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Antipositivism (also known as interpretivism or interpretive sociology) is the view in social science that the social realm may not be subject to the same methods of investigation as the natural world; that academics must reject empiricism and the scientific method in the conduct of social research. Antipositivists hold that researchers should focus on understanding the interpretations that social actions have for the people being studied.^[1]

Antipositivism relates to various historical debates in the philosophy and sociology of science. In modern practice, however, interpretivism may be equated with qualitative research methods, while positivist research is more quantitative.^[2] Positivists typically use research methods such as experiments and statistical surveys, while antipositivists use research methods which rely more on ethnographic fieldwork, conversation/discourse analysis or open-ended interviews. Positivist and antipositivist methods are sometimes combined.^[3]

The concept[link]

In the early 19th century various intellectuals, perhaps most notably the Hegelians, began to question the prospect of empirical social analysis. Karl Marx died before the establishment of formal social science but nonetheless fiercely rejected Comtean sociological positivism (despite himself attempting to establish a historical materialist 'science of society').^{[citation needed]} The enhanced positivism presented by Durkheim would serve to found modern academic sociology and social research, yet retained many of the mechanical elements of its predecessor. Hermeneuticians such as Wilhelm Dilthey theorized in detail on the distinction between natural and social science ('Geisteswissenschaft'), whilst neo-Kantian philosophers such as Heinrich Rickert maintained that the social realm, with its abstract meanings and symbolisms, is inconsistent with scientific methods of analysis. Edmund Husserl, meanwhile, negated positivism through the rubric of phenomenology.^[4]

At the turn of the 20th century, the first wave of German sociologists formally introduced verstehende sociological antipositivism, proposing research should concentrate on human cultural norms, values, symbols, and social processes viewed from a resolutely subjective perspective. Max Weber argued sociology may be loosely described as a 'science' as it is able to methodologically identify causal relationships of human "social action"—especially among ideal types, or hypothetical simplifications of complex social phenomena.^[5] As an antipositivist, however, one seeks relationships that are not as "ahistorical, invariant, or generalizable"^[6] as those pursued by natural scientists.

Ferdinand Tönnies discussed Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft (lit. community and society) as the two normal types of human association. For the antipositivists, reality cannot be explained without concepts. Tönnies drew a sharp line between the realm of conceptuality and the reality of social action: the first must be treated axiomatically and in a deductive way ('pure' sociology), whereas the second empirically and in an inductive way ('applied' sociology). The interaction between theory (or constructed concepts) and data is always fundamental in social science and this subjection distinguishes it from physical science. Durkheim himself noted the importance of constructing concepts in the abstract (e.g. "collective consciousness" and "social anomie") in order to form workable categories for experimentation. Both Weber and Georg Simmel pioneered the verstehen (or 'interpretative') approach toward social science; a systematic process in which an outside observer attempts to relate to a particular cultural group, or indigenous people, on their own terms and from their own point of view.

[Sociology is ] ... the science whose object is to interpret the meaning of social action and thereby give a causal explanation of the way in which the action proceeds and the effects which it produces. By 'action' in this definition is meant the human behaviour when and to the extent the agent or agents see it as subjectively meaningful ... the meaning to which we refer may be either (a) the meaning actually intended either by an individual agent on a particular historical occasion or by a number of agents on an approximate average in a given set of cases, or (b) the meaning attributed to the agent or agents, as types, in a pure type constructed in the abstract. In neither case is the 'meaning' thought of as somehow objectively 'correct' or 'true' by some metaphysical criterion. This is the difference between the empirical sciences of action, such as sociology and history, and any kind of a priori discipline, such as jurisprudence, logic, ethics, or aesthetics whose aim is to extract from their subject-matter 'correct' or 'valid' meaning.

—Max Weber, The Nature of Social Action 1922 ^[7]

Through the work of Simmel, in particular, sociology acquired a possible character beyond positivist data-collection or grand, deterministic systems of structural law. Relatively isolated from the sociological academy throughout his lifetime, Simmel presented idiosyncratic analyses of modernity more reminiscent of the phenomenological and existential writers than of Comte or Durkheim, paying particular concern to the forms of, and possibilities for, social individuality.^[8] His sociology engaged in a neo-Kantian critique of the limits of human perception.^[9] One may say Michel Foucault's critiques of the human sciences take Kantian scepticism to its extreme over half a century later.

Antipositivism thus holds there is no methodological unity of the sciences: the three goals of positivism - description, control, and prediction - are incomplete, since they lack any understanding. Some argue, even if positivism were correct, it would be dangerous. Science aims at understanding causality so control can be exerted. If this succeeded in sociology, those with knowledge would be able to control the ignorant and this could lead to social engineering.^[10] The perspective, however, has led to controversy over how one can draw the line between subjective and objective research, much less draw an artificial line between environment and human organization (see environmental sociology), and influenced the study of hermeneutics. The base concepts of antipositivism have expanded beyond the scope of social science, in fact, phenomenology has the same basic principles at its core. Simply put, positivists see sociology as a science, while anti-positivists don't.

The antipositivist tradition continued in the establishment of critical theory, particularly the work associated with the so-called 'Frankfurt School' of social research. Antipositivism would be further facilitated by rejections of 'scientism'; or science as ideology. Jürgen Habermas argues, in his On the Logic of the Social Sciences (1967), that "the positivist thesis of unified science, which assimilates all the sciences to a natural-scientific model, fails because of the intimate relationship between the social sciences and history, and the fact that they are based on a situation-specific understanding of meaning that can be explicated only hermeneutically ... access to a symbolically prestructured reality cannot be gained by observation alone."^[11]

See also[link]

• Austrian School
• Critical theory
• Humanistic sociology
• Philosophy of social science
• Positivism
• Positivism dispute
• Postpositivism
• Poststructuralism
• Social action
• Symbolic interactionism
• Verstehen

References[link]

1. ^ Gerber, John J. Macionis, Linda M.. Sociology (7th Canadian ed. ed.). Toronto: Pearson Canada. pp. 32. ISBN 978-0-13-700161-3. 
2. ^ . ISBN 978-0-13-700161-3. 
3. ^ Antipositivism on Museum of Learning
4. ^ Outhwaite, William, 1988 Habermas: Key Contemporary Thinkers, Polity Press (Second Edition 2009), ISBN 978-0-7456-4328-1 p.20-25
5. ^ Ashley D, Orenstein DM (2005). Sociological theory: Classical statements (6th ed.). Boston, MA, USA: Pearson Education. pp. 239–240. 
6. ^ Ashley D, Orenstein DM (2005). Sociological theory: Classical statements (6th ed.). Boston, MA, USA: Pearson Education. p. 241. 
7. ^ Weber, Max The Nature of Social Action in Runciman, W.G. 'Weber: Selections in Translation' Cambridge University Press, 1991. p7.
8. ^ Levine, Donald (ed) 'Simmel: On individuality and social forms' Chicago University Press, 1971. pxix.
9. ^ Levine, Donald (ed) 'Simmel: On individuality and social forms' Chicago University Press, 1971. p6.
10. ^ Antipositivism on Wikia
11. ^ Outhwaite, William, 1988 Habermas: Key Contemporary Thinkers, Polity Press (Second Edition 2009), ISBN 978-0-7456-4328-1 p.22

Peter J. Boettke (born January 3, 1960) is an American economist of the Austrian School. He is currently university professor of economics at George Mason University, the BB&T Professor for the Study of Capitalism, vice president for research, and research director for the Global Prosperity Initiative at the Mercatus Center, and the deputy director of the James M. Buchanan Center for Political Economy.^[5]

Early life and education[link]

Boettke was born in Rahway, New Jersey to Fred and Elinor Boettke and remained there until he moved to Pennsylvania to attend Thiel College in Greenville and later Grove City College. It was at Grove City College that he became interested in economics, when he took a course taught by Hans Sennholz^[4] and there that he developed his religious convictions.^[6] After completing a B.A. (1983) in economics at Grove City, Boettke attended George Mason University where he earned an M.A. (1987) and a Ph.D. (1989) in economics.^[1]

Professional history[link]

After receiving his doctoral degree, Boettke taught at several schools, including Oakland University, Manhattan College, and New York University.^[7] In 1998, he returned to George Mason University as a faculty member. In 2004, he was named a Hayek Fellow at the London School of Economics. He has also been a Faculty Fellow at the Charles University/Georgetown University American Institute for Political and Economic Studies in Prague and a Visiting Scholar at the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace at Stanford University. Boettke is Deputy Director of the James M. Buchanan Center for Political Economy at George Mason University where he is a professor of economics. He is also senior research fellow at the Mercatus Center. Until 2007, Boettke held the position of Director of Graduate Studies for the Ph.D. program in economics at George Mason. He is also editor-in-chief of the Review of Austrian Economics [1].

He lives in Fairfax, Virginia with his wife Rosemary and their two sons, Matthew and Stephen.^{[citation needed]}

Books[link]

As author[link]

• The Political Economy of Soviet Socialism: The Formative Years, 1918-1928 (Kluwer, 1990) ISBN 0-7923-9100-4.
• Why Perestroika Failed: The Economics and Politics of Socialism Transformation (Routledge, 1993) ISBN 0-415-08514-4.
• Calculation and Coordination: Essays on Socialism and Transitional Political Economy (Routledge, 2001) ISBN 0-415-77109-9.
• The Economic Way of Thinking with Heyne and Prychitko (Prentice Hall, 2005) ISBN 0-13-154369-5.
• Aligica, Paul Dragos; Boettke, Peter (2009). Challenging Institutional Analysis and Development: The Bloomington School. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-77820-6. 

As editor[link]

• Market Process: Essays in Contemporary Austrian Economics. Edward Elgar, 1994.
• The Collapse of Development Planning. New York University Press, 1994.
• The Elgar Companion to Austrian Economics. Elgar, 1994
• The Market Process, 2 volumes. Elgar, 1998
• The Legacy of F. A. Hayek: Politics, Philosophy, Economics, 3 volumes. Edward Elgar, 1999
• Socialism and the Market: The Socialist Calculation Debate Revisited, 9 volumes. Routledge, 2000.
• The Economic Role of the State (ed. with Peter Leeson). Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, under contract.
• The Legacy of Ludwig von Mises: Theory and History, ed. with Peter Leeson. 2 vols. Aldershot: Edward Elgar, 2006. ISBN 978-1-84064-402-9
• The Economic Point of View, the first volume of Israel Kirzner's Collected Works, edited with Frederic Sautet and published by Liberty Fund, December 2009.
• Handbook On Contemporary Austrian Economics, Edward Elgar, 2010.
• Market Theory and the Price System, the second volume of Israel Kirzner's Collected Works, edited with Frederic Sautet and published by Liberty Fund, May 2011.
• Essays on Capital, the third volume of Israel Kirzner's Collected Works, edited with Frederic Sautet and published by Liberty Fund is scheduled to come out in 2012.

References[link]

1. ^ ^{a b} Boettke's faculty bio at George Mason University
2. ^ You Cannot Be Serious! Paul Krugman's Nobel Prize
3. ^ Boettke, Peter. "'Human Action': The Treatise in Economics." The Freeman 59, no. 7 (September 2009): 16-18.
4. ^ ^{a b} "Spreading Hayek, Spurning Keynes: Professor Leads an Austrian Revival," Wall Street Journal, August 27, 2010,
5. ^ Boettke's bio at Mercatus:"Peter J. Boettke - Mercatus". http://mercatus.org/peter-j-boettke. 
6. ^ "Religion and Economics". http://www.gordon.edu/ace/pdf/SymposiumF05F&E46.pdf. "Spiritually--that Jesus Christ is Lord and Savoir [sic] and that one must commit to a personal relationship with God and to strive to live a Christ-centered life. Historically--the role of the Christian Church in the development of Western Civilization. Intellectually--the philosophical and epistemological importance of Christian presuppositionalism." 
7. ^ Peter J. Boettke - Biographical Information

External links[link]

• Boettke's Coordination Problem blog (with Christopher Coyne, Steve Horwitz, Peter Leeson, Dave Prychitko, and Frederic Sautet)
• Boettke's bio at the Institute for Humane Studies
• Liberty & Power Group Blog
• 2006 Podcast featuring Boettke Boettke discusses Hurricane Katrina and the economics of disaster on EconTalk.
• 2007 Podcast featuring Boettke Boettke on the origins and tenets of Austrian economics on EconTalk.
• 2009 Podcast featuring Boettke Boettke talks about the Austrian perspective on business cycles, monetary policy and the current state of the economy on EconTalk.
• "A Market Nobel," Wall Street Journal op-ed, October 16, 2007

This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (January 2012)

Ulrike Marie Meinhof
Ulrike Meinhof as a young journalist, around 1964
Born	(1934-10-07)October 7, 1934 Oldenburg, Germany
Died	May 9, 1976(1976-05-09) (aged 41) Stuttgart, West Germany
Organization	Red Army Faction

Ulrike Marie Meinhof (7 October 1934 – 9 May 1976) was a German left-wing militant. She co-founded the Red Army Faction (Rote Armee Fraktion) in 1970 after having previously worked as a journalist for the monthly left-wing magazine Konkret. She was arrested in 1972, and eventually charged with numerous murders and the formation of a criminal association. Before the trial concluded, Meinhof was found hanged in her cell in 1976.

Early life[link]

Ulrike Meinhof was born in 1934 in Oldenburg, Germany. In 1936, her family moved to Jena when her father, art historian Dr. Werner Meinhof, became director of the city's museum. Her father died of cancer in 1940, causing her mother to take in a boarder, Renate Riemeck, to make money. In 1946, the family moved back to Oldenburg because Jena fell under Soviet rule as a result of the Yalta agreement. Ulrike's mother, Dr. Ingeborg Meinhof, worked as a teacher after World War II^[1] and died 8 years later from cancer. Renate Riemeck took on the role of guardian for Ulrike and her elder sister.

In 1952, she took her Abitur at a school in Weilburg. She then studied philosophy, sociology, education and German at Marburg where she became involved with reform movements.^{[citation needed]}

In 1957, she moved to the University of Münster, where she met the Spanish Marxist Manuel Sacristán (who later translated and edited some of her writings) and joined the Socialist German Student Union, participating in the protests against the rearmament of the Bundeswehr and its involvement with nuclear weapons as proposed by Konrad Adenauer's government. She eventually became the spokeswoman of the local Anti-Atomtod-Ausschuss ('Anti-Atomic Death Committee'). In 1958, she spent a short time on the AStA (German: Allgemeiner Studierendenausschuss, or General Committee of Students) of the university and wrote articles for various student newspapers.^{[citation needed]}

In 1959, she joined the Communist Party of Germany (KPD)—the banned German Communist Party—and later began working at the magazine konkret, serving as chief editor from 1962 until 1964. In 1961, she married the co-founder and publisher of konkret, Klaus Rainer Röhl. Their marriage produced twins, Regine and Bettina, on 21 September 1962, and lasted until their separation in 1967, which was followed by divorce the following year.^{[citation needed]}

Establishment of the Red Army Faction[link]

The attempted assassination of student activist Rudi Dutschke on 11 April 1968, provoked Meinhof to write an article in konkret demonstrating her increasingly militant attitude and containing perhaps her best-known quote:

Protest is when I say this does not please me.

Resistance is when I ensure what does not please me occurs no more.^[2][3]

Later that year, her writings on arson attacks in Frankfurt protesting the Vietnam War resulted in her developing an acquaintance with the perpetrators, most significantly Andreas Baader and Gudrun Ensslin. She left her job at konkret in the early part of 1969 (later returning to vandalise the offices in May) and began her life as a guerilla.^{[citation needed]}

Perhaps her last work as an individual was the writing and production of the film Bambule in 1970, urging female revolt and class warfare; by the time it was scheduled to be aired, she had become a wanted terrorist and its broadcast was delayed until 1997. More specifically, by that point she had participated in the breakout of Baader on 14 May 1970. During this assisted escape (from a research institute Baader was visiting rather than a prison), a 64-year old librarian was shot (several times with a pistol, resulting in critical liver damage) and two law enforcement officers were wounded. Baader and the three women involved were accused of attempted murder and a 10,000DM reward was offered for Meinhof's capture.^{[citation needed]}

Action in the Red Army Faction and arrest[link]

In the next two years Meinhof participated in the various bank robberies and bombings executed by the group. She and other RAF members attempted to kidnap her children so that they could be sent to a camp for Palestinian orphans and educated there according to her desires; however, the twins were intercepted in Sicily and returned to their father, in part due to the intervention of Stefan Aust.^[4]

During this period, Meinhof wrote or recorded many of the manifestos and tracts for the RAF. The most significant of these is probably The Concept of the Urban Guerrilla, a response to an essay by Horst Mahler, that attempts to set out more correctly their prevailing ideology. It also included the first use of the name Rote Armee Fraktion and, in the publications of it, the first use of the RAF insignia.^[5] Her practical importance in the group, however, was often overstated by the media, the most obvious example being the common name Baader-Meinhof gang for the RAF. (Gudrun Ensslin is often considered to have been the effective female co-leader of the group rather than Meinhof.)

On 22 October 1971, Meinhof, alongside Margrit Schiller and Gerhard Müller, was involved in a shoot out with a group of policemen in Hamburg during an attempted arrest. One policeman was shot six times and killed. Though Müller and Meinhof managed to get away, Schiller was arrested a few hours later.^{[citation needed]}

On 14 June 1972, in Langenhagen, Fritz Rodewald, a teacher who had been providing accommodation to deserters from the U.S. Armed Forces, was approached by a stranger asking for an overnighting house the next day for herself and a friend. He agreed but later became suspicious that the woman might be involved with the RAF and eventually decided to call the police. The next day the pair arrived at Rodewald's dwelling while the police watched. The man was followed to a nearby telephone box and was found to be Gerhard Müller who was armed. After arresting Müller, the police then proceeded to arrest the woman – Ulrike Meinhof.^{[citation needed]}

Imprisonment and death[link]

Burial site for Ulrike Meinhof.

In December 1972, Meinhof, who was awaiting trial, was called to testify at Horst Mahler's trial where Mahler questioned her about the statement of support the two had issued for the September 1972 massacre of Israeli athletes at the Munich Olympics. His questioning led her to say

How was Auschwitz possible, what was anti-Semitism? It used the hatred of the people of their dependence on money as a medium of exchange, their longing for communism. Auschwitz means that six million Jews were murdered and carted on to the rubbish dumps of Europe for being that which was maintained of them – Money-Jews. What had happened was that finance capital and banks, the hard core of the system of imperialism and capitalism, had diverted the people’s hatred of money and exploitation away from themselves and on to the Jews.^[6]

After two years of preliminary hearings, Meinhof was sentenced to 8 years' imprisonment on 29 November 1974. Eventually Meinhof, Baader, Ensslin, and Raspe were jointly charged on 19 August 1975, with four counts of murder, fifty-four of attempted murder, and a single count of forming a criminal association. However before the trial was concluded, Meinhof was found hanged by a rope, fashioned from a towel, in her cell in the Stammheim Prison on 9 May 1976. It is highly probable that, if not for her death, she would have been sentenced to 'life imprisonment plus 15 years'. (The remaining three defendants received such a sentence,^[7] designed to minimize the possibility of early parole.)

The official verdict was that Meinhof had committed suicide. It was later discovered that she had become increasingly isolated from other RAF prisoners. Notes exchanged between them in prison included one by Gudrun Ensslin, describing her as 'too weak'. The official findings were not accepted by many in the RAF^[8] and other militant organisations, and there are still some who doubt their accuracy and believe that she was murdered by the authorities. In 2001, the findings of the inquiry were published under the title Der Tod Ulrike Meinhofs. Bericht der Internationalen Untersuchungskommission (The Death of Ulrike Meinhof. Report of the International Investigation Committee).^[9]

Meinhof's body was buried six days after her death, in Berlin-Mariendorf.^{[citation needed]}

In late 2002, following investigations by her daughter Bettina, it was discovered that Meinhof's brain had been retained (apparently without permission) following the autopsy performed as part of the investigation into Meinhof's death. The original autopsy had found brain injury near the amygdala, resulting from unsuccessful surgery in 1962 to remove a benign brain tumor. The unpublished autopsy results at the time stated that the brain injuries "justified questions as to the culpability" of Meinhof. Bernhard Bogerts, a psychiatrist at Magdeburg university, later re-examined the brain and also doubted that Meinhof was fully criminally responsible.^[10][11] On Bettina's request, the brain was interred in Meinhof's burial place on 19 December 2002.^[12]

Portrayals[link]

The book Lieber wütend als traurig (Better Angry than Sad)^[13] by Alois Prinz was intended as a mainly faithful account of Meinhof's lifestory for adolescents.

Meinhof's life has been the subject, to varying degrees of fictionalisation, of several films and stage productions. Included in the former is Reinhard Hauff's 1986 account of the Stammheim trial, Margarethe von Trotta's 1981 Marianne and Juliane and Uli Edel's 2008 film The Baader Meinhof Complex. Of the latter there has been the 1990 opera Ulrike Meinhof by Johann Kresnik, the 1993 play Leviathan by Dea Loher, the 2005 play La extraordinaria muerte de Ulrike M. by Spanish playwright Carlos Be and the 2006 play Ulrike Maria Stuart (de) by Austrian playwright Elfriede Jelinek.^{[citation needed]}

The 2010 feature documentary Children of the Revolution tells Meinhof's story from the perspective of her daughter, journalist and historian Bettina Röhl (de).

Subtopia, a novel published in 2005 by Australian author and academic A.L. McCann, is partially set in Berlin and contains a character who is obsessed with Ulrike Meinhof and another that claims to have attended her funeral.^{[citation needed]}

Music[link]

Marianne Faithfull's album Broken English had the title track dedicated to Meinhof.^{[citation needed]}

The anarcho punk band Chumbawamba's 1990 album, Slap! featured an opening and closing track, both named after Meinhof. The first track was entitled Ulrike and featured lyrics which directly involved Ulrike Meinhof as the protagonist and the final track was purely instrumental (but unrelated to the first track) and was entitled "Meinhof". The album's liner notes included information and an article relating to the song Ulrike.^{[citation needed]}

Electronica act Doris Days created a track entitled To Ulrike M., in which there is a passage spoken in German throughout the song, presumably an archived audio file from Ulrike Meinhof herself. This track has since been remixed by other electronica acts like Zero 7, Kruder & Dorfmeister, and The Amalgamation Of Soundz.^{[citation needed]}

The German duo Andreas Ammer and F.M. Einheit released an album in 1996 entitled Deutsche Krieger, a substantial portion of which consists of audio recordings of and about Ulrike Meinhof.^{[citation needed]}

London-based experimental group Cindytalk have an electronic side-project called Bambule, named after the Meinhof film of the same name.^{[citation needed]}

The Brazilian Rock band Legião Urbana has a song called "Baader-Meinhof Blues".^{[citation needed]}

The refrain of the song "Ludvig van Beethoven" from the Finnish popular-music band SIG is "And nobody has heard about rock 'n' roll or Ulrike Meinhof's death"^{[citation needed]}

Powerviolence band The Endless Blockade has a song entitled "Ulrike Meinhof's Brain"^{[citation needed]}

The Italian singer-songwriter Giovanna Marini includes a track called "Ulrike Meinhof" on her 2010 album Correvano Coi Carri.^{[citation needed]}

Bibliography[link]

• Karl Wolff oder: Porträt eines anpassungsfähigen Deutschen (/Karl Wolff or: A Portrait of an Adaptable German). Radio documentary. Director: Heinz Otto Müller. Hessischer Rundfunk, Abendstudio, 1964.
• Gefahr vom Fließband. Arbeitsunfälle – beobachtet und kritisch beschrieben. (/Dangers of the Assembly-Line. Industrial Accidents – observed and critically analysed). Radio documentary. Director: Peter Schulze-Rohr. Hessischer Rundfunk, Abendstudio, 1965.
• Bambule – Fürsorge – Sorge für wen? (Bambule: Welfare – Providing for whom?) Wagenbach, 1971, (Republished 2002, ISBN 3-8031-2428-X)

Works of the Red Army Faction[link]

• Das Konzept Stadtguerilla, 1971^[5]
  • The Concept of the Urban Guerilla
• Stadtguerilla und Klassenkampf, 1972/1974^[14]
  • Urban Guerilla and Class Struggle

Posthumous collections of essays[link]

• Deutschland, Deutschland unter anderem (Deutschland, Deutschland among Other Things), Wagenbach, 1995 (ISBN 3-803-12253-8)
• Die Würde des Menschen ist antastbar (The Dignity of Man Is Violable), Wagenbach, 2004 (ISBN 3-803-12491-3)
• Karin Bauer, ed. Everybody Talks about the Weather... We Don't: The Writings of Ulrike Meinhof, Seven Stories Press, New York, 2008 (ISBN 978-1583228319). A selection of Meinhof's writings published in konkret from 1960 to 1968, with a foreword by Elfriede Jelinek, translated by Luise von Flotow.

Notes[link]

Further reading[link]

Books[link]

• Aust, Stefan: Der Baader-Meinhof Komplex, (1998, ISBN 3-442-12953-2)
• Bauer, Karin (editor): Everybody Talks About The Weather...We Don't. The writings of Ulrike Meinhof. Preface by Elfriede Jelinek (Seven Stories Press ISBN 978-1-58322-831-9)
• Becker, Jillian: Hitler's Children: The Story of the Baader-Meinhof Terrorist Gang, London 1977.
• Brückner, Peter: Ulrike Meinhof und die deutschen Verhältnisse (/Ulrike Meinhof and the German Situation) (1976, ISBN 978-3-8031-2407-4)
• Ditfurth, Jutta: Ulrike Meinhof (2007, ISBN 978-3-550-08728-8)
• Krebs, Mario: Ulrike Meinhof (1988, ISBN 3-499-15642-3)
• Röhl, Bettina (Meinhof's daughter): So macht Kommunismus Spass (/Making Communism Fun), (2007, ISBN 978-3-434-50600-3)

Films[link]

• Ulrike Marie Meinhof, a documentary produced by ARTE in 1994
• Ulrike Meinhof – Wege in den Terror (Ulrike Meinhof – Paths to Terror), a documentary produced by RBB in 2006
• So macht Kommunismus Spass (Making Communism Fun), a documentary produced by Bettina Röhl, Meinhof's daughter, for Der Spiegel TV in 2006
• Der Baader Meinhof Komplex (2008)
• Children of the Revolution (documentary, 2010)

External links[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Ulrike Meinhof

Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Ulrike Meinhof

• Baader-Meinhof.com's Ulrike Meinhof page.
• Section on Meinhof from Crime Library.com's article on the RAF
• My Mother, the Terrorist from (Deutsche Welle, 14 March 2006)

v t e Members of the Red Army Faction First generation Brigitte Asdonk · Andreas Baader · Gudrun Ensslin · Ulrike Meinhof · Horst Mahler · Horst Söhnlein · Thorwald Proll · Jan-Carl Raspe · Irmgard Möller · Holger Meins · Astrid Proll · Ingrid Schubert · Beate Sturm Second generation Siegfried Hausner · Brigitte Mohnhaupt · Sieglinde Hofmann · Margrit Schiller · Verena Becker · Gabriele Kröcher-Tiedemann · Norbert Kröcher · Siegfried Haag · Adelheid Schulz · Peter-Jürgen Boock · Angelika Speitel · Rolf Wagner · Stefan Wisniewski Third generation Wolfgang Grams · Birgit Hogefeld · Eva Haule · Andrea Klump