Taung
Taung Location in North West
Coordinates: 27°31′S 24°47′E / 27.517°S 24.783°E / -27.517; 24.783Coordinates: 27°31′S 24°47′E / 27.517°S 24.783°E / -27.517; 24.783
Country	South Africa
Province	North West
District	Dr Ruth Segomotsi Mompati
Municipality	Greater Taung
Main Place	Bathlaping Ba Ga Phuduhutswana
Area[1]
• Total	12.5 km2 (4.8 sq mi)
Population (2001)[1]
• Total	18,089
• Density	1,447/km2 (3,750/sq mi)
Time zone	SAST (UTC+2)

The Taung Child skull as seen when it was exhibited at the Maropeng visitor's centre at the Cradle of Humankind in early 2007.

Taung is a small town situated in the North West Province of South Africa. The name means place of the lion and was named after Tau, the chief of the Tswana speaking Legoya or BaTaung tribe. Tau is the Tswana word for lion.

History of Research[link]

In 1924 a skull (later named the Taung Child) was discovered by a quarry-worker in the nearby Buxton-limestone quarry. It was described by Raymond Dart in 1925 as the type specimen of Australopithecus africanus after he received a shipment of mostly fossil baboons, but also containing the skull and face of the child. Surprisingly, it would be many years before Dart would visit Taung to determine the exact location of the find. By that time, lime-mining had destroyed much of the area. Later in-situ excavations were conducted under the direction of Phillip Tobias and Jeff McKee of the University of the Witwatersrand, who worked at the site from approximately 1989 until 1993. Although they failed to find additional hominid specimens, they did recover many important fossil baboons and increased the understanding of the Taung geology and taphonomy significantly.

Taphonomy[link]

The Taung Child Skull with arrows pointing to Eagle caused damage

The Taung Child was at first proposed to have been killed by other hominids as part of Raymond Dart's Osteo-Dento-Keratic Culture hypothesis. However, later work by C.K. "Bob" Brain demonstrated that the child was probably killed by some sort of mammalian carnivore such as a leopard. Recently, however, studies of the associated baboons by Ron Clarke and Lee Berger, and identification of specific marks on the Taung Child skull have demonstrated that the Taung Child may have been killed and eaten by a large bird of prey.

Geology[link]

Unlike the dolomitic caves near Johannesburg, South Africa and the site of Makapansgat, the Taung fossil sites are found in caves formed in a gigantic tufa flow coming off the dolomitic bedrock of the Kalahari escarpment.

About the Taung Child[link]

The Taung Child is among the most important early human fossils ever discovered. It was the first hominid to be discovered in Africa, a species later named Australopithecus africanus, supporting Charles Darwin's concepts that the closest living relatives of humans are the African apes. It furthermore demonstrated significant differences between reality and the fake skull of a proposed human ancestor from England known as the Piltdown Man or Eoanthropus. The little skull is hypothesized to be from an approximately three to three and a half year old child. The cast of the brain is preserved by the filling of the skull with limestone breccia. The skull is housed at the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg, South Africa.

References[link]

• P.V. Tobias, Dart Taung and the Missing Link (Inst. for the Study of Man in Africa, 1984)
• L.R. Berger and B. Hilton-Barber, In the Footsteps of Eve (National Geographic Press, 2001)
• L.R. Berger and B. Hilton-Barber, Field Guide to the Cradle of Humankind (Struik, 2001)
• L.R. Berger Am. J.Phys. Anth. 131:166-168 (2006)

See also[link]

• Hominids
• Cradle of Humankind
• List of fossil sites

1st Lt. Niu Yoshitada and his company on February 26, 1936

Flier “Directive to Soldiers” February 29, 1936

The February 26 incident (二・二六事件, Ni-niroku jiken^?, or “2-2-6 incident”) was an attempted coup d'état in Japan, from February 26 to 29, 1936 carried out by 1,483 troops of the Imperial Japanese Army. Several leading politicians were killed and the center of Tokyo was briefly occupied by the rebelling troops. At that time, the incident was called the deplorable incident in the capital (帝都不祥事件, Teito Fushō Jiken^?).

Overview[link]

The main cause of the incident was the actions of some young activist officers (mainly below the rank of major).^[1] They noted instances of political corruption and extreme poverty in rural areas and decided the solution would be to remove some of the elder statesmen in the government. Their slogan was “the Shōwa Restoration (昭和維新, Shōwa-ishin)”, modelled after the "Meiji Restoration", and “Revere the Emperor, Expel the Evils (尊皇討奸, sonnō-tōkan)”.^[2] Their avowed purpose was "destroying the deadly spirit that was poisoning Japan."^[3]

In the early morning on February 26, 1936, the leaders of the coup, with around 1,483 soldiers, put their plans in action. Most of these troops belonged to 1st & 3rd Infantry Regiments and 7th Field Heavy Artillery Regiment of the 1st (“Gem”) Division, and 3rd Infantry Regiment of the Imperial Guards Division.

Their targets were as follows;

• Okada Keisuke (Prime Minister)
• Suzuki Kantarō (Grand Chamberlain Admiral)
• Saitō Makoto (Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal)
• Takahashi Korekiyo (Finance Minister)
• Watanabe Jōtarō (Inspector-General of Military Education)
• Makino Nobuaki (former Keeper of the Privy Seal)

By the end of the incident Saitō, Takahashi, and Watanabe were dead. Okada escaped assassination because the insurgents killed his brother-in-law, Captain Matsuo Denzō, by mistake.^[4]

The leaders of the rebellion asked the head of Army to talk to the Emperor, and demanded the establishment of a Shōwa Restoration.^[5] However, the Army and the Emperor considered their claims illegitimate. The Emperor himself was enraged and demanded that they be crushed for killing his loyal supporters, refusing even to consider ordering them to commit suicide because their "terrible atrocities" were contrary to bushido.^[6] Loyal troops surrounded the rebels and eventually persuaded them to surrender.^[7] After the rebel soldiers involved in the coup returned to their units, some leaders committed suicide.^[7] The others surrendered and were tried for their involvement in a military court, to explain and publicize their actions.^[7]

Prelude[link]

This unreferenced section requires citations to ensure verifiability.

A group of young officers including Nonaka Shirō, Kōda Kiyosada, Muranaka Takaji, Andō Teruzō, Isobe Asaichi, and Kurihara Yasuhide sympathized with the ideas of “the Shōwa Restoration” and “Revere the Emperor, Expel the Evils" as recorded in "An Outline Plan for the Reorganization of Japan" (日本改造法案大綱, Nihon Kaizō Hōan Taikō, written by Kita Ikki, a nationalistic socialist). They advocated the urge to solve social problems such as political corruption between politicians and big zaibatsu companies, and the effects of the Great Depression. The Army condemned these ideas as dangerous and had kempeitai military policemen monitor the group of officers.

Previous to the February 26 Incident, young activist Naval officers had assassinated Prime Minister Inukai Tsuyoshi in the May 15 Incident of 1932. They were sentenced to a maximum of 15 years in prison, and it is said that the perception of light punishments encouraged soldiers and officers to participate in the February 26 Incident. One difference, nonetheless, between the incidents was that, during the May 15 incident, Sub Lieutenant Koga Kiyoshi and others took direct action but did not involve Imperial soldiers—only cadets, Naval officers, and civilians.

Following this was the Military Academy Incident in 1934, another attempt at a coup. Two officers involved (Isobe and Muranaka) were suspended (and later dismissed) from the Army. This caused some young officers to distrust their superiors, and on August 12, 1935, Lt. Colonel Aizawa Saburō killed Major General Nagata Tetsuzan who was the Bureau Chief of Military Affairs of the Army, in what became known as the Aizawa Incident.

Many of the young officers involved in the February 26 Incident belonged to 1st Infantry Regiment, 3rd Infantry Regiment, and 3rd Infantry Regiment of Imperial Guards, garrisoned in Tokyo. Army leaders decided to send the 1st Infantry Regiment to Manchuria to discourage “the Shōwa Restoration”. The activists in the Regiment decided to take direct action in the early morning on February 26, 1936, before they were to depart for Manchuria.

Cautious officers like Captain Yamaguchi Ichitarō, non Kita Ikki members and Nishida Mitsugi warned that it was too early to carry out the rebellion, but the incident went ahead without their involvement.

Manifesto[link]

The activist officers wrote their intentions and grievances in a Manifesto, which they wanted to be handed to the Emperor. Though it was signed by the name of the predecessor Captain Nonaka Shirō, it is said Muranaka Takaji revised Nonaka's manuscript.

In addition they told the Army Minister of their desire to arrest Generals Ugaki Kazushige, Minami Jirō, and Lieutenant Generals Koiso Kuniaki and Tatekawa Yoshitsugu. They also wished to dismiss General Hayashi Senjūrō and the divisional commander of the Imperial Guard Hashimoto Toranosuke.

Targets[link]

On February 21, Isobe and Muranaka showed the list of primary and secondary targets to Captain Yamaguchi Ichitarō. Isobe's plan, including killing Saionji Kimmochi, met with opposition from Yamaguchi, who wanted Saionji to contribute to the cabinet led by Mazaki. Hayashi Senjūrō was also excluded from the list. Mazaki had replaced Hayashi in the position of the Inspectorate General of Military Training in July 1935. On February 22 it was decided that only the primary targets should be attacked, with the addition of one new person, Watanabe Jōtarō, the current Inspectorate General of Military Training. Watanabe had a reputation as a moderate, and many of the rebel officers of the February 26 Incident respected Mazaki, and blamed Watanabe for the personnel change.

Primary targets[link]

• Okada Keisuke (Prime Minister)
• Suzuki Kantarō (Grand Chamberlain Admiral)
• Saitō Makoto (Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal)
• Takahashi Korekiyo (Finance Minister)
• Makino Nobuaki (former Keeper of the Privy Seal)
• Saionji Kimmochi (Elder Statesmen)
• Watanabe Jōtarō (Inspectorate General of Military Training)

Secondary targets[link]

• Gotō Fumio (Home Minister)
• Ichiki Kitokurō (President of the Privy Council)
• Izawa Takio (a Member of the House of Peers, ex-Governor General of Taiwan)
• Mitsui Hachirōemon (Head of Mitsui zaibatsu)
• Ikeda Shigeaki (Executive director of Mitsui & Co.)
• Iwasaki Koyata (Head of Mitsubishi zaibatsu)

Development[link]

This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (February 2012)

Mustering of troops[link]

Under command of the rebellious officers, the troops went into action early in the morning, to lessen the possibility of resistance by their targets. The Sanno Hotel in Akasaka, Tokyo served as the headquarters for the rebellion.

Captain Yamaguchi Ichitarō, who was the commander on duty at 1st Infantry Regiment, knew of unfolding events, but turned a blind eye to their action, even when the troops involved in the incident threatened and confined NCO's guarding the powder magazine, and arms and ammunition. At 3rd Infantry Regiment the commander on duty was Captain Andō Teruzō. He mustered troops by himself, and had also prepared arms and ammunition in readiness, using his authority as duty Commander.

Having access to military training and equipment, the troops were able to overcome most of the little resistance they initially met. However, policemen and military policemen resisted strongly at the residences of Prime Minister Okada Keisuke, General Watanabe, and Finance Minister Takahashi, and the hotel where Makino was staying. Some of the military police were killed or wounded. General Watanabe also fought back with his pistol.

Attacks on Government Leaders and Chief Retainers[link]

Okada Keisuke (left) and Matsuo Denzō (right)

Okada Keisuke[link]

1st Lieutenant Kurihara Yasuhide commanded the troops in the 1st machine-gun company and was the leader of the first assassination squad. The second assassination squad commander was 2nd Lieutenant Ikeda Toshihiko. The third squad was led by 2nd Lieutenant Hayashi Hachirō, and the machine-gun squad commander was Sergeant Major Ojima Kenji.

When the troops attacked the prime minister's official residence, four policemen fought back and were killed. However there was an alarm bell line between the Prime Minister's residence and the Tokyo Metropolitan Police Department. The attack was reported immediately by the policemen at the residence and the special garrison squad was dispatched immediately, only to be stopped and disarmed by the rebel troops. Policemen from nearby Kōji-machi police station ran to the residence, but all were taken into custody at the sentry line and interned.

The actions of the policemen guarding the Prime Minister gave Okada time to hide in a closet.^[8] In the confusion of the attack, Reserve Captain Matsuo Denzō was shot instead of Okada. He was Okada's brother-in-law, his secretary and his guard. Officers mistook him for Okada, because Matsuo resembled Okada and moreover the wounds to his face further complicated identification. But they had no doubt about their success.

The ministry secretary Fukuda Kō, and Sakomizu Hisatsune had been able to discover that Okada had survived. They made plans to help him, with the help of military police Sergeant-Major Kosaka Keisuke, Sergeant Aoyagi Toshiyuki, and Corporal Ogura Kuraichi. The next day, February the 27th, they arranged for many people who were a similar age to Okada, to visit his residence to offer condolences. Okada disguised himself and escaped in the confusion.

Takahashi Korekiyo (left) and Saitō Makoto (right) on February 20, 1936

Takahashi Korekiyo[link]

Takahashi Korekiyo, the Finance Minister and ex-Prime Minister, was attacked because he tried to cut the budget for the Army. In his role as Finance Minister, he attempted to escape from the depression by amongst other things, cutting down on spending for the military, including both the army and the navy. His plans made many enemies in the Army.

On February 26, rebel troops, commanded by 1st Lieutenant Nakahashi Motoaki and 2nd Lieutenant Nakajima Kanji, attacked Takahashi's private residence in Akasaka. Policeman and guard, Tamaki Hideo, resisted was seriously wounded, however he could not stop the troops from completing their task and assassinating Takahashi.

After the incident, Takahashi was raised in rank and given the Grand Cordon of the Supreme Order of the Chrysanthemum.

After the incident, the Minister of Commerce and Industry, Machida Chūji, became acting Finance Minister.

Saitō Makoto[link]

The rebels also targeted Saitō Makoto, who was a Viscount, a Reserve Admiral, the Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal, ex-Prime Minister, and an attendant to the Emperor.

The attacking troops were commanded by 1st Lieutenant Sakai Naoshi, 2nd Lieutenant Takahashi Tarō, 2nd Lieutenant Mugiya Kiyosumi, and 2nd Lieutenant Yasuda Yutaka. Saitō's private residence was in Yotsuya. The soldiers succeeded in killing Saitō in spite of the resistance of the policemen on guard. He was showered with bullets, with 40 hitting his body. His wife Haruko begged them to “Shoot me in place of my husband” and stood forward to protect him, at which point she was wounded, with a bullet going through her arm, as she covered him with her body. The bullet wound caused a high fever for over a week. She remembered this incident clearly until she died in 1971, at 98 years old. No one was killed except for Saitō.

After the incident, Saitō was raised in rank and given the Grand Cordon of the Supreme Order of the Chrysanthemum and words of condolence from the Emperor.

Suzuki Kantarō when he was the Commander-in-Chief of the Combined Fleet.

Suzuki Kantarō[link]

The Grand Chamberlain Admiral Suzuki Kantarō was attacked because he was a counselor on the privy council, and as such regarded as an obstruction to the realization of ōmikokoro (大御心, the Emperor's will).

The troops were commanded by Captain Andō Teruzō, and broke into Suzuki's private residence in Kōji-machi, where Suzuki was wounded by bullets and nearly died. Captain Andō accepted the begging of Suzuki's wife Taka to not kill him, and left with a salute, leaving Suzuki to escape death. Andō had once visited Suzuki to talk about the state of affairs at that time. Andō said, “He is a tolerant person like Saigō Takamori and quite different from the rumors”.

Later at the end of World War II, he became the prime Minister and worked on terminating the war. One of his supporters was Sakomizu Hisatsune, the cabinet secretary of the Suzuki Cabinet at that time.

Watanabe Jōtarō

Watanabe Jōtarō[link]

Watanabe Jōtarō was the Inspector General of Military Training after Mazaki Jinzaburō. Many of the rebel officers respected Mazaki and thought Watanabe as the cause of the personnel change.

2nd Lieutenants Takahashi Tarō and Yasuda Yutaka led their troops to attack Jōtarō, after the attack on Saitō. It was already after six when they attacked Watanabe's private residence in Ogikubo. A Corporal and Superior Private from Ushigome Military Police squad were wounded in the attack, and Watanabe also fought back with his pistol, but was finally killed. His young daughter Kazuko saw his death, hiding behind of a table. She remembered seeing his bone-bared legs, and the wall sprayed with his flesh and blood after the assault with machine gun bullets.

Lieutenant General Nakamura Kōtarō acted in place of the Inspectorate General of Military Training after the incident. Watanabe was raised in rank and given the Grand Cordon of the Order of the Rising Sun.

Makino Nobuaki

Makino Nobuaki[link]

Count Makino Nobuaki was attacked because he supported cooperating with Europe and the US, and had once been the Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal.

Airman Captain Kōno Hisashi commanded the team consisting of 8 members, including civilians. They attacked Kōfūsō, the annex of the hotel Itōya in Yugawara, where Makino stayed. The team forced Minagawa Yoshitaka, a policeman on guard, to lead them to Makino. Under the threat of a pistol by Kōno, he at first pretended to surrender to him, then shot at the same time as turning back. Captain Kōno and reserve Sergeant Major Miyata Akira were wounded in the shooting. During the scuffle, Makino escaped to a hill behind the hotel. Reserve Superior Private Kuroda noticed the fleeing people, including Makino, and shot at them. The bullet hit a nurse. Because of her scream and women's clothes over Makino, Kuroda overlooked him. Since Kōno thought Makino was still in the building, he decided to set it on fire.

Tokyo Metropolitan Police Department[link]

The Tokyo Metropolitan Police Department organized a special guard team, which was an obstacle to the insurgent troops. Captain Nonaka Shirō commanded three companies.

At 5:00 am, the troops quickly finished occupying the building of the metropolitan police department after displaying overwhelming force, rendering that Police department powerless.

Official Residence of the Home Minister[link]

After the occupation of the Metropolitan Police Department, some of the troops, commanded by 2nd Lieutenant Suzuki Kinjirō of 3rd infantry regiment, occupied the official residence of Gotō Fumio, the Home Minister, as he had the responsibility over peace keeping. Gotō was out and escaped the attack.

Occupation of Kasumigaseki and Miyake-zaka[link]

The troops attacked the department of the Army, the General staff office, several newspaper companies, and finally occupied the Political Centers, including Nagata-cho, Kasumigaseki, Akasaka, and Miyake-zaka.

Way to suppression[link]

Hanzōmon, February 26, 1936

Troops occupying Nagata-cho area in Tokyo during February 26 incident

Events of February 26, 1936[link]

In early morning Shibukawa Zensuke phoned Kita Ikki to tell the occurrence of the incident. At that time, General Mazaki Jinzaburō was told that by Kamekawa Tetsuya and promised to see Admiral Katō Hiroharu at Fushimi-no-miya residence. Then he went to the department of the Army.

According to Honjō Diary, 2nd Lieutenant Itō Tsuneo visited General Honjō Shigeru, the head of officers in attendance on the Emperor. Itō was a messenger from Yamaguchi Ichitarō, Honjō's son-in-law. He told Honjō the message “About 500 officers and soldiers of the regiment, unable to restrain themselves any longer, have decided to take direct action” and a note “More forces would participate”. Honjō ordered him to take a reply to Yamaguchi “Do whatever necessary to prevent the contemplated action from being undertaken”. But it was too late. He called military police commander Iwasa Rokurō and an officer in attendance on the Emperor, Major general Nakajima Tetsuzō. Then he went to the Imperial Palace.

The Emperor heard about the incident from the attendants, to his great surprise. Immediately he changed into a military uniform and went to his desk.

About 5:20 am Kido Kōichi, the head of secretary of the lord keeper of the privy seal, superintendent general Oguri Kazuo, Saionji Kimmochi's secretary Harada Kumao, and the president of the House of Peers Konoe Fumimaro. Then he went to the Imperial Palace and discussed measures to deal with the situation with the Minister of the Imperial Household Yuasa Kurahei and the vice-chief of chamberlain Hirohata Tadataka. It was agreed and reported to the Emperor: they would focus on suppression of the troops and never permit establishment of a cabinet close to the rebel troops.

The leaders of the troops Captain Kōda Kiyosada, and Muranaka Takaji and Isobe Asaichi visited the official residence of the army minister Kawashima Yoshiyuki. They passed their Manifesto and told their demands to him.

Troops threatening the photographer

After 8:00 am General Mazaki Jinzaburō, Araki Sadao, and Hayashi Senjūrō and Major General Yamashita Tomoyuki was allowed to go through sentries.^[9]

Mazaki and Katō visited the chief of the Naval General Staff Prince Fushimi Hiroyasu. They talked about proclaiming martial law and establishment of new cabinet and went to the Palace. Prince Fushimi Hiroyasu reported it to the Emperor. But he paid no attention to it.

At 9:00 am, army minister Kawashima had audience to the Emperor. He read out the manifesto and explained the situation with all due respect. The Emperor ordered him to squash the incident immediately.^[10] In his report to the Emperor, the vice-chief of staff Sugiyama Hajime suggested that they should call up some units from Kōfu and Sakura.

In the afternoon ex-prime minister Kiyoura Keigo visited the Palace. He suggested the Emperor to elect new prime minister from the army and to proclaim “my lack of virtue caused such a matter”, which only displeased the Emperor, according to the diary of Mazaki Jinzaburō. Isobe wrote in his note “Kiyoura tried to go to the Palace on the morning but could not because of an obstruction by Yuasa and Ichiki”.

Just after the noon unofficial meeting was held in the Palace by Araki, Mazaki, Hayashi, and also other members of the Supreme War Council Abe Nobuyuki, Ueda Kenkichi, Terauchi Hisaichi, Nishi Giichi, Prince Asaka Yasuhiko, Prince Nashimoto Morimasa, and Prince Higashikuni Naruhiko. As the result, in the afternoon a notice was announced by the name of Army Minister Kawashima in order to settle the matter without bloodshed.^[11] The statement reads:

1. The purpose of your actions has been reported to His Majesty.
2. We recognize that your motives are based on a sincere desire to clarify the national polity.
3. The current situation concerning the [inadequate] manner in which the true nature of the national polity is being clarified (including its defilement) is a matter of great regret to us.
4. All the supreme war councilors have agreed to unite and move forward in accordance with the principles stated above.
5. Beyond this everything depends upon His Majesty's will.^[12]

The officers (Nonaka, Kōda, Tsushima, and Muranaka and Isobe) were notified of this statement at the army minister's official residence by Major General Yamashita Tomoyuki. They could hardly understand its intention. But then Colonel Murakami Keisaku, the head of the military section, said to them that they were making a plan of Restoration Edicts based on the manifesto. The officers considered their intent was accepted.

At 15:00 Lieutenant General Kashii Kōhei, the commander of the Tokyo Defense Command, ordered the wartime defense over the area of 1st Division including that occupied by the troops. (It was lifted on July 18.) Its purpose was defense of important buildings and keeping the peace. It meant that the troops came to belong in the chain of command under the head of 1st Div, Lieutenant General Hori Takeo. They thought that the army accepted them as the “proper” troops.

Above notice was printed and notified by the Tokyo Defense Command. But the word “Your MOTIVES (true feelings, 諸子の真意)” in the article 2 was replaced with “Your ACTIONS(諸子の行動)”. 1st Division considered the situation was ratified, and got relieved because many of the troops belonged to them. On the other hand it was thought as just a dubious document.^[13]

At 16:00 1st Division order was issued. After that the troops came to be under the command of the regimental commander. At the end of the order were oral notices:

1. Consider the troops as not enemy but friendly. Do your duties of defense together and never attack each other.
2. The Supreme War Councilors shall actively persuade the troops and take measures in unison. Also the Cabinet meeting would do their best.

Afterwards this order and the notice became in question in that the action of the troops was temporally accepted. Many senior and friendly officers came and encouraged them. Even rations were served from their original units.

It was not until the afternoon that Cabinet ministers gathered. At 21:00 Home Secretary Gotō Fumio was designated for a deputy prime minister temporarily. When he handed in the resignation of ministers, the Emperor reserved it and ordered him to settle the matter to begin with.

At 20:40 the Cabinet meeting decided to proclaim martial law. In the beginning the police and the navy opposed to the decision for the fear of start of a military regime.^[14] But martial law was proclaimed on early morning of Feb. 27 by the Emperor's strong will.

At 21:00 the leading officers met the members of the Supreme War Council (except for the Imperial princes). But they didn't come to any conclusion. Isobe stated in his note that they seemed to behave favorable to the activist officers, as if parents were going to make up for their children's mistakes.

Martial Law Headquarters from February 27, 1936

Events of February 27, 1936[link]

Newspapers reported Okada’s existence and the situation following the incident

The Martial Law Headquarters was established in the officers' hall at Kudan under martial law. The commander was Lieutenant General Kashii, the commander of the Tokyo Defense Command, and the staff officer was Major Ishiwara Kanji who insisted on suppression of the troops. However, at first they called the troops “the troops going into action since the morning of February 26” and didn't define them as “rebel”.

Even still the upper levels of the army feared an attack between the troops, the Emperor's will was absolute. Finally at 8:20 am the General Staff Office reported an Imperial order “The commander of the Martial Law HQ must make the troops occupying around Miyake-zaka evacuate and return to their original units immediately.” The Emperor sanctioned it as soon as reported.

Honjō begged the Emperor for acceptance of their mind somehow. The Emperor answered “How can we condemn even the spirit of these criminally brutal officers who killed my aged subjects who were my hands and feet”^[15]

The Imperial order was supposed to be issued at 5:00 on the morning of Feb.28. But the Emperor asked him about suppression again and again, finally 13 times in the day.

At 12:45 the Emperor told the army minister Kawashima “To kill the old subjects whom I trusted the most is akin to gently strangling me with floss-silk” and also he would “personally lead the Imperial Guard Division and subdue them”^[16] and directed him to suppress rebels again.

At 13:27 Prime Minister Okada escaped from his official residence by the help of military police NCOs.^[17] The troops didn't hear about the Imperial order yet. The upper level of the army and the rebel officers temporized and maneuvered to prevent a direct confrontation between the forces which would result in bloodshed.

At 14:00, 3 members of the Supreme War Council Mazaki, Nishi, and Abe met the officers at the army minister's residence. Before that the officers had a phone call from Kita Ikki to say he received a revelation “Mazaki the Brave and no other should take command of the National Justice Army. All decisons must be entrusted to him.” While they wanted to leave things to Mazaki, he only asked them to return to their original units. The meeting bore no fruit.

The troops were quartered with residences of the prime minister, the minister of agriculture and forestry, the minister of education, science and culture, and the minister of railway, Sannō hotel, and a Japanese restaurant Kōraku by command.

Occupied area on February 28, 1936

Events of February 28, 1936[link]

At 0:00 am the troops were informed that the Imperial order was going to be commanded, and it was realized at 5:00 am.

Kashii was sympathetic with the activist officers and attempted to persuade them. He tried to ask the Emperor whether he had a will for the Shōwa Restoration or not. However, the vice-chief of staff Sugiyama and a staff officer Ishiwara, who decided to suppress the troops with forces, opposed Kashii and changed his direction to subjugation.

On the noon Major General Yamashita informed the troops that the Imperial order had been commanded. Lieutenant Kurihara said it would be the only honor if an Imperial envoy made sure of their suicide. The army minister Kawashima and Yamashita intermediated between them and Honjō. The Emperor heard it from him and got so enraged to say “If they wish to commit suicide, let them do so as they please. It is out of question to dispatch an imperial agent to such men”.^[18] Their wish was completely refused. In spite of such facts, the upper level of the army still attempted to settle the matters with no further victims.

Meanwhile in front of the 3rd Infantry Regiment surged hundreds of families of privates in the insurgent troops, in order to protest the officers.

At 23:00 the Martial Law HQ commanded an order to restore things to peace and order with military force. Also it defined the troops as “rebels” clearly.

Occupied area on February 29, 1936. The troops were surrounded.

Events of February 29, 1936[link]

On early morning the orders were given to subjugation at 5:10 and to start attack at 8:30. The Martial Law HQ stationed military policemen around the NHK transmitter at Mt. Atago and evacuated civilians from the area. From the sky, planes scattered fliers to persuade the troops to surrender.

At 8:55, on the radio an advice titled “Directive to Soldiers” (兵に告ぐ in Japanese) said: The Imperial decree has been proclaimed. The command of His Majesty has already been dispatched...^[19] In addition, there rose advertising balloon saying “Imperial Command Dispatched, Do Not Defy It. (勅命下る軍旗に手向かふな in Japanese)” in the air.

The divisional commander and other senior officers persuaded them with tears. Finally the troops had gone back their original units by 14:00. Captain Andō attempted to commit suicide but failed. At the army minister's official residence gathered the rest of the activist officers. They continually reiterated their agenda in court. They, except for Captain Nonaka, who committed suicide, were arrested at 17:00, and also private citizen Kita Ikki, Nishida Mitsugi, Shibukawa Zensuke and others were. The incident had been suppressed completely.

End of the Incident[link]

On March 4 at 14:25, ex-reserve 2nd lieutenant Yamamoto Matashi turned himself in Tokyo Military Police Headquarter.

On March 5, Captain Kōno committed suicide at 6:40 a.m.

The troops consisted of 20 officers, and 1528 NCOs and privates. 456 were from the 1st infantry regiment, 937 from the 3rd infantry regiment, 13 from 7th artillery regiment, 61 from 3rd infantry regiment of the imperial guards, and so on.

Actions of the navy[link]

The Navy Ministry resisted the rebels since the morning of February 26. They prepared their building for defence. In the afternoon, they rushed a landing force to Shibaura and Tokyo from Yokosuka Naval District, whose commander in chief was Yonai Mitsumasa and chief of staff was Inoue Shigeyoshi. Also, the IJN 1st Fleet was dispatched to Tokyo bay. On the afternoon of February 27, they were ready to bombard the rebel troops from the sea.

In addition, at 9:40 on February 27, the IJN 2nd Fleet anchored in Osaka Bay for defense. Their duty finished, they returned to their work on February 29th.

Measures taken following the incident[link]

Government and the palace[link]

After the incident, the Okada Cabinet resigned en masse. Saionji Kimmochi recommended Konoe Fumimaro as next prime minister. He was ordered by imperial command to form a cabinet but he pretended to be ill and declined it, because he was different from Saionji in thought of politics.

Then the president of the Privy Council Ichiki recommended Hirota Kōki and Saionji agreed. But the army put pressure on him with complaint about members of the cabinet. They reached an agreement to exclude 3 persons from the new cabinet.

Deprival of commissions, ranks, and honors[link]

20 officers in the troops were deprived of their commissions on February 29. On March 2 Yamamoto was also deprived of his commission, and all 21 officers were ordered to relinquish all ranks^[20] and honors.

Casualties in the line of duty[link]

Five on-duty policemen died and one was injured during the incident. They were awarded the Order of the Rising Sun, White Paulownia Medal in addition to the distinguished service medals for policemen and firemen awarded them by the Home Minister.

• Murakami Kamozaemon (Died)
• Doi Kiyomatsu (Died)
• Simizu Yoshirō (Died)
• Kodate Kiyomatsu (Died)
• Minagawa Yoshitaka (Died)
• Tamaki Hideo (Seriously injured)

Six privates of the 57th infantry regiment, moving out for defense, died from carbon monoxide poisoning.^{[citation needed]}

Leaders of Military Way Faction[link]

Four of the supreme war councilor at the time, Araki Sadao, Mazaki Jinzaburō, Abe Nobuyuki, and Hayashi Senjūrō, retired on March 10. Honjō resigned his post and became a reserve officer in April, because he had reported things against the Emperor's will and his son-in-law Yamaguchi Ichitarō took part in the incident. Army minister Kawashima Yoshiyuki on March 30, and the commander of the Martial Law HQ Kashii Kōhei in July resigned in responsibility of the incident.

In order to avoid that these upper level officers recover their influence on the army, Military Ministers to be Active-Duty Officers Law revived since the Hirota Cabinet. The law intended to prevent generals from interfering with politics. But it finally resulted in the situation that the cabinet couldn't continue to exist unless the army recommended someone for Army Minister.

Soldiers involved in the Incident[link]

Most of the soldiers in the insurgents didn't know the plan of the incident. They believed their actions as legal and followed the officers. Some soldiers were tried in the military court; on the other hand, many were killed at the front in the war.

Investigation and trial[link]

Although it seemed many upper level officers took part in the incident, it was announced that the young radical officers had run wild because of certain thinkers. Since then officers sympathetic to the insurgents had lost their positions, and Tōsei Clique had increased their power in politics. Some of Judge advocate and Military police tried to find the real facts and wirepullers of the incident.

On February 28, Mutō Akira and others at military affairs of the Army ministry determined to set up a special court-martial by Imperial command of urgency. It was realized on March 4. Why it was by Imperial command of urgency was that special court-martial could be set only under martial-law area by ordinary law. Also it solved the problems of jurisdiction, because the insurgents belonged to too different units to deal with normal court. Special court-martial can be characterized, compared to ordinary one: in that it is one-tiered judicial system; completely closed; and defendants can't recuse judges; with no defense lawyer.

In Army Penal Code, article 25 defines the crime of rebellion:

Article 25
A person who assembles in a crowd and commits the crime of rebellion with armed forces and shall be sentenced according to the following distinctions:
(i) A ringleader shall be punished by death;
(ii) A person who participates in a plot or directs a mob shall be punished by death or imprisonment without work either for life or for a definite term of not less than 5 years; a person who performs other leading functions shall be punished by imprisonment either with or without work for a definite term not less than 3 years;
(iii) A person who merely follows others or otherwise merely joins in the rebellion shall be punished by imprisonment either with or without work for not less than 5 years. ^[21]

Sakisaka Shumpei and other Judge advocate staffs investigated the incident, commanding Military Police. In the special court-martial, the trial resulted in judgement of guilt on most of the activist officers and citizens. Isobe Asaichi had been cursing this judgement until execution of his death penalty. Also Andō and Kurihara were greatly shocked at the death penalty on so many of their companions. They believed that the Emperor would be glad if they carried out direct action.

Viewed from the present time they seem quite conceited and self-satisfied. But in fact their belief was based on several reasons. After the May 15 incident, none of the activist officers were sentenced to death, even though they murdered the prime minister. Then the officers of February 26 incident concluded that His Majesty accepted the mettle of the leaders and took the circumstances into consideration and lighter punishment. At that time it was awful honor for him if the Emperor just thinks of one soldier. Schools taught them “the Meiji Restoration is a complete reform of top-down in the confusion in the end of Edo period. His Majesty himself came to govern the nation, and his glory completely removed corrupt bandits from the center of politics. It had purified the world and made Imperial Japan as strong as the Great Powers. Therefore His Majesty is absolutely just. If any mistake, there would be disturbance by the evil.” It represents the historical view of “Imperial Japan eternity”. For the activist officers, the world looked like just in great confusion and needed restoring. So they carried out Shōwa Restoration.

Judgment[link]

Suicide[link]

The articles of rank, unit and position, and age are those at the time of the incident. “Directing a mob” of punishment means “participating in conspiracy or directing a mob”, and “Class” does the class of Imperial Japanese Army Academy in following tables.

Punishment sentenced by July 5, 1936[link]

Punishment sentenced on July 29, 1936[link]

Punishment sentenced on January 18, 1937[link]

Punishment sentenced on August 14, 1937[link]

The death penalty of Kita Ikki and Nishida Mitsugi had been executed on August 19, 1937.

Other punishments[link]

Commemoration[link]

There is the cenotaph of all victims relating to February 26 incident at Jinnan, Shibuya, Tokyo. It stands at the northwest corner of the site of Shibuya Government Office Complex, where 17 of the activist officers and citizens were shot to death. It has a figure of Kannon (the Goddess of Mercy), erected by effort of the family of the deceased officers. There are always flowers offered.

See also[link]

• Patriotism a 1966 film written and directed by Yukio Mishima dedicated and pertaining to the February 26 Incident
• Government by assassination

References[link]

Bibliography in English[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: February 26 Incident

• Shillony, Ben-Ami. Revolt in Japan the young officers and the February 26, 1936 incident. Princeton, N.J: Princeton UP, 1973. Print. ISBN 0-691-07548-4
• Honjō, Shigeru. Emperor Hirohito and his chief aide-de-camp the Honjō diary, 1933-36. [Tokyo]: University of Tokyo, 1982. Print. ISBN 0-86008-319-5

This article may need to be rewritten entirely to comply with Wikipedia's quality standards. You can help. The discussion page may contain suggestions. (July 2008)

This biographical article needs additional citations for verification. Please help by adding reliable sources. Contentious material about living persons that is unsourced or poorly sourced must be removed immediately, especially if potentially libelous or harmful. (September 2011)

Lay Phyu (Burmese: လေးဖြူ, pronounced: [lé bjù]; born 19 May 1965) is a Burmese rock vocalist/guitarist. He rose to fame with his debut album Gandarya Lamin (Desert Moon).^[1]

Biography

Lay Phyu was born in May 19, 1965 in Inlay Lake, Shan State, Myanmar, according the source. He graduated from Mandalay University with an English Major where he met Y Wine, one of the famous singers from Iron Cross Music band (a renowned music band in Myanmar). Starting from his first music album, he joined the "Iron Cross" band, which is originally founded by Saw Byot Muu, a famous Karen guitarist in the history of Myanmar (Burma). Later, Chit San Maung became the lead guitarist after Saw Byot Muu died.

Since the beginning, Lay Phyu was quite successful in his first album and got the most fans in the world of Myanmar rock music. Today, Lay Phyu still enjoys composing music with Iron Cross Music Band for more than 15 years. Other band members include Ah Nge (Lay Phyu's younger brother), Myo Gyi, Zaw Paing, Y Wine and R Zarni.

In 2007, when Cyclone Nargis struck the South Western regions of Myanmar, Iron Cross as well as many other famous artists formed a collaboration of songs as to raise funds to help the victims.

October 9th, 2008 by KD Bang (http://kumondra.com/lay-phyu-biography-and-more/)

Discography[link]

Solo albums[link]

1. Gandarya Lamin
2. Pinle Aw Than
3. Gandarya Pinle Lamin Aw Than (Live)
4. Gita Myitzuri
5. Power 54
6. Gaba Thit Tay
7. Kyein-Za
8. Thargaung
9. Einmet Kabya
10. Leitpya (The Butterfly)
11. Mummy Mya (The Mummies)
12. Khana Lay Mya (The Moments)
13. Bay of Bengal (BOB)

Collaborations[link]

1. 95 Myanmar Billboard Top Hits
2. Saw Bwe Hmu Amhattaya (2)
3. Do Ye Chit-Thu Mya Ne
4. Saung-Nay De Chit-Thu-Mya
5. Chit-Thu Dway Ye Di Mhattan
6. Madi Nhit Sone-Mhat-Mya
7. Iron Cross Band Unplugged
8. Iron Cross Band Acoustic
9. Tay Myone Nget Ye Hnit Nar Se (2)
10. Yarzu Thit
11. LMN

References[link]

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi MP AC
Chairman of the National League for Democracy
Incumbent
Assumed office 27 September 1988
Preceded by	Position established
Member of the Pyithu Hluttaw for Kawhmu
Incumbent
Assumed office 2 May 2012
Preceded by	Soe Tint
Majority	46,730 (71.38%)[1]
Personal details
Born	(1945-06-19) 19 June 1945 (age 67) Rangoon, British Burma (now Yangon)
Political party	National League for Democracy
Spouse(s)	Michael Aris (1972–1999)
Relations	Aung San (father) Khin Kyi (mother)
Children	Alexander Kim
Alma mater	University of Delhi St Hugh's College, Oxford University of London
Religion	Theravada Buddhism
Awards	Rafto Prize Nobel Peace Prize Jawaharlal Nehru Award International Simón Bolívar Prize Olof Palme Prize Bhagwan Mahavir World Peace

This article contains Burmese script. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Burmese script.

Aung San Suu Kyi MP AC (Burmese: ; MLCTS: aung hcan: cu. krany, IPA: [ʔàʊɴ sʰáɴ sṵ tɕì]; born 19 June 1945) is a Burmese opposition politician and General Secretary of the National League for Democracy (NLD) in Burma. In the 1990 general election, the NLD won 59% of the national votes and 81% (392 of 485) of the seats in Parliament.^{[2][3][4][5][6][7][8]} She had, however, already been detained under house arrest before the elections. She remained under house arrest in Burma for almost 15 of the 21 years from 20 July 1989 until her most recent release on 13 November 2010,^[9] becoming one of the world's most prominent (now former) political prisoners.^[10]

Suu Kyi received the Rafto Prize and the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought in 1990 and the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991. In 1992 she was awarded the Jawaharlal Nehru Award for International Understanding by the government of India and the International Simón Bolívar Prize from the government of Venezuela. In 2007, the Government of Canada made her an honorary citizen of that country;^[11] at the time, she was one of only four people ever to receive the honor.^[12] In 2011, she was awarded the Wallenberg Medal.^[13]

On 1 April 2012, her opposition party, the National League for Democracy, announced that she was elected to the Pyithu Hluttaw, the lower house of the Burmese parliament, representing the constituency of Kawhmu;^[14] her party also won 43 of the 45 vacant seats in the lower house.^[15] The election results were confirmed by the official electoral commission the following day.^[16]

Suu Kyi is the third child and only daughter of Aung San, considered to be the father of modern-day Burma.

Name[link]

A family portrait, with Aung San Suu Kyi (in white) as a toddler, taken in 1947, shortly before her father's assassination.

Aung San Suu Kyi derives her name from three relatives: "Aung San" from her father, "Suu" from her paternal grandmother and "Kyi" from her mother Khin Kyi.^[17] She is frequently called Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Daw is not part of her name, but is an honorific, similar to madame, for older, revered women, literally meaning "aunt."^[18] She is also often referred to as Daw Suu by the Burmese (or Amay Suu, lit. "Mother Suu," by some followers),^[19][20] or "Aunty Suu", and as Dr. Suu Kyi,^[21] Ms. Suu Kyi, or Mrs. Suu Kyi by the foreign media. However, like other Burmese, she has no surname (see Burmese names). The pronunciation of her name is approximated as "Awn Sahn Sue Chee," although the "ch" in "Chee" is unaspirated.^[22]

Personal life[link]

Part of a series on the
Democracy movements in Burma
The fighting peacock flag
Background
Post-independence Burma
Internal conflict in Burma
Burmese Way to Socialism
State Peace and Development Council
Mass protests
8888 Uprising · Protests of 2007
Concessions and reforms
Roadmap to democracy New constitution Reforms of 2011
Elections
1990 · 2010 · 2012
Organizations
National League for Democracy · 88 Generation Students Group · Burma Campaign UK · Free Burma Coalition · U.S. Campaign for Burma · Generation Wave · All Burma Students' Democratic Front · The Irrawaddy · Democratic Voice of Burma · Mizzima News
Figures
U Nu · Aung Gyi · Tin Oo · Aung San Suu Kyi · Min Ko Naing · Thein Sein
Related topics
Human rights in Burma · Politics of Burma · Foreign relations of Burma
v t e

A portrait of Khin Kyi and her family in 1948. Aung San Suu Kyi is seated on the floor.

Aung San Suu Kyi was born in Rangoon (now named Yangon).^[23] Her father, Aung San, founded the modern Burmese army and negotiated Burma's independence from the British Empire in 1947; he was assassinated by his rivals in the same year. She grew up with her mother, Khin Kyi, and two brothers, Aung San Lin and Aung San Oo, in Rangoon. Aung San Lin died at age eight, when he drowned in an ornamental lake on the grounds of the house.^[17] Her elder brother emigrated to San Diego, California, becoming a United States citizen.^[17] After Aung San Lin's death, the family moved to a house by Inya Lake where Suu Kyi met people of very different backgrounds, political views and religions.^[24] She was educated in Methodist English High School (now Basic Education High School No. 1 Dagon) for much of her childhood in Burma, where she was noted as having a talent for learning languages.^[25] She is a Theravada Buddhist.

Aung San Suu Kyi at the age of six.

Suu Kyi's mother, Khin Kyi, gained prominence as a political figure in the newly formed Burmese government. She was appointed Burmese ambassador to India and Nepal in 1960, and Aung San Suu Kyi followed her there, she studied in the Convent of Jesus and Mary School, New Delhi and graduated from Lady Shri Ram College in New Delhi with a degree in politics in 1964.^[26][27] Suu Kyi continued her education at St Hugh's College, Oxford, obtaining a B.A. degree in Philosophy, Politics and Economics in 1969. During her time in Oxford, she fell in love with a Pakistani man but the relationship ended in tears.^[28] After graduating, she lived in New York City with a family friend who was once a popular Burmese pop singer.^[28] She worked at the UN for three years, primarily on budget matters, writing daily to her future husband, Dr. Michael Aris.^[29] In 1972, Aung San Suu Kyi married Aris, a scholar of Tibetan culture, living abroad in Bhutan.^[26] The following year she gave birth to their first son, Alexander Aris, in London; their second son, Kim, was born in 1977. Subsequently, she earned a PhD at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London in 1985. She was elected as an Honorary Fellow in 1990.^[26] For two years she was a Fellow at the Indian Institute of Advanced Studies (IIAS) in Shimla, India. She also worked for the government of the Union of Burma.

In 1988 Suu Kyi returned to Burma, at first to tend for her ailing mother but later to lead the pro-democracy movement. Aris' visit in Christmas 1995 turned out to be the last time that he and Suu Kyi met, as Suu Kyi remained in Burma and the Burmese dictatorship denied him any further entry visas.^[26] Aris was diagnosed with prostate cancer in 1997 which was later found to be terminal. Despite appeals from prominent figures and organizations, including the United States, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan and Pope John Paul II, the Burmese government would not grant Aris a visa, saying that they did not have the facilities to care for him, and instead urged Aung San Suu Kyi to leave the country to visit him. She was at that time temporarily free from house arrest but was unwilling to depart, fearing that she would be refused re-entry if she left, as she did not trust the military junta's assurance that she could return.^[30]

Aris died on his 53rd birthday on 27 March 1999. Since 1989, when his wife was first placed under house arrest, he had seen her only five times, the last of which was for Christmas in 1995. She was also separated from her children, who live in the United Kingdom, but starting in 2011, they have visited her in Burma.^[31]

On 2 May 2008, after Cyclone Nargis hit Burma, Suu Kyi lost the roof of her house and lived in virtual darkness after losing electricity in her dilapidated lakeside residence. She used candles at night as she was not provided any generator set.^[32] Plans to renovate and repair the house were announced in August 2009.^[33] Suu Kyi was released from house arrest on 13 November 2010.^[34]

Aung San Suu Kyi arrvies to give speech to the supporters during 2012 by-election campaign at her constituency Kawhmu township, Myanmar on 22 March 2012.

Political beginnings[link]

Coincident with Aung San Suu Kyi's return to Burma in 1988, the long-time military leader of Burma and head of the ruling party, General Ne Win, stepped down. Mass demonstrations for democracy followed that event on 8 August 1988 (8–8–88, a day seen as auspicious), which were violently suppressed in what came to be known as the 8888 Uprising. On 26 August 1988, she addressed half a million people at a mass rally in front of the Shwedagon Pagoda in the capital, calling for a democratic government.^[26] However in September, a new military junta took power.

Influenced^[35] by both Mahatma Gandhi's philosophy of non-violence^[36][37] and more specifically by Buddhist concepts,^[38] Aung San Suu Kyi entered politics to work for democratization, helped found the National League for Democracy on 27 September 1988,^[39] but was put under house arrest on 20 July 1989. Offered freedom if she left the country, she refused.

One of her most famous speeches was "Freedom From Fear", which began: "It is not power that corrupts, but fear. Fear of losing power corrupts those who wield it and fear of the scourge of power corrupts those who are subject to it."

She also believes fear spurs many world leaders to lose sight of their purpose. "Government leaders are amazing", she once said. "So often it seems they are the last to know what the people want."^[40]

Political career[link]

Suu Kyi meets with Edgardo Boeninger of the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs in 1995.

1990 general election[link]

In 1990, the military junta called a general election, in which the National League for Democracy (NLD) received 59% of the votes, guaranteeing NLD 80% of the parliament seats. Some claim that Aung San Suu Kyi would have assumed the office of Prime Minister;^[41] in fact, however, as she wasn't permitted, she did not stand as a candidate in the elections (although being a MP isn't a strict prerequisite for becoming PM in most parliamentary systems). Instead, the results were nullified and the military refused to hand over power, resulting in an international outcry. Aung San Suu Kyi was placed under house arrest at her home on University Avenue (16°49′32″N 96°9′1″E / 16.82556°N 96.15028°E / 16.82556; 96.15028) in Rangoon, during which time she was awarded the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought in 1990, and the Nobel Peace Prize the year after. Her sons Alexander and Kim accepted the Nobel Peace Prize on her behalf. Aung San Suu Kyi used the Nobel Peace Prize's 1.3 million USD prize money to establish a health and education trust for the Burmese people.^[42] Around this time, Suu Kyi chose non-violence as an expedient political tactic, stating in 2007, "I do not hold to non-violence for moral reasons, but for political and practical reasons,"^[43] however, nonviolent action as well as civil resistance in lieu of armed conflict are also political tactics in keeping with the overall philosophy of her Theravada Buddhist religion.

1996 attack[link]

On 9 November 1996, the motorcade that she was traveling in with other National League for Democracy leaders Tin Oo and U Kyi Maung, was attacked in Yangon. About 200 men swooped down on the motorcade, wielding metal chains, metal batons, stones and other weapons. The car that Aung San Suu Kyi was in had its rear window smashed, and the car with Tin Oo and U Kyi Maung had its rear window and two backdoor windows shattered. It is believed the offenders were members of the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) who were allegedly paid 500 kyats (@ USD $0.5) each to participate. The NLD lodged an official complaint with the police, and according to reports the government launched an investigation, but no action was taken. (Amnesty International 120297)^[44]

House arrest[link]

Aung San Suu Kyi has been placed under house arrest for 15 of the past 21 years, on different occasions, since she began her political career,^[45] during which time she was prevented from meeting her party supporters and international visitors. In an interview, Suu Kyi said that while under house arrest she spent her time reading philosophy, politics and biographies that her husband had sent her.^[46] She also passed the time playing the piano, and was occasionally allowed visits from foreign diplomats as well as from her personal physician.^[47]

The media were also prevented from visiting Suu Kyi, as occurred in 1998 when journalist Maurizio Giuliano, after photographing her, was stopped by customs officials who then confiscated all his films, tapes and some notes.^[48] In contrast, Suu Kyi did have visits from government representatives, such as during her autumn 1994 house arrest when she met the leader of Burma, General Than Shwe and General Khin Nyunt on 20 September in the first meeting since she had been placed in detention.^[26] On several occasions during Suu Kyi's house arrest, she had periods of poor health and as a result was hospitalized.^[49]

The Burmese government detained and kept Suu Kyi imprisoned because it viewed her as someone "likely to undermine the community peace and stability" of the country, and used both Article 10(a) and 10(b) of the 1975 State Protection Act (granting the government the power to imprison people for up to five years without a trial),^[50] and Section 22 of the "Law to Safeguard the State Against the Dangers of Those Desiring to Cause Subversive Acts" as legal tools against her.^[51] She continuously appealed her detention,^[52] and many nations and figures continued to call for her release and that of 2,100 other political prisoners in the country.^[53][54] On 12 November 2010, days after the junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) won elections conducted after a gap of almost 20 years, the junta finally agreed to sign orders allowing Suu Kyi's release,^[55] and Suu Kyi's house arrest term came to an end on 13 November 2010.

UN involvement[link]

The UN has attempted to facilitate dialogue between the junta and Suu Kyi.^[56] On 6 May 2002, following secret confidence-building negotiations led by the UN, the government released her; a government spokesman said that she was free to move "because we are confident that we can trust each other". Aung San Suu Kyi proclaimed "a new dawn for the country". However on 30 May 2003 in an incident similar to the 1996 attack on her, a government-sponsored mob attacked her caravan in the northern village of Depayin, murdering and wounding many of her supporters.^[57] Aung San Suu Kyi fled the scene with the help of her driver, Ko Kyaw Soe Lin, but was arrested upon reaching Ye-U. The government imprisoned her at Insein Prison in Rangoon. After she underwent a hysterectomy in September 2003,^[58] the government again placed her under house arrest in Rangoon.

The results from the UN facilitation have been mixed; Razali Ismail, UN special envoy to Burma, met with Aung San Suu Kyi. Ismail resigned from his post the following year, partly because he was denied re-entry to Burma on several occasions.^[59] Several years later in 2006, Ibrahim Gambari, UN Undersecretary-General (USG) of Department of Political Affairs, met with Aung San Suu Kyi, the first visit by a foreign official since 2004.^[60] He also met with Suu Kyi later the same year.^[61] On 2 October 2007 Gambari returned to talk to her again after seeing Than Shwe and other members of the senior leadership in Naypyidaw.^[62] State television broadcast Suu Kyi with Gambari, stating that they had met twice. This was Suu Kyi's first appearance in state media in the four years since her current detention began.^[63]

The United Nations Working Group for Arbitrary Detention published an Opinion that Aung San Suu Kyi's deprivation of liberty was arbitrary and in contravention of Article 9 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948, and requested that the authorities in Burma set her free, but the authorities ignored the request at that time.^[64] The U.N. report said that according to the Burmese Government’s reply, "Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has not been arrested, but has only been taken into protective custody, for her own safety", and while "it could have instituted legal action against her under the country’s domestic legislation ... it has preferred to adopt a magnanimous attitude, and is providing her with protection in her own interests."^[64]

Such claims were rejected by Brig-General Khin Yi, Chief of Myanmar Police Force (MPF). On 18 January 2007, the state-run paper New Light of Myanmar accused Suu Kyi of tax evasion for spending her Nobel Prize money outside of the country. The accusation followed the defeat of a US-sponsored United Nations Security Council resolution condemning Burma as a threat to international security; the resolution was defeated because of strong opposition from China, which has strong ties with the military junta (China later voted against the resolution, along with Russia and South Africa).^[65]

In November 2007, it was reported that Suu Kyi would meet her political allies National League for Democracy along with a government minister. The ruling junta made the official announcement on state TV and radio just hours after UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari ended his second visit to Burma. The NLD confirmed that it had received the invitation to hold talks with Suu Kyi.^[66] However, the process delivered few concrete results.

On 3 July 2009, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon went to Burma to pressure the junta into releasing Suu Kyi and to institute democratic reform. However, on departing from Burma, Ban Ki-moon said he was "disappointed" with the visit after junta leader Than Shwe refused permission for him to visit Suu Kyi, citing her ongoing trial. Ban said he was "deeply disappointed that they have missed a very important opportunity."^[67]

Periods under detention[link]

• 20 July 1989: Placed under house arrest in Rangoon under martial law that allows for detention without charge or trial for three years.^[56]
• 10 July 1995: Released from house arrest.^[17]
• 23 September 2000: Placed under house arrest.^[45]
• 6 May 2002: Released after 19 months.^[45]
• 30 May 2003: Arrested following the Depayin massacre, she was held in secret detention for more than three months before being returned to house arrest.^[68]
• 25 May 2007: House arrest extended by one year despite a direct appeal from U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan to General Than Shwe.^[69]
• 24 October 2007: Reached 12 years under house arrest, solidarity protests held at 12 cities around the world.^[70]
• 27 May 2008: House arrest extended for another year, which is illegal under both international law and Burma's own law.^[71]
• 11 August 2009: House arrest extended for 18 more months because of "violation" arising from the May 2009 trespass incident.
• 13 November 2010: Released from house arrest.^[72]

2007 anti-government protests[link]

Protests led by Buddhist monks began on 19 August 2007 following steep fuel price increases, and continued each day, despite the threat of a crackdown by the military.^[73]

On 22 September 2007, although still under house arrest, Suu Kyi made a brief public appearance at the gate of her residence in Yangon to accept the blessings of Buddhist monks who were marching in support of human rights.^[74] It was reported that she had been moved the following day to Insein Prison (where she had been detained in 2003),^{[75][76][77][78]} but meetings with UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari near her Rangoon home on 30 September and 2 October established that she remained under house arrest.^[79][80]

2009 trespass incident[link]

U.S. Senator Jim Webb visiting Suu Kyi in 2009. Webb negotiated the release of John Yettaw, the man who trespassed in Suu Kyi's home, resulting in her arrest and conviction with three years' hard labour.

On 3 May 2009, an American man, identified as John Yettaw, swam across Inya Lake to her house uninvited and was arrested when he made his return trip three days later.^[81] He had attempted to make a similar trip two years earlier, but for unknown reasons was turned away.^[82] He later claimed at trial that he was motivated by a divine vision requiring him to notify her of an impending terrorist assassination attempt.^[83] On 13 May, Suu Kyi was arrested for violating the terms of her house arrest because the swimmer, who pleaded exhaustion, was allowed to stay in her house for two days before he attempted the swim back. Suu Kyi was later taken to Insein Prison, where she could have faced up to five years confinement for the intrusion.^[84] The trial of Suu Kyi and her two maids began on 18 May and a small number of protesters gathered outside.^[85][86] Diplomats and journalists were barred from attending the trial; however, on one occasion, several diplomats from Russia, Thailand and Singapore and journalists were allowed to meet Suu Kyi.^[87] The prosecution had originally planned to call 22 witnesses.^[88] It also accused John Yettaw of embarrassing the country.^[89] During the ongoing defence case, Suu Kyi said she was innocent. The defence was allowed to call only one witness (out of four), while the prosecution was permitted to call 14 witnesses. The court rejected two character witnesses, NLD members Tin Oo and Win Tin, and permitted the defense to call only a legal expert.^[90] According to one unconfirmed report, the junta was planning to, once again, place her in detention, this time in a military base outside the city.^[91] In a separate trial, Yettaw said he swam to Suu Kyi's house to warn her that her life was "in danger".^[92] The national police chief later confirmed that Yettaw was the "main culprit" in the case filed against Suu Kyi.^[93] According to aides, Suu Kyi spent her 64th birthday in jail sharing biryani rice and chocolate cake with her guards.^[94]

Her arrest and subsequent trial received worldwide condemnation by the UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, the United Nations Security Council,^[95] Western governments,^[96] South Africa,^[97] Japan^[98] and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, of which Burma is a member.^[99] The Burmese government strongly condemned the statement, as it created an "unsound tradition"^[100] and criticised Thailand for meddling in its internal affairs.^[101] The Burmese Foreign Minister Nyan Win was quoted in the state-run newspaper New Light of Myanmar as saying that the incident "was trumped up to intensify international pressure on Burma by internal and external anti-government elements who do not wish to see the positive changes in those countries' policies toward Burma".^[89] Ban responded to an international campaign^[102] by flying to Burma to negotiate, but Than Shwe rejected all of his requests.^[103]

On 11 August 2009 the trial concluded with Suu Kyi being sentenced to imprisonment for three years with hard labour. This sentence was commuted by the military rulers to further house arrest of 18 months.^[104] On 14 August, U.S. Senator Jim Webb visited Burma, visiting with junta leader Gen. Than Shwe and later with Suu Kyi. During the visit, Webb negotiated Yettaw's release and deportation from Burma.^[105] Following the verdict of the trial, lawyers of Suu Kyi said they would appeal against the 18-month sentence.^[106] On 18 August, United States President Barack Obama asked the country's military leadership to set free all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi.^[107] In her appeal, Aung San Suu Kyi had argued that the conviction was unwarranted. However, her appeal against the August sentence was rejected by a Burmese court on 2 October 2009. Although the court accepted the argument that the 1974 constitution, under which she had been charged, was null and void, it also said the provisions of the 1975 security law, under which she has been kept under house arrest, remained in force. The verdict effectively meant that she would be unable to participate in the elections scheduled to take place in 2010 – the first in Burma in two decades. Her lawyer stated that her legal team would pursue a new appeal within 60 days.^[108]

2009: International pressure for release, and Burmese general election 2010[link]

It was announced prior to the Burmese general election that Aung San Suu Kyi may be released "so she can organize her party,"^[109] However, Suu Kyi was not allowed to run.^[110] On 1 October 2010 the government announced that she would be released on 13 November 2010.^[111]

Burma's relaxing stance, such as releasing political prisoners, was influenced in the wake of successful recent diplomatic visits by the US and other democratic governments, urging or encouraging the Burmese towards democratic reform. U.S. President Barack Obama personally advocated for the release of all political prisoners, especially Aung San Suu Kyi, during the US-ASEAN Summit of 2009.^[112]

Democratic governments^[which?] hoped that successful general elections would be an optimistic indicator of the Burmese government's sincerity towards eventual democracy.^[113] The Hatoyama government which spent 2.82 billion yen in 2008, has promised more Japanese foreign aid to encourage Burma to release Aung San Suu Kyi in time for the elections; and to continue moving towards democracy and the rule of law.^[113][114]

In a personal letter to Suu Kyi, UK Prime Minister Gordon Brown cautioned the Burmese government of the potential consequences of rigging elections as "condemning Burma to more years of diplomatic isolation and economic stagnation".^[115]

The Burmese government has been granting Suu Kyi varying degrees of freedom throughout late 2009, in response to international pressure. She has met with many heads of state, and opened a dialog with the Minister of Labor Aung Kyi (not to be confused with Aung San Suu Kyi).^[116]

Suu Kyi was allowed to meet with senior members of her NLD party at the State House,^[117] however these meeting took place under close supervision.

2010 release[link]

Aung San Suu Kyi addresses crowds at the NLD headquarters shortly after her release.

Aung San Suu Kyi meets with US Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton in Yangon (1 December 2011)

On the evening of 13 November 2010, Suu Kyi was released from house arrest.^[118] This was the date her detention had been set to expire according to a court ruling in August 2009^[119] and came six days after a widely criticized general election. She appeared in front of a crowd of her supporters, who rushed to her house in Rangoon when nearby barricades were removed by the security forces. The Nobel Peace Prize laureate had been detained for 15 of the past 21 years.^[120] The government newspaper New Light of Myanmar reported the release positively,^[121] saying she had been granted a pardon after serving her sentence "in good conduct".^[122] The New York Times suggested that the military government may have released Suu Kyi because it felt it was in a confident position to control her supporters after the election.^[121] The role that Suu Kyi will play in the future of democracy in Burma remains a subject of much debate.

Her son Kim Aris was granted a visa in November 2010 to see his mother shortly after her release, for the first time in 10 years.^[123] He visited again in 5 July 2011, to accompany her on a trip to Bagan, her first trip outside Yangon since 2003.^[124] Her son visited again in 8 August 2011, to accompany her on a trip to Pegu, her second trip.^[125]

Discussions were held between Suu Kyi and the Burmese government during 2011, which led to a number of official gestures to meet her demands. In October, around a tenth of Burma's political prisoners were freed in an amnesty and trade unions were legalised.^[126][127]

In November 2011, following a meeting of its leaders, the NLD announced its intention to re-register as a political party in order contend 48 by-elections necessitated by the promotion of parliamentarians to ministerial rank.^[128] Following the decision, Suu Kyi held a telephone conference with U.S. President Barack Obama, in which it was agreed that Secretary of State Hillary Clinton would make a visit to Burma, a move received with caution by Burma's ally China.^[129] On 1 December 2011, Suu Kyi met with Hillary Clinton at the residence of the top-ranking US diplomat in Yangon.^[130]

On 21 December 2011, Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra met Suu Kyi in Yangoon, becoming Suu Kyi's "first-ever meeting with the leader of a foreign country".^[131]

On 5 January 2012, British Foreign Minister William Hague met Aung San Suu Kyi and his Burmese counterpart. This represented a significant visit for Suu Kyi and Burma. Suu Kyi studied in the UK and maintains many ties there, whilst Britain is Burma's largest bilateral donor.

2012 by-elections[link]

In December 2011, there was speculation that Suu Kyi would run in the 2012 national by-elections to fill vacant seats.^[132] On 18 January 2012, Suu Kyi formally registered to contest a Pyithu Hluttaw (lower house) seat in the Kawhmu Township constituency in special parliamentary elections to be held on 1 April 2012.^[133][134] The seat was previously held by Soe Tint, who vacated it after being appointed Construction Deputy Minister, in the 2010 election.^[135] She ran against Union Solidarity and Development Party candidate Soe Min, a retired army physician and native of Twante Township.^[136]

Aung San Suu Kyi (Center) gives speech to the supporters during 2012 by-election campaign at her constituency Kawhmu township, Myanmar on 22 March 2012.

On 3 March 2012, at a large campaign rally in Mandalay, Suu Kyi unexpectedly left after 15 minutes, because of exhaustion and airsickness.^[137]

In an official campaign speech broadcast on Burmese state television's MRTV on 14 March 2012, Suu Kyi publicly campaigned for reform of the 2008 Constitution, removal of restrictive laws, more adequate protections for people's democratic rights, and establishment of an independent judiciary.^[138] The speech was leaked online a day before it was broadcast.^[139] A paragraph in the speech, focusing on the Tatmadaw's repression by means of law, was censored by authorities.^[140]

Suu Kyi has also called for international media to monitor the upcoming by-elections, while publicly pointing out irregularities in official voter lists, which include deceased individuals and exclude other eligible voters in the contested constituencies.^[141][142] On 21 March 2012, Aung San Suu Kyi was quoted as saying "Fraud and rule violations are continuing and we can even say they are increasing."^[143]

When asked whether she would assume a ministerial post if given the opportunity, she said the following:^[144]

I can tell you one thing – that under the present constitution, if you become a member of the government you have to vacate your seat in the national assembly. And I am not working so hard to get into parliament simply to vacate my seat.

On 26 March 2012, Suu Kyi suspended her nationwide campaign tour early, after a campaign rally in Myeik (Mergui), a coastal town in the south, citing health problems due to exhaustion and hot weather.^[145]

On 1 April 2012, the NLD announced that Suu Kyi had won the vote for a seat in Parliament.^[146] A news broadcast on state-run MRTV, reading the announcements of the Union Election Commission, confirmed her victory, as well as her party's victory in 43 of the 45 contested seats, officially making Suu Kyi the Leader of the Opposition in the lower house.^[147]

Although she and other MP-elects were expected to take office on 23 April when the Hluttaws resume session, National League for Democracy MP-elects, including Suu Kyi, said they might not take their oaths because of its wording; in its present form, parliamentarians must vow to "safeguard" the constitution.^[148][149] In an address on Radio Free Asia, she said "We don't mean we will not attend the parliament, we mean we will attend only after taking the oath... Changing that wording in the oath is also in conformity with the Constitution. I don't expect there will be any difficulty in doing it."^[150]

On 2 May 2012, National League for Democracy MP-elects, including Aung San Suu Kyi, took their oaths and took office, though the wording of the oath was not changed. ^[151] According to the Los Angeles Times, "Suu Kyi and her colleagues decided they could do more by joining as lawmakers than maintaining their boycott on principle." ^[152]

International support[link]

Aung San Suu Kyi has received vocal support from Western nations in Europe,^[153] Australia^[153] and North^[154] and South America, as well as India,^[4] Israel,^[155] Japan^[156] the Philippines and South Korea.^[157] In December 2007, the US House of Representatives voted unanimously 400–0 to award Aung San Suu Kyi the Congressional Gold Medal; the Senate concurred on 25 April 2008.^[158] On 6 May 2008, President George Bush signed legislation awarding Suu Kyi the Congressional Gold Medal.^[159] She is the first recipient in American history to receive the prize while imprisoned. More recently, there has been growing criticism of her detention by Burma's neighbours in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, particularly from Indonesia,^[160] Thailand,^[161] the Philippines^[162][163] and Singapore.^[164] At one point Malaysia warned Burma that it faced expulsion from ASEAN as a result of the detention of Suu Kyi.^[165] Other nations including South Africa,^[166] Bangladesh^[167] and the Maldives^[168] also called for her release. The United Nations has urged the country to move towards inclusive national reconciliation, the restoration of democracy, and full respect for human rights.^[169] In December 2008, the United Nations General Assembly passed a resolution condemning the human rights situation in Burma and calling for Suu Kyi's release—80 countries voting for the resolution, 25 against and 45 abstentions.^[170] Other nations, such as China and Russia, are less critical of the regime and prefer to cooperate only on economic matters.^[171] Indonesia has urged China to push Burma for reforms.^[172] However, Samak Sundaravej, former Prime Minister of Thailand, criticised the amount of support for Suu Kyi, saying that "Europe uses Aung San Suu Kyi as a tool. If it's not related to Aung San Suu Kyi, you can have deeper discussions with Myanmar."^[173]

Aung San Suu Kyi greeting supporters from Bago State in 2011.

Vietnam, however, did not support calls by other ASEAN member states for Myanmar to free Aung San Suu Kyi, state media reported Friday, 14 August 2009.^[174] The state-run Việt Nam News said Vietnam had no criticism of Myanmar's decision 11 August 2009 to place Suu Kyi under house arrest for the next 18 months, effectively barring her from elections scheduled for 2010. "It is our view that the Aung San Suu Kyi trial is an internal affair of Myanmar", Vietnamese government spokesman Le Dung stated on the website of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In contrast with other ASEAN member states, Dung said Vietnam has always supported Myanmar and hopes it will continue to implement the "roadmap to democracy" outlined by its government.^[175]

Nobel Peace Prize[link]

Aung San Suu Kyi was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991. The decision of the Nobel Committee mentions:^[176]

The Norwegian Nobel Committee has decided to award the Nobel Peace Prize for 1991 to Aung San Suu Kyi of Myanmar (Burma) for her non-violent struggle for democracy and human rights.

...Suu Kyi's struggle is one of the most extraordinary examples of civil courage in Asia in recent decades. She has become an important symbol in the struggle against oppression...

...In awarding the Nobel Peace Prize for 1991 to Aung San Suu Kyi, the Norwegian Nobel Committee wishes to honour this woman for her unflagging efforts and to show its support for the many people throughout the world who are striving to attain democracy, human rights and ethnic conciliation by peaceful means.

—Oslo, 14 October 1991

Nobel Peace Prize winners (Archbishop Desmond Tutu, the Dalai Lama, Shirin Ebadi, Adolfo Pérez Esquivel, Mairead Corrigan, Rigoberta Menchú, Prof. Elie Wiesel, U.S. President Barack Obama, Betty Williams, Jody Williams and former U.S. President Jimmy Carter) called for the rulers of Burma to release Suu Kyi in order to "create the necessary conditions for a genuine dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and all concerned parties and ethnic groups in order to achieve an inclusive national reconciliation with the direct support of the United Nations."^[56] Some of the money she received as part of the award helps fund London-based charity Prospect Burma, which provides higher education grants to Burmese students.^[177]

On May 21, 2012, it was announced that Aung San Suu Kyi would finally deliver her traditional Nobel lecture at Oslo's City Hall, two decades after receiving the peace prize.^[178]

Organizations[link]

• Freedom Now, a Washington, D.C.-based non-profit organization, was retained in 2006 by a member of her family to help secure Aung San Suu Kyi's release from house arrest. The organization secured several opinions from the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention that her detention was in violation of international law; engaged in political advocacy such as spearheading a letter from 112 former Presidents and Prime Ministers to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon urging him to go to Burma to seek her release, which he did six weeks later; and published numerous opeds and spoke widely to the media about her ongoing detention. Its representation of her ended when she was released from house arrest on 13 November 2010.^[179]
• Aung San Suu Kyi has been an honorary board member of International IDEA and ARTICLE 19 since her detention, and has received support from these organisations.
• The Vrije Universiteit Brussel and the Université catholique de Louvain, both located in Belgium, granted her the title of Doctor Honoris Causa.^[180]
• In 2003, the Freedom Forum recognized Suu Kyi's efforts to promote democracy peacefully with the Al Neuharth Free Spirit of the Year Award, in which she was presented over satellite because she was under house arrest. She was awarded one million dollars.^[181]
• In June of each year, the U.S. Campaign for Burma organizes hundreds of "Arrest Yourself" house parties around the world in support of Aung San Suu Kyi. At these parties, the organizers keep themselves under house arrest for 24 hours, invite their friends, and learn more about Burma and Aung San Suu Kyi.^[182]
• The Freedom Campaign, a joint effort between the Human Rights Action Center and US Campaign for Burma, looks to raise worldwide attention to the struggles of Aung San Suu Kyi and the people of Burma.
• The Burma Campaign UK is a UK based NGO (Non Governmental Organisation) that aims to raise awareness of Burma's struggles and follow the guidelines established by the NLD and Aung San Suu Kyi.
• St. Hugh's College, Oxford, where she studied, had a Burmese theme for their annual ball in support of her in 2006.^[183]
• Aung San Suu Kyi is the official patron of The Rafto Human Rights House in Bergen, Norway. She received the Thorolf Rafto Memorial Prize in 1990.
• She was made an honorary free person of the City of Dublin, Ireland in November 1999, although a space had been left on the roll of signatures to symbolize her continued detention.
• In November 2005 the human rights group Equality Now proposed Aung Sun Suu Kyi as a potential candidate, among other qualifying women, for the position of U.N. Secretary General.^[184] In the proposed list of qualified women Suu Kyi is recognised by Equality Now as the Prime Minister-Elect of Burma.^[3]
• The UN' special envoy to Myanmar, Ibrahim Gambari, met Aung San Suu Kyi on 10 March 2008 before wrapping up his trip to the military-ruled country.^[185]
• Aung San Suu Kyi is an honorary member of The Elders, a group of eminent global leaders brought together by Nelson Mandela.^[186] Her ongoing detention means that she is unable to take an active role in the group, so The Elders place an empty chair for her at their meetings.^[187] The Elders have consistently called for the release of all political prisoners in Burma.^[188]
• In 2008, Burma’s devoted human rights leader and Nobel Peace Prize, was welcomed as Club of Madrid Honorary Member.
• In 2011, Aung San Suu Kyi was named the Guest Director of the 45th Brighton Festival.^{[citation needed]}
• In June 2011, the BBC announced that Aung San Suu Kyi was to deliver the 2011 Reith Lectures. The BBC covertly recorded two lectures with Aung San Suu Kyi in Burma, which were then smuggled out of the country and brought back to London.^[189] The lectures were broadcast on BBC Radio 4 and the BBC World Service on 28 June 2011 and 5 July 2011.
• In November 2011, Suu Kyi received Francois Zimeray, France's Ambassador for Human Rights.
• March 8, 2012, Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister John Baird presented Aung San Suu Kyi a certificate of honorary Canadian citizenship and an informal invitation to visit Canada.
• In April 2012, British Prime Minister David Cameron became the first leader of a major world power to visit Aung San Su Kyi and the first of a British prime minister since the 1950s. In his visit, Cameron invited San Su Kyi to Britain where she would be able to visit her 'beloved' Oxford, an invitation which she later accepted; no specifec date has been confirmed but the month is thought to be June 2012.
• In May 2012, Suu Kyi received the inaugural Václav Havel Prize for Creative Dissent of the Human Rights Foundation.^[190]
• 29 May 2012 PM Manmohan Singh of India visited Aung San Suu Kyi. In his visit, PM invited San Suu Kyi to India as well.

Footnotes[link]