavery legal instead of having Congress decide.

Early life[link]

Cass was born in Exeter, New Hampshire, where he attended Phillips Exeter Academy. His parents were Major Jonathan Cass and Molly Gilman. In 1800 he moved with his family to Marietta, Ohio. On May 26, 1806, he married the former Elizabeth Spencer.^[1] Interested in "passing knowledge forward" Cass joined the Freemasons on May 7, 1804 and was later elected as the third Grand Master of the Grand Lodge of Ohio on January 4, 1808. Later he went on to co-found the Grand Lodge of Michigan being elected as its first Grand Master on July 21, 1826.^[2][3]

Territorial governor[link]

During the War of 1812, Cass served as a brigadier general and participated in the Battle of the Thames. As a reward for his service, he was appointed Governor of the Michigan Territory by President James Madison on October 29, 1813, and served until 1831. He was frequently absent, and several territorial secretaries often served as acting governor in his place.

In 1817, he was one of two commissioners (along with Duncan McArthur) who negotiated the Treaty of Fort Meigs, which was signed September 29 of that year with several Native American tribes.^[1]

In 1820, he led an expedition to the northern part of the territory, in the northern Great Lakes region in present-day northern Minnesota, in order to map the region and discover the source of the Mississippi River. The source of the river had been unknown until then, resulting in an undefined border between the United States and British North America. The expedition erroneously identified Cass Lake as the source of the river. The source of the river was correctly identified in 1832 by Henry Schoolcraft, who had been Cass's expedition geologist, as nearby Lake Itasca.

Later political career[link]

On August 1, 1831, Cass resigned as governor of the Michigan Territory to take the post of Secretary of War under President Andrew Jackson, a position he would hold until 1836. Cass was a central figure in formulating and implementing the Indian removal policy of the Jackson administration. Next, Cass was appointed minister to France, a post he retained until 1842.

In the 1844 Democratic convention Cass stood as a candidate for the presidential nomination, losing on the 9th ballot to dark horse candidate James K. Polk, who went on to win the presidential election.

Cass represented Michigan in the United States Senate from 1845 to 1848. He served as chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs in the 30th Congress. In 1848, he resigned from the Senate to run for President. William Orlando Butler was his running mate.^[4] Cass was a leading supporter of the Doctrine of Popular Sovereignty, which held that the people who lived in a territory should decide whether or not to permit slavery there.^[5] His nomination caused a split in the Democratic party, leading many antislavery Democrats to join the Free Soil Party. He also supported the annexation of Texas.

Lewis Cass

After losing the election to Zachary Taylor, he returned to the Senate, serving from 1849 to 1857. He was the first non-incumbent Democratic presidential candidate to lose an election.

From 1857 to 1860, Cass served as Secretary of State under President James Buchanan.^[1] He was sympathetic to American filibusterers and was instrumental in having Commodore Hiram Paulding removed from command for his landing of Marines in Nicaragua and compelling the removal of William Walker to the United States.^[6] Cass resigned on December 13, 1860, because of Buchanan's failure to protect federal interests in the South and failure to mobilize the federal military, actions that might have averted the threatened secession of Southern states.^[7]

Cass died in 1866 and is buried in Elmwood Cemetery in Detroit, Michigan.

His Great-Great Grandson Cass Ballenger was a U.S. Representative from North Carolina.

Michigan-based attorney, activist and singer-songwriter Jen Cass is Lewis Cass' great-great-great-grandniece.

Commemoration[link]

• A statue of Cass is one of the two that were submitted by Michigan to the National Statuary Hall collection in the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C. It stands in the National Statuary Hall room. (The other statue is of President Gerald Ford, the only U.S. president to come from Michigan.)
• The Liberty ship S.S. Lewis Cass
• Cass Technical High School in Detroit, Michigan is named after Cass, as are the Cass River and Cass City in the Thumb area of Michigan.^[8][9]
• Cass County, Texas was named for him, as Cass supported Texas' annexation into the United States.
• The Lewis Cass Legacy Society which supports The Michigan Masonic Charitable Foundation was named for his support of Michigan Freemasonry.
• Cass High School (Indiana) in Walton, Indiana is named for Lewis Cass.

Publications[link]

• Cass, Lewis (1840). France, its King, Court and Government. New York: Wiley and Putnam. http://books.google.com/books?id=VyE2AAAAMAAJ. 

See also[link]

• List of places named for Lewis Cass
• Origins of the American Civil War

Notes[link]

References[link]

• Lewis Cass at the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
• Klunder, Willard Carl. "Lewis Cass, Stephen Douglas, and Popular Sovereignty: The Demise of Democratic Party Unity," in Politics and Culture of the Civil War Era ed by Daniel J. McDonough and Kenneth W. Noe, (2006) pp. 129–53
• Silbey, Joel H. Party Over Section: The Rough and Ready Presidential Election of 1848 (2009), 205 pp.
• Bell, William Gardner (1992). "Lewis Cass". Secretaries of War and Secretaries of the Army. United States Army Center of Military History. CMH pub 70-12. http://www.history.army.mil/books/sw-sa/Cass.htm. 
• Elmwood Cemetery Biography

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v t e Secretaries of War and Secretaries of the Army Secretaries at War B. Lincoln Knox Secretaries of War Knox Pickering McHenry Dexter Dearborn Eustis Armstrong Monroe W. Crawford Calhoun Barbour P. Porter Eaton Cass Poinsett Bell Spencer J. Porter Wilkins Marcy G. Crawford Conrad J. Davis Floyd Holt S. Cameron Stanton Schofield Rawlins Belknap A. Taft J. Cameron McCrary Ramsey R. Lincoln Endicott Proctor Elkins Lamont Alger Root W. Taft Wright Dickinson Stimson Garrison Baker Weeks D. Davis Good Hurley Dern Woodring Stimson Patterson Royall Secretaries of the Army Royall Gray Pace Stevens Brucker Stahr Vance Ailes Resor Froehlke Callaway Hoffmann C. Alexander Marsh Stone West Caldera White Harvey Geren McHugh Assistant Secretaries of War Scott Dana Eckert Grant Doe Meiklejohn Sanger Oliver Breckinridge Ingraham Crowell Williams Wainwright D. Davis MacNider Hurley Payne Woodring L. Johnson Patterson McCloy Petersen Under Secretaries of the Army Draper Gray Voorhees A. Alexander Bendetsen E. Johnson Slezak Finucane Milton Ailes Ignatius Resor McGiffert Beal BeLieu Staudt Augustine LaBerge Ambrose Stone Shannon Reeder Walker Rostker Dahlberg Brownlee Geren Ford Westphal

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v t e State Secretaries of the United States Secretary of Foreign Affairs 1781–1789 R. Livingston Jay Secretary of State 1789–present Jefferson Randolph Pickering J. Marshall Madison Smith Monroe Adams Clay Van Buren E. Livingston McLane Forsyth Webster Upshur Calhoun Buchanan Clayton Webster Everett Marcy Cass Black Seward Washburne Fish Evarts Blaine Frelinghuysen Bayard Blaine Foster Gresham Olney Sherman Day Hay Root Bacon Knox Bryan Lansing Colby Hughes Kellogg Stimson Hull Stettinius Byrnes G Marshall Acheson Dulles Herter Rusk Rogers Kissinger Vance Muskie Haig Shultz Baker Eagleburger Christopher Albright Powell Rice Clinton

v t e United States Ambassadors to France Envoys Benjamin Franklin, Arthur Lee, Silas Deane (substituted by John Adams in 1778) 1776–1779 Ministers Plenipotentiary Franklin 1778–85 · Jefferson 1785–89 · Short 1790–92 · Morris 1792–94 · Monroe 1794–96 · Pinckney 1796–97 · Livingston 1801–04 · Armstrong 1804–10 · Russell (chargé d'affaires) 1811 Barlow 1811–12 · Crawford 1813–15 Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary Gallatin 1816–23 · Brown 1824–29 · Rives 1829–32 · Harris (chargé d'affaires) 1833 · Livingston 1833–35 · Barton (chargé d'affaires) 1835 · Cass 1836–42 · King 1844–46 · Rush 1847–49 · Rives 1849–53 · Mason 1853–59 · Faulkner 1860–61 · Dayton 1861–64 · Bigelow 1865–66 · Dix 1866–69 · Washburne 1869–77 · Noyes 1877–81 · Morton 1881–85 · McLane 1885–89 · Reid 1889–92 · Coolidge 1892–93 Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Eustis 1893–97 · Porter 1897–05 · McCormick 1905–07 · White 1907–09 · Bacon 1909–12 · Herrick 1912–14 · Sharp 1914–1919 · Wallace 1919–21 · Herrick 1921–29 · Edge 1929–33 · Straus 1933–36 · Bullitt 1936–40 · Leahy 1941–42 · Tuck (chargé d'affaires) 1942 · Caffery 1944–49 · Bruce 1949–52 · Dunn 1952–53 · Dillon 1953–57 · Houghton 1957–61 · Gavin 1961–62 · Bohlen 1962–68 · Shriver 1968–70 · Watson 1970–72 · Irwin 1973–74 · Rush 1974–77 · Hartman 1977–81 · Galbraith 1981–85 · Rodgers 1985–89 · Curley 1989–93 · Harriman 1993–97 · Rohatyn 1997–2000 · Leach 2001–05 · Stapleton 2005–09 · Rivkin 2009–

v t e Cabinet of President Andrew Jackson (1829–1837) Vice President John C. Calhoun (1829–1832) None (1832–1833) Martin Van Buren (1833–1837) Secretary of State Martin Van Buren (1829–1831) Edward Livingston (1831–1833) Louis McLane (1833–1834) John Forsyth (1834–1837) Secretary of the Treasury Samuel D. Ingham (1829–1831) Louis McLane (1831–1833) William J. Duane (1833) Roger B. Taney (1833–1834) Levi Woodbury (1834–1837) Secretary of War John Eaton (1829–1831) Lewis Cass (1831–1836) Attorney General John M. Berrien (1829–1831) Roger B. Taney (1831–1833) Benjamin F. Butler (1833–1837) Postmaster General William T. Barry (1829–1835) Amos Kendall (1835–1837) Secretary of the Navy John Branch (1829–1831) Levi Woodbury (1831–1834) Mahlon Dickerson (1834–1837)

v t e Cabinet of President James Buchanan (1857–1861) Vice President John C. Breckinridge (1857–1861) Secretary of State Lewis Cass (1857–1860) Jeremiah S. Black (1860–1861) Secretary of the Treasury Howell Cobb (1857–1860) Philip F. Thomas (1860–1861) John A. Dix (1861) Secretary of War John B. Floyd (1857–1860) Joseph Holt (1860–1861) Attorney General Jeremiah S. Black (1857–1860) Edwin M. Stanton (1860–1861) Postmaster General Aaron V. Brown (1857–1859) Joseph Holt (1859–1860) Horatio King (1861) Secretary of the Navy Isaac Toucey (1857–1861) Secretary of the Interior Jacob Thompson (1857–1861)

Michael Mandelbaum is the Christian A. Herter Professor and Director of the American Foreign Policy program at the Johns Hopkins University, School of Advanced International Studies.^[1] He is also Director of the SAIS American Foreign Policy program.^[2] He has written 10 books on American foreign policy and the edited 12 more.^[3] He most recently co-authored That Used to Be Us: How America Fell Behind in the World It Invented and How We Can Come Back with The New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman.^[4]

Career[link]

Mandelbaum was named one of the top 100 Global Thinkers by Foreign Policy magazine for "for teaching America how to be a hegemon on the cheap."^[5] He is on the Board of Directors of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy.^[6]

Mandelbaum worked on on security issues at the U.S. Department of State from 1982-1983 on a Council on Foreign Relations International Affairs Fellowship in the office of Under Secretary of State Lawrence S. Eagleburger.^[7] He served as an adviser to Bill Clinton.^[8] Speaking on behalf of the United States Information Agency for more than two decades, Mandelbaum has explained American foreign policy to groups throughout Europe, East Asia, Australia, New Zealand, India and the Middle East.^[9]

For 17 years, starting in 1986, he was a Senior Fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations in New York, where he was also the director of the Council’s Project on East-West Relations.^[10] Mandelbaum was a Carnegie Scholar (in 2004-2005) of the Carnegie Corporation of New York.^[11] From 1984-2005 he was the associate director of the Aspen Institute’s Congressional Program on Relations With the Former Communist World.^[12]

He has taught at Harvard University, Columbia University and at the U.S. Naval Academy.^[13] He also has taught business executives at the Wharton Advanced Management Program in the Aresty Institute of Executive Education at the Wharton School of Business at the University of Pennsylvania.^[14]

Mandelbaum is a frequent commentator on American foreign policy. From 1985-2005 Mandelbaum wrote a regular foreign affairs analysis column for Newsday.^[15] His writing has also appeared in The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, The Washington Post, Time and The Los Angeles Times.^[16] He has appeared as a guest on The Daily Show with Jon Stewart,^[17] Charlie Rose (talk show),^[18] Nightline,^[19] and PBS NewsHour.^[20]

Mandelbaum earned a PhD, political science, Harvard University.^[21] He was also educated at Yale University and King's College, Cambridge.^[22]

Writing[link]

Published in 2011, That Used To Be Us addresses the 4 major problems America faces today and their solution. These problems are: globalization, the revolution in information technology, the nation's chronic deficits, and its pattern of energy consumption.^[23]

Mandelbaum, in 2010, wrote The Frugal Superpower: America's Global Leadership in a Cash-Strapped Era.^[24], in which he argued the 2008 economic crisis and United States economic obligations will redraw the boundaries of American foreign policy. Of Frugal Superpower, journalist and author Fareed Zakaria said, "Mandelbaum brings to this discussion a clear eye, a sharp mind, and lucid prose."^[25]

He wrote The Case For Goliath: How America Acts As The World's Government in the Twenty-first Century,^[26] in which he argues that United States dominance in global affairs is better than the alternatives. Mandelbaum appeared on The Daily Show with Jon Stewart on 23 March 2006 to promote his book.

In 2005 he wrote The Meaning of Sports: Why Americans Watch Baseball, Basketball and Football and What They See When They Do.^[27]

Mandelbaum published The Ideas That Conquered the World: Peace, Democracy and Free Markets in the Twenty-first Centuryin 2002.^[28] Of it, The New York Times Book Review wrote, "A formidable and thought-provoking tour d'horizon. Best of all, it gives readers something to argue about."^[29]

Mandelbaum wrote The Dawn of Peace in Europe in 1996.^[30] Of it, Walter Russell Mead in The New York Times Book Review called it a "brilliant book that combines the most lucid exposition yet of the post-cold-war order in Europe with a devastating critique of the Clinton Administration's foreign policy."^[31]

In 1988 Mandelbaum publishedThe Fate of Nations: The Search for National Security in the 19th and 20th Centuries.^[32] Publishers Weekly said "Mandelbaum's book is brilliant and enjoyable...[he] charts how nations find ways of acting together in diplomatically organized groups for defensive purposes, and he analyzes certain countries' specific roles and histories. His knowledge of philosophy, politics, history and economics results in a stunning delineation of centuries of military actions, political maneuverings and cultural uprisings."^[33]

He also published The Nuclear Revolution^[34] (1981), The Nuclear Future^[35] (1983), and he co-wrote Reagan and Gorbachev^[36] (1987) and The Global Rivals^[37] (1988).

His first book "The Nuclear Question: The United States and Nuclear Weapons", was published in 1979.^[38] The Economist called it “an excellent history of American nuclear policy...a clear, readable book.”^[39]

In 1996, Mandelbaum wrote in Foreign Affairs “Foreign Policy as Social Work” about the Clinton Administration foreign policy.^[40]

On the Gas Tax[link]

New York Times columnist Thomas L. Friedman quoted Michael Mandelbaum in his article "Win, Win, Win, Win, Win..."^[41] on December 27, 2008, praising the gas tax:

Bibliography[link]

• The Nuclear Question: The United States and Nuclear Weapons (1979)^[42]
• The Nuclear Revolution (1981)^[43]
• The Nuclear Future (1983)^[44]
• Reagan and Gorbachev (Co-written with Strobe Talbott 1987)^[45]
• The Global Rivals (Co-written with Seweryn Bialer 1988)^[46]
• The Fate of Nations: The Search for National Security in the 19th and 20th Centuries (1988)^[47]
• The Dawn of Peace in Europe (1996)^[48]
• The Ideas That Conquered the World: Peace, Democracy and Free Markets in the Twenty-first Century (2002)^[49]
• The Meaning of Sports: Why Americans Watch Baseball, Basketball and Football and What They See When They Do (2005)^[50]
• The Case For Goliath: How America Acts As The World's Government in the Twenty-first Century (2006)^[51]
• The Frugal Superpower: America's Global Leadership in a Cash-Strapped Era (2010)^[52]
• That Used To Be Us: How America Fell Behind in the World It Invented and How We Can Come Back (Co-written with Thomas Friedman 2011)

References[link]

External links[link]

• Booknotes interview with Mandelbaum on The Ideas That Conquered the World, October 20, 2002.

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