The middle class is a class of people in the middle of a societal hierarchy. In Weberian socio-economic terms, the middle class is the broad group of people in contemporary society who fall socio-economically between the working class and upper class. The common measures of what constitutes middle class vary significantly between cultures.

History and evolution of the term[link]

The term "middle class" is first attested in James Bradshaw's 1745 pamphlet Scheme to prevent running Irish Wools to France.^[1][2] The term has had several, sometimes contradictory, meanings. It was once defined by exception as an intermediate social class between the nobility and the peasantry of Europe.^{[by whom?]} While the nobility owned the countryside, and the peasantry worked the countryside, a new bourgeoisie (literally "town-dwellers") arose around mercantile functions in the city. Another definition equated the middle class to the original meaning of capitalist: someone with so much capital that they could rival nobles. By this definition, only millionaires and billionaires are middle class in modern times. In fact, to be a capital-owning millionaire was the essential criterion of the middle class in the industrial revolution. In France, the middle classes helped drive the French Revolution.^[3]

The modern sociological usage of the term "middle class", however, dates to the 1911 UK Registrar-General's report, in which the statistician T.H.C. Stevenson identified the middle class as that falling between the upper class and the working class. Included as belonging to the middle class are professionals, managers, and senior civil servants. The chief defining characteristic of membership in the middle class is possession of significant human capital.

Within capitalism, middle class initially referred to the bourgeoisie and petite bourgeoisie. However, with the immiserisation and proletarianisation of much of the petit bourgeois world, and the growth of finance capitalism, middle class came to refer to the combination of labour aristocracy, professionals and white collar workers.

The size of the middle class depends on how it is defined, whether by education, wealth, environment of upbringing, social network, manners or values, etc. These are all related, though far from deterministically dependent. The following factors are often ascribed in modern usage to a "middle class":^{[by whom?]}

• Achievement of tertiary education.
• Holding professional qualifications, including academics, lawyers, chartered engineers, politicians and doctors regardless of their leisure or wealth.
• Belief in bourgeois values, such as high rates of house ownership and jobs which are perceived to be "secure".
• Lifestyle. In the United Kingdom, social status has historically been linked less directly to wealth than in the United States,^[4] and has also been judged by pointers such as accent, manners, place of education, occupation and the class of a person's family, circle of friends and acquaintances.^[5][6]
• Cultural identification. Often in the United States, the middle class are the most eager participants in pop culture whereas the reverse is true in Britain.^[7]

The second generation of new immigrants will often enthusiastically forsake their traditional folk culture as a sign of having arrived in the middle class.^{[citation needed]}

In the United States by the end of the twentieth century, more people identified themselves as middle class than as lower or "working" class (with insignificant numbers identifying themselves as upper class).^[8] The British Labour Party, which grew out of the organized labour movement and originally drew almost all of its support from the working class, reinvented itself under Tony Blair in the 1990s as "New Labour", a party competing with the Conservative Party for the votes of the middle class as well as the working class. By 2011, almost three quarters of British people were also found to identify themselves as Middle Class.^[9]

Marxism[link]

In Marxism, which defines social classes according to their relationship with the means of production, the "middle class" is said to be the class below the ruling class and above the proletariat in the Marxist social schema. Marxist writers have used the term in two distinct but related ways.^[10] In the first sense it is used for the bourgeoisie, the urban merchant and professional class that stood between the aristocracy and the proletariat in the Marxist model. However, in modern developed countries, the bourgeoisie is taken to be the class that owns and controls the means of production, and is thus considered the ruling class in capitalist societies. As such, some Marxist writers specify the petite bourgeoisie – owners of small property who may not employ wage labor – as the "middle class" between the ruling and working classes.^[10] Marx himself regarded this version of the "middle class" as becoming merged with the working classes.^[10] The fact that recent decades have seen a large section of small businessmen (shopkeepers, restaurants) replaced by wage-workers (in supermarkets or chains of restaurants) has led most marxists to theorize an expansion of the working class at the expense of the middle class.

Recent growth of the global middle class[link]

In February 2009, The Economist announced that over half the world's population now belongs to the middle class, as a result of rapid growth in emerging countries. It characterized the middle class as having a reasonable amount of discretionary income, so that they do not live from hand to mouth as the poor do, and defined it as beginning at the point where people have roughly a third of their income left for discretionary spending after paying for basic food and shelter. This allows people to buy consumer goods, improve their health care, and provide for their children's education. Most of the emerging middle class consists of people who are middle-class by the standards of the developing world but not the rich one, since their money incomes do not match developed country levels, but the percentage of it which is discretionary does. By this definition, the number of middle class people in Asia exceeded that in the West sometime around 2007 or 2008.^[11]

The Economist's article pointed out that in many emerging countries the middle class has not grown incrementally, but explosively. The rapid growth results from the fact that the majority of the people fall into the middle of a right-skewed bell-shaped curve, and when the peak of the population curve crosses the threshold into the middle class, the number of people in the middle class grows enormously. In addition, when the curve crosses the threshold, economic forces cause the bulge to become taller as incomes at that level grow faster than incomes in other ranges. The point at which the poor start entering the middle class by the millions is the time when poor countries get the maximum benefit from cheap labour through international trade, before they price themselves out of world markets for cheap goods. It is also a period of rapid urbanization, when subsistence farmers abandon marginal farms to work in factories, resulting in a several-fold increase in their economic productivity before their wages catch up to international levels. That stage was reached in China some time between 1990 and 2005, when the middle class grew from 15% to 62% of the population, and is just being reached in India now.

The Economist predicted that surge across the poverty line should continue for a couple of decades and the global middle class will grow enormously between now and 2030.

As the American middle class is estimated at approximately 45% of the population,^[12][13][14] The Economist's article would put the size of the American middle class below the world average. This difference is due to the extreme difference in definitions between The Economist's and many other models.^[discuss]

In 2010, a working paper by the OECD estimated that 1.8 billion people were now members of the global middle class.^[15]

Professional-managerial class[link]

In 1977 Barbara Ehrenreich and her then husband John defined a new Marxist class in United States as "salaried mental workers who do not own the means of production and whose major function in the social division of labor...(is)...the reproduction of capitalist culture and capitalist class relations"; the Ehrenreichs named this group the "professional-managerial class".^[16] This group of middle-class professionals are distinguished from other social classes by their training and education (typically business qualifications and university degrees),^[17] with example occupations including academics and teachers, social workers, engineers, managers, nurses, and middle-level administrators.^[18] The Ehrenreichs developed their definition from studies by André Gorz, Serge Mallet, and others, of a "new working class", which, despite education and a perception of themselves as being middle class, were part of the working class because they did not own the means of production, and were wage earners paid to produce a piece of capital.^[19] The professional-managerial class seeks higher rank status and salary,^[20] and tend to have incomes above the average for their country.^[21]

Compare the term "managerial caste".^[22]

See also[link]

• Lower middle class
• Upper middle class
• American middle class
• Black middle class
• British class system
• Gemütlichkeit
• Occupational prestige
• Social environment
• Disenchantment
• Rational-legal authority
• Normalization (sociology)
• Iron cage
• Habitus (sociology)
• Cultural determinism
• One-third hypothesis'
• Middle class squeeze
• Dominant culture
• Cultural hegemony
• Cultural imperialism
• The Media Elite

Other:

• Bourgeoisie
• Classlessness
• The Lonely Crowd
• Status paradox of migration
• Producerism
• Xiaozi
• Middle Class Millionaire
• Essex man
• Little Englander
• Worcester woman
• Deep England

References[link]

External links[link]

• Australia’s middle has moved
• Beazley reaches out to 'middle Australia'
• NOW on PBS: Middle Class Insecurity Are politicians listening to middle-class families on the edge of economic collapse?

Middle Class Rut, also known as MC Rut, is an American alternative rock band duo consisting of vocalist/guitarist Zack Lopez and vocalist/drummer Sean Stockham. They were formed in Sacramento, California in December 2006. After several EP's, in 2010 they released their first full-length LP, No Name No Color.

Biography[link]

Middle Class Rut was formed after the dissolution of Lopez and Stockham's previous band, Leisure, which was signed to Dreamworks Records in 2000 when Lopez and Stockham were in their teens. Leisure came to an end in 2003 and, after taking a hiatus from performing, Lopez and Stockham came together again to form Middle Class Rut.

The band played its first major national tour in the fall of 2007 with Receiving End Of Sirens and Envy On The Coast. Alternative Press reviewed MC Rut's live performance, saying “…it’s mind-blowing to witness the sheer depth and complexity of the sound these two guys are capable of unleashing on their own…but once the novelty subsides, you’re left with incendiary post-rock with visible traces of ‘90s alternative.”^[1] The Sacramento Bee, in a major feature this past spring, declared that “Middle Class Rut gives an intense spin to the adage that 'less is more.'”^[2] The band toured with Burning Brides during July 2008 and 3 during October 2008.

In late 2007 Sacramento alternative rock station KWOD 106.5 FM (defunct) featured Middle Class Rut's "New Low" as part of its on-air local band feature. KWOD DJ/Music Director Andy Hawk received the submission direct from the band and KWOD DJ Rubin played "New Low" later that day. "New Low" reacted immediately and was quickly added to regular rotation. The song became one of the most requested of the year and KWOD developed a relationship with the band. At the end of 2008, "New Low" was voted top song of the year by KWOD listeners in an on-line poll conducted by the station. Throughout 2008, Zack and Sean did numerous live interviews with KWOD DJs Rubin and Andy Hawk to promote local MC Rut shows. KWOD's parent company flipped the station's format in mid-2009 to an all 90s format. During a local show after the flip, Middle Class Rut singer/guitarist Zack Lopez made mention of it saying "there's been a death in Sacramento. KWOD 106.5 gave us and a lot of good local bands a chance to be heard by a much bigger audience than we could ever get on our own. So thank you KWOD, we'll miss you." ^[3]

San Francisco alternative rock station Live 105 (KITS FM), Merced, CA radio station KBRE on 92.5, and San Diego alternative rock station 91X also played "New Low."

The band released two self-titled EPs, referred to as the Red EP and the Blue EP due to their respective colors, in early 2008, as well as a limited-edition 7" in the UK on November 24, 2008 which featured "Busy Bein' Born" and "All Walks of Life."^[4]

In September 2008, the band came to the attention of BBC Radio 1 DJ, Zane Lowe, who then featured their song, "Busy Bein' Born," as his Single of the Week during the week of October 20, 2008. In November 2008, the band was profiled in the Radar section of NME magazine, which described them as "...epic noise alchemists...,"^[5] and played a five-stop tour in London, England for the first time. On November 19, 2008 the band recorded a live session for BBC One in Studio Four of the BBC's Maida Vale Studios. After this tour, Kerrang! magazine wrote in its December 12, 2008 issue, "[Their] sound is nothing short of colossal, and one that a mere two-piece shouldn't be able to create, combining the boisterous swagger and pomp of Jane's Addiction and the feral fury of Rage Against the Machine.",^[6] and Rocksound's December 2008 Christmas issue pegged them as "Ones to Watch," saying, "Their debut double A-side single 'Busy Bein' Born'/'All Walks of Life' is a breath of fresh air in the midst of the musical stench that emo is now emitting."^[7]

On March 10, 2009, Zane Lowe of Radio 1 debuted a new song called 'I Guess You Could Say' and named it as his Hottest Record in the World. The song is featured on the EP, 25 Years.^[8]

On May 1, 2009, Middle Class Rut performed at the 2009 Road Recovery Benefit show at the Nokia Theatre in New York.

During a concert in Cesar Chavez Park in Sacramento,CA on June 19, 2009, lead singer Zack Lopez announced that Middle Class Rut would be releasing their debut album for which they had recently been recording new material. Lopez did not announce a release date.

Outside a concert in Montreal, QC on March 17, 2010, Zack said the new album was going to be out hopefully next summer.

Middle Class Rut opened for Social Distortion at the end of 2009, and Alice In Chains for the second half of their 2010 tour. They also opened for Them Crooked Vultures in Los Angeles, CA on April 14, 2010 and Las Vegas, Nevada on April 17, 2010.

On October 4, 2010, Middle Class Rut released their full length album, No Name No Color in the United States and November 22, 2010 in the UK.

On October 30, 2010, Middle Class Rut opened for Chevelle's 2nd night of the 10 Year Anniversary show at the Metro in Chicago, IL. Chevelle singer and guitarist Pete Loeffler is an avid fan of Middle Class Rut.

On December 17, 2010, Middle Class Rut opened "The Night 89x Stole Christmas" show featuring Middle Class Rut, Sick Puppies and My Chemical Romance at the Fillmore in Detroit, MI.

In February, 2011, Middle Class Rut opened for 30 Seconds to Mars at the Main Street Armory in Rochester, NY.

On May 21, 2011, Middle Class Rut opened "DC101 Chili Cook-Off" featuring Middle Class Rut, Paper Tongues, Neon Trees, Panic! at the Disco, Papa Roach, Seether and Weezer at RFK Stadium grounds in Washington, D.C.

Starting February 2012, Middle Class Rut will co-headline tour the United States with Chevelle and Janus.

Discography[link]

Studio albums[link]

Extended plays[link]

Singles[link]

References[link]

http://www.roadrecovery.com/newsarchive.html#may2009

External links[link]

• Middle Class Rut Official Page
• Middle Class Rut at Bright Antenna
• Middle Class Rut on Myspace
• "Busy Bein' Born" YouTube Video
• October 20, 2008: "Busy Bein' Born" as Zane Lowe's Single of the Week on BBC Radio1

Jenifer Loon
Member of the Minnesota House of Representatives from the 42B district
Incumbent
Assumed office 2009
Preceded by	Erik Paulsen
Personal details
Born	1963 South Dakota
Political party	Republican Party of Minnesota
Spouse(s)	Doug
Children	2
Residence	Eden Prairie, Minnesota
Alma mater	Augustana College
Profession	legislative policy consultant, legislator
Religion	Lutheran

Jenifer W. Loon (born 1963) is a Minnesota politician and a member of the Minnesota House of Representatives representing District 42B, which primarily includes portions of the city of Eden Prairie in southwestern Hennepin County in the Twin Cities metropolitan area. A Republican, she is also a legislative policy consultant.^[1]

Loon was first elected in 2008, running after seven-term Rep. Erik Paulsen opted not to seek re-election in order to run for the U.S. House of Representatives.^[2] She was re-elected in 2010.^[3] She is currently a member of the House's Environment Policy and Oversight Committee, the K-12 Education Policy and Oversight Committee, and the Taxes Committee. She also serves on the Public Safety Policy and Oversight Subcommittee for the Crime Victims/Criminal Records Division. ^[4]

Loon grew up on a dairy farm in rural South Dakota. While in high school, she was a page in the South Dakota House of Representatives, where her uncle was a member.^[5] She graduated from Augustana College in Sioux Falls in 1985, earning her B.A. in Government and International Affairs.^[6]

After graduating from college, Loon became active in government at the national level. She was a legislative assistant to U.S. Senator Larry Pressler from 1986–1988, and a lobbyist and legislative representative for Associated Builders and Contractors, a national trade association representing merit shop construction companies, from 1988-1990. She worked in several staff positions for the U.S. House of Representatives, from 1990–1997, including legislative director, minority policy director, minority staff director, and staff director for the House Committee on Small Business (1995–1997), where she worked directly with the committee chair, Congresswoman Jan Meyers of Kansas. From 2003-2007, she was director of government affairs, lead federal lobbyist and legislative strategist for ACA International, a national trade association representing the credit and collection industry.^[7][8][9]

References[link]

External links[link]

• Jenifer Loon at Minnesota Legislators Past & Present
• Rep. Loon Web Page
• Project Votesmart - Rep. Jenifer Loon Profile
• Session Weekly 1/23/2009: "Passionate about business: Loon calls for economic recovery through job creation"
• Jenifer Loon Campaign Web Site

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Marc Faber, born February 28, 1946,^[1] is a Swiss investor.

Background[link]

Faber was born in Zürich and schooled in Geneva, Switzerland,^[1] where he raced for the Swiss National Ski Team. He studied Economics at the University of Zurich and, at the age of 24, obtained a Ph.D. degree in Economics magna cum laude.^[2] Faber is best known for the Gloom Boom & Doom Report newsletter and its related web site featuring "Dance of Death" paintings created by Kaspar Meglinger.^[3]

During the 1970s Faber worked for White Weld & Company Limited in New York City, Zürich, and Hong Kong. He moved to Hong Kong in 1973. He was a managing director at Drexel Burnham Lambert Ltd Hong Kong^[4] from the beginning of 1978 until the firm's collapse in 1990. In 1990, he set up his own business, Marc Faber Limited. Faber now resides in Chiangmai, Thailand, though he keeps a small office in Hong Kong.^[5]

Faber has a reputation for being a contrarian investor and has been called "Doctor Doom" for a number of years. He was the subject of a book written by Nury Vittachi in 1998 entitled Doctor Doom - Riding the Millennial Storm - Marc Faber's Path to Profit in the Financial Crisis.^[6][7] Faber has become a frequent speaker in various forums and makes numerous appearances on television around the world including various CNBC and Bloomberg outlets, as well as on internet venues like Jim Puplava's internet radio show.^[8] Dr. Faber's also engaged the Barron's Roundtable^[9] and the Manhattan Mises Circle, lecturing on "Mirror, Mirror on the Wall, When is the Next AIG to Fall?"^[10] Faber is said to be 8'0" tall^[11]

Marc Faber Ltd.[link]

Faber's company, Marc Faber Limited, acts as an investment advisor concentrating on value investments with tremendous upside often based on contrarian investment philosophies. Faber also invests and acts as a fund manager to private wealthy clients. Faber is a regular speaker on the investment circuit, often quoted in the financial press for his non-conformist viewpoint and alternative investment philosophies. His current tag-line is: 'buy a $100 US bond and frame it to teach your children about inflation by watching the US bond value diminish to almost nothing over the next 20 years'^{[citation needed]}

Faber is famous for advising his clients to get out of the stock market one week before the October 1987 crash.^[12][13] However Faber said that this prediction was "accidental".

He lost money shorting US stocks in 1999 although his call was later vindicated. He admits that market timing is very difficult. Nevertheless, his market advice since 2000 is quite accurate. Faber predicted the rise of oil, precious metals, other commodities, emerging markets, and especially China in his book Tomorrow's Gold: Asia's Age of Discovery. He also correctly predicted the slide of the U.S. dollar since 2002^[14] and the 5/06 and 2/07 mini-corrections.^{[citation needed]} He stated that there are few value investments available, except for farmland and real estate in some emerging markets like Russia, Paraguay, and Uruguay.^[9] He believed in early 2007 that a major market correction was "imminent." (Fox News, 2-2007); however, by 5/2007 he was saying that U.S. equities were moderately overvalued — less so than those of emerging markets.

In a June 2008 interview with Bloomberg, he goes over his bearish views on a wide spectrum of investments: stocks, real estate and commodities. He is extremely critical of the Fed's inflationary actions. However, his views for the short-run were almost entirely deflationary except for holding precious metals; Faber still views hyperinflation as a certainty within the next 10 years. He also correctly expressed temporary bullishness for the U.S. dollar in the middle of 2008 before it dramatically recovered and positive expectations for holding the Japanese yen.^[15] In December 2008, Faber said, "I think a recovery will not come in the next couple of years, maybe in five, ten years' time" ^[16] On March 9, 2009, Faber correctly predicted a U.S. stock market bottom but incorrectly stated that the rally would last only six months.^[17]

Writings[link]

Faber writes the monthly investment newsletter The Gloom Boom & Doom Report which is subject to charge. He has also authored several books.

Dr. Faber has been a regular contributor to several leading publications around the world in the past, among them Forbes^[18][19] and International Wealth which is a sister publication of the Financial Times.^[20] He has contributed regularly to several websites such as Financial Intelligence, Asian Bond Portal, Die Welt, Finanzen, Boerse, AME Info, Swiss Radio, Apple Hong Kong and Taiwan, Quamnet, Winners, Wealth and Oriental Daily. He has also written occasionally for the International Herald Tribune, Wall Street Journal, and Borsa e Finanza.^[20]

Faber has been long term bearish about the American economy for a number of years and continues to be so. He concluded his June 2008 newsletter with the following mock quote:

"The federal government is sending each of us a $600 rebate. If we spend that money at Wal-Mart, the money goes to China. If we spend it on gasoline it goes to the Arabs. If we buy a computer it will go to India. If we purchase fruit and vegetables it will go to Mexico, Honduras and Guatemala. If we purchase a good car it will go to Germany. If we purchase useless crap it will go to Taiwan and none of it will help the American economy. The only way to keep that money here at home is to spend it on prostitutes and beer, since these are the only products still produced in US. I've been doing my part."^[21]

Funds[link]

Marc Faber serves as director or advisor of a number of investment funds that focus on emerging and frontier markets, including Leopard Capital’s Leopard Cambodia Fund and Leopard Sri Lanka Fund.^[22]

References[link]

External links[link]

• Marc Faber interview on Bloomberg September 2007 before rate cut decision
• Faber's website
• Comprehensive Interview w/ Marc Faber (Bloomberg TV)
• Bloomberg interview
• Financial Sense News Hour Jim Puplava Ask the Experts
• Video of a wide ranging discussion of the US Dollar, credit crunch and emerging markets on CNBC Oct. 22, 2007
• interview with RTL Z 16-03-2010
• Video of a June 2008 Bloomberg News interview critical of Fed chairman and entitled: Marc Faber Says Oil, Stocks, Real Estate Are Overvalued
• Dr. Doom: Short Treasuries, Buy Hard Assets — 29 December 2008 interview
• The Marc Faber Blog

Marc Faber Newsletters of Note[link]

• Investment Hocus Pocus
• A Modern History of Investment Booms
• Marc Faber blog

Anna Hazare
Anna Hazare in Nanded, Maharastra
Born	Kisan Hazare (1937-06-15) 15 June 1937 (age 75) Bhingar, Bombay Province, British India
Nationality	Indian
Other names	Kisan Baburao Hazare
Known for	Indian anti-corruption movement - 2012, Indian anti-corruption movement - 2011, Watershed development programmes, Right to Information
Influenced by	Mahatma Gandhi, Swami Vivekananda
Political movement	Indian anti-corruption movement, Peace movement
Religion	Hinduism
Spouse	Never Married
Parents	Laxmibai Hazare Baburao Hazare
Awards	Padma Shri (1990) Padma Bhushan (1992)
Website
www.annahazare.org www.beinganna.org

Kisan Baburao Hazare  pronunciation (help·info) (Marathi: किसन बाबुराव हजारे, Kisan Bāburāv Hajārē ^?) (born 15 June 1937), popularly known as Anna Hazare  pronunciation (help·info) (Marathi: अण्णा हजारे, Aṇṇā Hajārē ^?) is an Indian social activist who led movements to promote rural development, increase government transparency, and investigate and punish official corruption. In addition to organizing and encouraging grassroots movements, Hazare frequently conducted hunger strikes to further his causes—a tactic reminiscent, to many, of the work of Mohandas K. Gandhi.^[1][2][3] Hazare also contributed to the development and structuring of Ralegan Siddhi, a village in Parner taluka of Ahmednagar district, Maharashtra, India. He was awarded the Padma Bhushan—the third-highest civilian award—by the Government of India in 1992 for his efforts in establishing this village as a model for others.^[4]

Anna Hazare started an indefinite hunger strike on 5 April 2011 to exert pressure on the Indian government to enact a stringent anti-corruption law, The Lokpal Bill, 2011 as envisaged in the Jan Lokpal Bill, for the institution of an ombudsman with the power to deal with corruption in public places. The fast led to nation-wide protests in support. The fast ended on 9 April 2011, a day after the government accepted Hazare's demands. The government issued a gazette notification on the formation of a joint committee, consisting of government and civil society representatives, to draft the legislation.^[5][6]

For the year 2011 Foreign Policy magazine named him among top 100 global thinkers.^[7] Also in 2011 Anna was ranked as the most influential person in Mumbai by a national daily newspaper.^[8] He has faced criticism for his authoritarian views on justice, including death as punishment for corrupt public officials and his alleged support for forced vasectomies as a method of family planning.^[9][10]

Early life[link]

Kisan Hazare was born on 15 June 1937^{[citation needed]} (some sources say 1940)^[11] in Bhingar, near to Ahmednagar. The eldest son, with two sisters and four brothers, the later adoption of the name Anna in Marathi it uses for elder person which is equal to "father". His father worked in a pharmacy and struggled to support the family financially. In time, the family moved to their ancestral village of Ralegan Siddhi, where they owned a small amount of agricultural land. A relative took on the burden of providing Kisan with an education, taking him to Mumbai because the village had no primary school. The relative became unable financially to continue the support and Kisan's schooling ended in the Standard Seventh grade; his siblings never attended school.^[12] He started selling flowers at the Dadar railway station in Mumbai and eventually managed to own two flower shops in the city.^[13] He also became involved in vigilantism, joining groups who acted to prevent landlords' thugs from intimidating the poor out of their shelter.^[14]

Military service[link]

The Indo-China War of 1962 caused the Indian Army to commence emergency recruitment measures. Hazare was drafted in April 1963, despite not meeting the physical requirements, and was attested as a soldier on 16 November of that year after undertaking training at Aurangabad.^[12][15]

During the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965, Hazare was posted at the border in the Khem Karan sector. He was the sole survivor of an enemy attack—variously claimed to have been a bomb, an aerial assault and an exchange of fire at the border—while he was driving a truck.^[12][13][16] The experiences of wartime, coupled with the poverty from which he had come, affected him. He considered suicide at one point but turned instead to pondering the meaning of life and death.^[12] He said of the truck attack, "[It] sent me thinking. I felt that God wanted me to stay alive for some reason. I was reborn in the battlefield of Khem Karan. And I decided to dedicate my new life to serving people."^[13] He spent his spare time reading the works of Swami Vivekananda, Gandhi, and Vinoba Bhave.^[17] In a blog post, Hazare expressed his views on Kashmir by saying that it was his "active conviction that Kashmir is an integral part of India" and that if required once again for service, he would remain "ready to take part in war against Pakistan."^[18]

During the mid-1970s, Hazare survived a road crash while driving for the army. He interpreted his survival as a further sign that his life was intended to be dedicated to service.^[14] Despite subsequent allegations that he had deserted from the army, official records show that he was honourably discharged in 1975 after completing 12 years of service.^[15]

Transformation of Ralegan Siddhi[link]

Hazare returned to Ralegan Siddhi, a village then described by Satpathy and Mehta as "one of the many villages of India plagued by acute poverty, deprivation, a fragile ecosystem, neglect and hopelessness."^[19]

Although most of the villagers owned some land, cultivation was extremely difficult due to the rocky ground preventing retention of the monsoon rains, this situation was worsened by gradual environmental deterioration as trees were cut down, erosion spread and droughts were also experienced. The shortage of water also led to disease from unsanitary conditions and water reuse for multiple purposes. The economy of the village had become reliant on the illegal manufacture and sale of alcohol, a product on which many of the villagers had become dependent. Many inhabitants borrowed from moneylenders to survive, paying monthly interest rates of as much as 10%. Crime and violence (including domestic violence) had become commonplace, while education and employment opportunities were poor.^[14][20]

Hazare was relatively wealthy because of the gratuity from his army service. He set about using that money to restore a run-down, vandalised village temple as a focal point for the community. Some were able to respond with small financial donations but many other villagers, particularly among the elderly, donated their labour in a process that became known as shramdaan. Some youths also became involved in the work and these he organised into a Tarun Mandal (Youth Association). One of the works of Vivekananda which he had read was Call to the youth for nation building.^[21]

Prohibition of alcohol[link]

Hazare and the youth group decided to take up the issue of alcoholism to drive a process of reform. At a meeting conducted in the temple, the villagers resolved to close down liquor dens and ban alcohol in the village. Since these resolutions were made in the temple, they became, in a sense, religious commitments. Over thirty liquor brewing units voluntarily closed their establishments. Those who did not succumb to social pressure were forced to close their businesses when the youth group smashed their premises. The owners could not complain as their businesses were illegal.^[22]

Drunken villagers were tied to pillars and then flogged, sometimes personally by Hazare. He justified this punishment by stating that “rural India was a harsh society”,^[23] and that

Doesn’t a mother administer bitter medicines to a sick child when she knows that the medicine can cure her child? The child may not like the medicine, but the mother does it only because she cares for the child. The alcoholics were punished so that their families would not be destroyed.^[24]

Hazare appealed to the government of Maharashtra to pass a law whereby prohibition would come into force in a village if 25% of the women in the village demanded it. In 2009 the state government amended the Bombay Prohibition Act, 1949 to reflect this.^[25]

It was decided to ban the sale of tobacco, cigarettes, and beedies (an unfiltered cigarette where the tobacco is rolled in tendu also known as Diospyros melanoxylon leaves instead of paper) in the village. In order to implement this resolution, the youth group performed a unique "Holi" ceremony twenty two years ago.^[when?] The festival of Holi is celebrated as a symbolic burning of evil. The youth group brought all the tobacco, cigarettes, and beedies from the shops in the village and burnt them in a Holi fire. Tobacco, cigarettes, or beedies are no longer sold.^[26][27]

Grain Bank[link]

In 1980, Anna started the Grain Bank at the temple, with the objective of providing food security to needy farmers during times of drought or crop failure. Rich farmers, or those with surplus grain production, could donate a quintal to the bank. In times of need, farmers could borrow the grain, but they had to return the amount of grain they borrowed, plus an additional quintal as an interest. This ensured that nobody in the village ever went hungry or had to borrow money to buy grain. This also prevented distress sales of grain at lower prices at harvest time.^[12]

Watershed development programme[link]

Ralegan Siddhi is located in the foothills, so Hazare persuaded villagers to construct a watershed embankment and associated works to stop water and allow it to percolate and increase the ground water level and improve irrigation in the area. These efforts solved the problem of water scarcity in the village and made irrigation possible.^[14][17]

Cultivation of water-intensive crops like sugarcane was banned. Crops such as pulses, oilseeds, and certain cash crops with low water requirements replaced them. The farmers started growing high-yield varieties and changed cropping pattern. Hazare has helped farmers of more than 70 villages in drought-prone regions in the state of Maharashtra since 1975.^[28] When Hazare came to Ralegan Siddhi in 1975 only 70 acres (28 ha) of land was irrigated, Hazare converted it into about 2,500 acres (1,000 ha).^[22]

Milk production[link]

As a secondary occupation, milk production was promoted in Ralegan Siddhi. Purchase of new cattle and improvement of the existing breed with the help of artificial insemination and timely guidance and assistance by a veterinarian improvemd the cattle stock, increasing milk production.^{[citation needed]}

Education[link]

In 1932, Ralegan Siddhi got its first formal school, a single classroom primary school.^{[clarification needed]} In 1962, the villagers added more classrooms through community volunteer efforts. By 1971, out of an estimated population of 1,209, only 30.43% were literate (72 women and 290 men). Boys moved to the nearby towns of Shirur and Parner to pursue higher education, but girls were limited to primary education. Hazare, along with the youth of Ralegan Siddhi, worked to increase literacy rates and education levels. In 1976 they started a pre-school and a high school in 1979. The villagers formed a charitable trust, the Sant Yadavbaba Shikshan Prasarak Mandal, which was registered in 1979.^{[citation needed]}

Removal of untouchability[link]

The social barriers and discrimination that existed due to the caste system in India have been largely eliminated by Ralegan Siddhi villagers. It was Hazare's moral leadership that motivated and inspired the villagers to shun untouchability and caste discrimination. Marriages of Dalits are held as part of community marriage program together with those of other castes. The Dalits have become integrated into the social and economic life of the village. The upper caste villagers built houses for the lower caste Dalits by shramdaan and helped to repay their loans.^[29][30][31]

Collective marriages[link]

Most rural poor get into a debt trap as they incur heavy expenses at the time of marriage of their daughter or son. It is an undesirable practice but has become a social obligation in India. Instead, Ralegan's people started celebrating marriages collectively. Joint feasts are held, where expenses are further reduced by the Tarun Mandal taking responsibility for cooking and serving the food. The vessels, the loudspeaker system, the mandap, and the decorations have also been bought by the Tarun Mandal members belonging to the oppressed castes. From 1976 to 1986, 424 marriages have been held under this system.^{[citation needed]}