Sharecropping is a system of agriculture in which a landowner allows a tenant to use the land in return for a share of the crop produced on the land (e.g. 50% of the crop). Sharecropping has a long history and there are a wide range of different situations and types of agreements that have encompassed the system. Some are governed by tradition, others by law. Legal contract systems such as the Italian mezzadria, the French métayage, the Spanish mediero, or the Islamic system of muqasat, enshrined in the Shariah, occur widely.^{[citation needed]}

Overview[link]

Sharecropping has benefits and costs for both the owners and the croppers. It encourages the cropper to remain on the land throughout the harvest season to work the land, solving the harvest rush problem. At the same time, since the cropper pays in shares of his harvest, owners and croppers share the risk of harvests being large or small and prices being high or low. Because tenants benefit from larger harvests, they have an incentive to work harder and invest in better methods than in a slave plantation system. However, by dividing the working force into many individual workers, large farms no longer benefit from economies of scale. On the whole, sharecropping was not as economically efficient as the gang agriculture of slave plantations.^[1] In the U.S. "tenant" farmers own their own mules and equipment, and "sharecroppers" do not, and thus sharecroppers are poorer and of lower status.

Sharecropping occurred extensively in colonial Africa, Scotland, and Ireland and came into wide use in the Southern United States during the Reconstruction era (1865–1877). The South had been devastated by war; planters had ample land but little money for wages or taxes. At the same time, most of the former slaves had labor but no money and no land; they rejected the kind of gang labor that typified slavery. The solution was the sharecropping system focused on cotton, which was the only crop that could generate cash for the croppers, landowners, merchants and the tax collector. Poor white farmers, who previously had done little cotton farming, needed cash as well and became sharecroppers.^[2]

Jeffery Paige made a distinction between centralized sharecropping found on cotton plantations and the decentralized sharecropping with other crops. The former is characterized by political conservatism and long lasting tenure. Tenants are tied to the landlord through the plantation store. Their work is heavily supervised as slave plantations were. This form of tenure tends to be replaced by wage slavery as markets penetrate. Decentralized sharecropping involves virtually no role for the landlord: plots are scattered, peasants manage their own labor and the landowners do not manufacture the crops. Leases are very short which leads to peasant radicalism. This form of tenure becomes more common when markets penetrate.^[3]

Use of the sharecropper system has also been identified in England^[4] (as the practice of "farming to halves"). It is still used in many rural poor areas today, notably in Pakistan and India.

Although there is a perception that sharecropping was exploitative, “evidence from around the world suggests that sharecropping is often a way for differently endowed enterprises to pool resources to mutual benefit, overcoming credit restraints and helping to manage risk.”^[5]

It can have more than a passing similarity to serfdom or indenture, and has therefore been seen as an issue of land reform in contexts such as the Mexican Revolution. However, Nyambara states that Eurocentric historiographical devices such as 'feudalism' or 'slavery' often qualified by weak prefixes like 'semi-' or 'quasi-' are not helpful in understanding the antecedents and functions of sharecropping in Africa.^[6]

Sharecropping agreements can however be made fairly, as a form of tenant farming or sharefarming that has a variable rental payment, paid in arrears. There are three different types of contracts.^[7]

1. Workers can rent plots of land from the owner for a certain sum and keep the whole crop.
2. Workers work on the land and earn a fixed wage from the land owner but keep some of the crop.
3. No money changes hands but the worker and land owner each keep a share of the crop.

Advantages[link]

The advantages of sharecropping in other situations include enabling access for women^[8] to arable land where ownership rights are vested only in men.

Paige pointed out that sharecropping was economically inefficient in a free market. However, many outside factors make it efficient. One factor is slave emancipation: sharecropping provided the freed slaves of the USA, Brazil and the late Roman Empire with land access. It is efficient also as a way of escaping inflation, hence its rise in sixteenth century France and Italy. Landlords opt for sharecropping to avoid the administrative costs and shirking that occurs on plantations and haciendas. It is preferred to cash tenancy because cash tenants take all the risks, and any harvest failure will hurt them and not the landlord. Therefore, they tend to demand lower rents than sharecroppers.^[9]

Disadvantages[link]

The disadvantages of sharecropping, however, soon became apparent. A new system of credit, the crop lien, became closely associated with sharecropping. Under this system, a planter or merchant extended a line of credit to the sharecropper while taking the year’s crop as collateral. The sharecropper could then draw food and supplies all year long. When the crop was harvested, the planter or merchants who held the lien sold the harvest for the sharecropper and settled the debt.

Regions[link]

Africa[link]

In settler colonies of colonial Africa, sharecropping was a feature of the agricultural life. White farmers, who owned most of the land, were frequently unable to work the whole of their farm for lack of capital. They therefore allowed black farmers to work the excess on a sharecropping basis. In South Africa the 1913 Natives' Land Act^[10] outlawed the ownership of land by blacks in areas designated for white ownership and effectively reduced the status of most sharecroppers to tenant farmers and then to farm laborers. In the 1960s, generous subsidies to white farmers meant that most farmers could afford to work their entire farms, and sharecropping faded out.

The arrangement has reappeared in other African countries in modern times, including Ghana^[11] and Zimbabwe.^[12]

United States[link]

Sharecroppers at roadside after eviction (1936)

Sharecropping became widespread as a response to economic upheaval caused by the emancipation of slaves and disenfranchisement of poor whites in the agricultural South during Reconstruction. Plantations had first relied on slaves for cheap labor. Prior to emancipation, sharecropping was limited to poor landless whites, usually working marginal lands for absentee landlords. Following emancipation, sharecropping came to be an economic arrangement that largely maintained the status quo between black and white through legal means. One area that has attracted scholars interested in the rise or origins of Sharecropping is the Natchez District, roughly centered in Adams County, Mississippi and the county seat, Natchez. The location of the city, with access to the Mississippi River, but high on a bluff and safe from flooding, meant that the records of the cotton trading gentry survived the natural disasters. The Civil War largely bypassed the city, saving the records from man-made disasters as well.^[13] The mass influx of immigrants in the 1900s brought an increase in sharecropping during the World War I era. Sharecroppers worked a section of the plantation independently, usually growing cotton, tobacco, rice, and other cash crops and received a small portion of the parcel's output.^[14][15]

Although the sharecropping system was primarily a post-Civil War development, it did exist in antebellum Mississippi, especially in the northeastern part of the state, an area with few slaves or plantations,^[16] and most likely existed in Tennessee.^[17] Sharecropping, along with tenant farming, was a dominant form in the cotton South from the 1870s to the 1950s, among both blacks and whites, but it has largely disappeared.

After the American Civil War, plantation owners had to borrow money to produce crops. Interest rates on these loans were around 15%. The indebtedness of cotton planters increased through the early 1940s, and the average plantation fell into bankruptcy about every twenty years. It is against this backdrop that the wealthiest owners maintained their concentrated ownership of the land.^[18]

In Reconstruction-era United States, sharecropping was one of few options for penniless freedmen to conduct subsistence farming and support themselves and their families. Other solutions included the crop-lien system (where the farmer was extended credit for seed and other supplies by the merchant), a rent labor system (where the former slave rents their land but keeps their entire crop), and the wage system (worker earns a fixed wage, but keeps none of their crop). Sharecropping was by far the most economically efficient, as it provided incentives for workers to produce a bigger harvest. It was a stage beyond simple hired labor, because the sharecropper had an annual contract. During Reconstruction, the Freedman's Bureau wrote and enforced the contracts.

However, sharecropping was an easy way for white former slave owners to take advantage of uneducated freedmen. Former slaves had little to no education, so the landowner could draw up a 70-30 contract instead of half.

Cotton sharecroppers, Hale County, Alabama, 1936

Croppers were assigned a plot of land to work, and in exchange owed the owner a share of the crop at the end of the season, usually one-half. The owner provided the tools and farm animals. Farmers who owned their own mule and plow were at a higher stage and are called tenant farmers; they paid the landowner less, usually only a third of each crop. In both cases the farmer kept the produce of gardens.

The sharecropper purchased seed, tools and fertilizer, as well as food and clothing, on credit from a local merchant, or sometimes from a plantation store. When the harvest came, the cropper would harvest the whole crop and sell it to the merchant who had extended credit. Purchases and the landowner's share were deducted and the cropper kept the difference—or added to his debt.

Though the arrangement protected sharecroppers from the negative effects of a bad crop, many sharecroppers (both black and white) were economically confined to serf-like conditions of poverty. To work the land, sharecroppers had to buy seed and implements, sometimes from the plantation owner who often charged exorbitant prices against the sharecropper's next season. Arrangements also typically gave half or less of the crop to the sharecropper, and the sale price in some cases was set by the landowner. Lacking the resources to market his crops independently, the sharecropper was sometimes compensated in scrip redeemable only at the plantation.

Thus the cost of production and price of sale were both largely controlled by the land owner, with the sharecropper having little, if any, margin for profit. These factors made sharecroppers dependent on the plantation owners in a way that perpetuated some of the aspects of slavery, and in the late 19th century maintained a stable, low-cost work force that replaced slave labor; it was the bottom rung in the Southern tenancy ladder.

Photo of sharecropper family in Walker County, Alabama, ca. 1937

By the early 1930s there were 5.5 million white tenants, sharecroppers, and mixed cropping/laborers in the United States, and 3 million blacks.^[19][20] In Tennessee whites made up two thirds or more of the sharecroppers.^[17] In Mississippi, by 1900, 36% of all white farmers were tenants or sharecroppers, while 85 percent of black farmers were.^[16] Sharecropping continued to be a significant institution in Tennessee agriculture for more than sixty years after the Civil War, peaking in importance in the early 1930s, when sharecroppers operated approximately one-third of all farm units in the state.^[17]

The situation of landless farmers who challenged the system in the rural south as late as 1941 has been described thus: "he is at once a target subject of ridicule and vitriolic denunciation; he may even be waylaid by hooded or unhooded leaders of the community, some of whom may be public officials. If a white man persists in 'causing trouble', the night riders may pay him a visit, or the officials may haul him into court; if he is a Negro, a mob may hunt him down."^[21]

Sharecroppers formed unions in the 1930s, beginning in Tallapoosa County, Alabama in 1931, and Arkansas in 1934. Membership in the Southern Tenant Farmers Union included both blacks and poor whites. As leadership strengthened, meetings became more successful, and protest became more vigorous, landlords responded with a wave of terror.^[22]

Sharecroppers' strikes in Arkansas and the Bootheel of Missouri, the 1939 Missouri Sharecroppers' Strike, were documented in the film Oh Freedom After While.^[23]

In the 1930s and 1940s, increasing mechanization virtually brought the institution of sharecropping to an end in the United States.^[17][24] The sharecropping system in the U.S. increased during the Great Depression with the creation of tenant farmers following the failure of many small farms throughout the Dust bowl. Traditional sharecropping declined after mechanization of farm work became economical in the mid-20th century. As a result, many sharecroppers were forced off the farms, and migrated to the industrialized North to work in factories, or become migrant workers in the Western United States during World War II.

Sharecropping agreements[link]

Typically, a sharecropping agreement would specify which party was expected to cover certain expenses, like seed, fertilizer, weed control, irrigation district assessments, and fuel. Sometimes the sharecropper covered those costs, but they expected a larger share of the crop in return. The agreement would also indicate whether the sharecropper would use his own equipment to raise the crops, or use the landlord's equipment. The agreement would also indicate whether the landlord would pick up his or her share of the crop in the field or whether the sharecropper would deliver it (and where it would be delivered.)

For example, a landowner may have a sharecropper farming an irrigated hayfield. The sharecropper uses his own equipment, and covers all the costs of fuel and fertilizer. The landowner pays the irrigation district assessments and does the irrigating himself. The sharecropper cuts and bales the hay, and delivers one-third of the baled hay to the landlord's feedlot. The sharecropper might also leave the landlord's share of the baled hay in the field, where the landlord would fetch it when he wanted hay.

Another arrangement could have the sharecropper delivering the landlord's share of the product to market, in which case the landlord would get his share in the form of the sale proceeds. In that case, the agreement should indicate the timing of the delivery to market, which can have a significant effect on the ultimate price of some crops. The market timing decision should probably be decided shortly before harvest, so that the landlord has more complete information about the area's harvest, to determine whether the crop will earn more money immediately after harvest, or whether it should be stored until the price rises. Market timing can entail storage costs and losses to spoilage as well, for some crops.

Farmer's cooperatives[link]

Cooperative farming exists in many forms throughout the United States, Canada, and the rest of the world. Various arrangements can be made through collective bargaining or purchasing to get the best deals on seeds, supplies, and equipment. For example, members of a farmers' cooperative who cannot afford heavy equipment of their own can lease them for nominal fees from the cooperative. Farmers' cooperatives can also allow groups of small farmers and dairymen to manage pricing and prevent undercutting by competitors.

Economic theories of share tenancy[link]

The theory of share tenancy was long dominated by Alfred Marshall's famous footnote 5^{[citation needed]}, wherein he illustrated the inefficiency of agricultural share-contracting. Steven N.S. Cheung (1969),^[25] challenged this view, showing that with sufficient competition and in the absence of transaction costs, share tenancy will be equivalent to competitive labor markets and therefore efficient.^[26] He also showed that in the presence of transaction costs, share-contracting may be preferred to either wage contracts or rent contracts—due to the mitigation of labor shirking and the provision of risk sharing. Joseph Stiglitz (1974,^[27] 1988),^[28] suggested that if share tenancy is only a labor contract, then it is only pairwise-efficient and that land-to-the-tiller reform would improve social efficiency by removing the necessity for labor contracts in the first place. Reid (1973),^[29] Murrel (1983),^[30] Roumasset (1995)^[31] and Allen and Lueck (2004)^[32] provided transaction cost theories of share-contracting, wherein tenancy is more of a partnership than a labor contract and both landlord and tenant provide multiple inputs. It has been also argued that the sharecropping institution can be explained by factors such as informational asymmetry (Hallagan, 1978;^[33] Allen, 1982;^[34] Muthoo, 1998 ^[35]), moral hazard (Reid, 1976;^[36] Eswaran and Kotwal, 1985;^[37] Ghatak and Pandey, 2000^[38]) or limited liability (Shetty, 1988;^[39] Basu, 1992;^[40] Sengupta, 1997;^[41] Ray and Singh, 2001^[42]).

See also[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Sharecroppers

• Convict lease
• Peonage
• Rural tenancy
• Sharefarming
• Sharemilking

References[link]

Further reading[link]

• Adams, Jane, and D. Gorton, "This Land Ain’t My Land: The Eviction of Sharecroppers by the Farm Security Administration," Agricultural History, 83 (Spring 2009), 323–51.
• Allen, D. W and D. Lueck. "Contract Choice in Modern Agriculture: Cash Rent versus Cropshare," Journal of Law and Economics, (1992) v. 35, pp. 397–426.
• Barbagallo, Tricia (June 1, 2005). "Black Beach: The Mucklands of Canastota, New York" (PDF). http://www.archives.nysed.gov/apt/magazine/MagSummer05FeatureArticle_000.pdf. Retrieved 2008-06-04. 
• Davis, Ronald L. F. Good and Faithful Labor: From Slavery to Sharecropping in the Natchez District, 1860-1890 Westport, Connecticut, Greenwood Press, 1982
• Ferleger, Louis. "Sharecropping Contracts in the Late-Nineteenth-Century South," Agricultural History Vol. 67, No. 3 (Summer, 1993), pp. 31–46 in JSTOR
• Garrett, Martin A., and Zhenhui Xu. "The Efficiency of Sharecropping: Evidence from the Postbellum South," Southern Economic Journal, Vol. 69, 2003
• Grubbs, Donald H. Cry from the Cotton: The Southern Tenant Farmer's Union and the New Deal (1971)
• Hurt, R. Douglas Hurt. African American Life in the Rural South, 1900–1950 (2003)
• Liebowitz, Jonathan J. "Tenants, Sharecroppers, and the French Agricultural Depression of the Late Nineteenth Century," Journal of Interdisciplinary History, Vol. 19, No. 3 (Winter, 1989), pp. 429–445 in JSTOR
• Reid, Jr., Joseph D. "Sharecropping in History and Theory," Agricultural History Vol. 49, No. 2 (Apr., 1975), pp. 426–440 in JSTOR
• Roll, Jarod. "Out Yonder on the Road": Working Class Self-Representation and the 1939 Roadside Demonstration in Southeast Missouri", Southern Spaces, March 16, 2010. Southernspaces.org
• Shaban, R. A. "Testing Between Competing Models of Sharecropping," Journal of Political Economy, (1987) 95(5), pp. 893–920.
• Singh, N. "Theories of Sharecropping," in P. Bardhan. ed., The Economic Theory of Agrarian Institutions, (1989) pp. 33–72.
• Southworth, Caleb. "Aid to Sharecroppers: How Agrarian Class Structure and Tenant-Farmer Politics Influenced Federal Relief in the South, 1933–1935," Social Science History, Vol. 26, No. 1 (Spring, 2002), pp. 33–70
• Stiglitz, J. "Incentives and Risk Sharing in Share Cropping," Review of Economic Studies, (1974) v.41 219–255.
• Turner, Howard A. "Farm Tenancy Distribution and Trends in the United States," Law and Contemporary Problems, Vol. 4, No. 4, Farm Tenancy (Oct., 1937), pp. 424–433 in JSTOR
• Virts, Nancy. "The Efficiency of Southern Tenant Plantations, 1900–1945," Journal of Economic History, Vol. 51, No. 2 (Jun., 1991), pp.  385–395 in JSTOR
• Wayne, Michael The Reshaping of Plantation Society: The Natchez District, 1860-1880 Baton Rouge, Louisiana, Louisiana State University Press, 1983

Stoney LaRue (born Stoney Larue Phillips in 1977) is a Texas Country/Red Dirt artist. Born in Taft, Texas, LaRue was raised in Southeastern Oklahoma and began playing country music at a young age.

LaRue moved to Stillwater, Oklahoma and began to play in the various bars around the college town, as well as his brother, Bo Phillips and sister, Hallie Bertrand. He befriended Jason Boland and Cody Canada and the three moved into the infamous "Yellow House" where they would have late night jam sessions and entertain other various musicians around the town, like Mike McClure and Brandon Jenkins.^[1]

In 2002, LaRue led The Organic Boogie Band and released Downtown, recorded in private sessions at Cain’s Ballroom in Tulsa. LaRue's 2005 follow-up, The Red Dirt Album, reached the Billboard sales charts in its debut week. The next year, Stoney released his first live record Live at Billy Bob's Texas.

Discography[link]

Albums[link]

Music videos[link]

References[link]

External links[link]

• Larue's biography at CMT
• Larue's biography at Lonestar Music

Willie King (March 18, 1943 – March 8, 2009) was an award-winning blues guitarist and singer, known for shunning fame and playing at a local bar in Mississippi.^[1][2]

Biography[link]

King was born in Prairie Point, a community in Noxubee County, Mississippi near the Alabama border. Prior to recording, he worked as a share cropper, moonshine maker and traveling salesman to name but a few of his many occupations. Later he became active with the civil rights movement,^[3] which inspired him to write socially conscious blues songs. In 1983 he founded the Rural Members Association, a non-profit organization dedicated to promoting the traditional rural skills King had grown up with, which he called 'survival skills,' and helping improve his local community. In 1997, the Rural Members Association started the annual Freedom Creek blues festival, which has since received international recognition.^[4] He began recording in 1999 and his 2000 recordings Freedom Creek and I Am The Blues, were the first of several acclaimed albums.

King performed at national and international festivals but mostly played near his home, most notably as a regular at Bettie's Juke Joint in Mississippi. He described his music as "struggling blues" because of its focus on the "injustices in life in the rural South".^[5]

King died from a heart attack shortly before his 66th birthday, near his home in the rural community of Old Memphis, Alabama, just a few miles from his birthplace.^[1][6]

Willie King on film[link]

Dutch film-makers Saskia Rietmeijer and Bart Drolenga (Visible World Films) wanted to produce a documentary about African American arts and culture in the Deep South. But they met Willie King and instead decided to devote their efforts to creating a documentary about Willie's life and times, titled Down in the Woods. King was also featured in Martin Scorsese’s 2003 documentary series The Blues and Shout Factory's Blues Story the same year.

Discography[link]

Albums[link]

Videos[link]

Awards[link]

• Alabama Folk Heritage Award (awarded posthoumously) 2009
• Howlin' Wolf Hall of Fame Inducted September 2, 2005
• Alabama State Council on the Arts 2004 Artist Fellowship
• Living Blues 2003 Blues Artist of the Year, Best Song, Best Cover Art
• Living Blues 2001 Best Blues Artist
• Living Blues 2000 Best Blues Album, Best Contemporary Blues Album^[7]

See also[link]

• Rooster Blues

Sources[link]

• The Blues Foundation

References[link]

External links[link]

• Obituary at Lasting Tribute
• Obituary which aired on Alabama Public Radio
• News story at tuscaloosanews.com
• Willie King homepage

This article is an orphan, as few or no other articles link to it. Please introduce links to this page from related articles; suggestions may be available. (February 2009)

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Lonnie Ratliff (born January 29, 1948) in Antlers, Oklahoma is a record producer and songwriter in Nashville, Tennessee. Lonnie Ratliff is also co-owner of Okie Acres Music Company, a BMI Music Publishing Company.

Country Artists Produced by Lonnie Ratliff[link]

Songwriter Demos or Music Tracks[link]

Garth Brooks, Kenny Chesney, Stephanie Davis, Shawn Camp, Tara Lyn Hart, Lindsey Cardinale

CD's and Artist Demos[link]

Erin Hay, Dick Damron, Ernie Ashworth, Jack Greene, Brent McAthey, Brit Lyng, Tim Chesney, Susie Hopman, Ron Wayne Atwood, Joni Compretta, Bengt Pedersen, Timmy G, Mike Anderson, Peggy Lynn, B. Thomas, Dani Ashworth, THORNBIRDS, Britni Hendrickson, Eric Richards

Biography[link]

Country music has always been a music steeped in rural America, and her values as evidenced in the song, "The Roots Of My Raisin’ Run Deep," which was written by Tommy Collins and sung by Merle Haggard, continue today even in the more rock oriented sounds that have infiltrated country music. A legitimate claim to those rural roots is getting harder and harder to find in the participants of the country music genre as those few blocks in Nashville, Tennessee known as Music Row continue to try to move uptown. Lonnie Ratliff came to Nashville in 1978, and the fact that he is still here today watching and listening as one music fad follows another is all the proof we need that there will always be room for the real thing in country music.

Lonnie's story has taken some odd turns, as most people's stories have, and because of his background, he has actually lived through a lot of things that most people today have only read about or seen in movies. The oldest of seven children to a Pushmataha County, Oklahoma sharecropper family in the Little Dixie area of Oklahoma, he grew up with a unique first hand experience of what William Faulkner was talking about. The geography of where he was raised kept him and his neighbors at least twenty five years behind the rest of America. We are talking about one room schools heated by wood stoves, no running water or inside toilets and the knowledge that the rest of the world didn't necessarily live like you were living.

The first few years spent in Nashville Lonnie followed the typical songwriter's path of NSAI meetings, learning to cowrite and getting to know other new songwriters who had moved to Music City to chase the same dream as he had. Understanding there would be a need to make a living while chasing the songwriter dream and not inclined to follow the "starving artist" pathway Lonnie started a painting contractor business which fit in very well with the building boom going on in and around Nashville. This business allowed the freedom of schedule sometimes needed in the music business and paid a lot better than some deadend job most songwriters choose to go into.

External links[link]

• http://www.soundclick.com/bands/page_music.cfm?bandID=392838

This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (May 2012)

Charlie Barnet
Charlie Barnett in The Fabulous Dorseys (1947).
Background information
Birth name	Charles Daly Barnet
Born	(1913-10-26)October 26, 1913
Origin	New York City, U.S.
Died	September 4, 1991(1991-09-04) (aged 77)
Genres	Swing, big band
Occupations	Bandleader, saxophonist, composer
Instruments	Saxophone
Years active	1932-1949
Associated acts	Buddy DeFranco, Roy Eldridge, Neal Hefti, Billy May

For other persons with this name, see Charlie Barnett.

Charles Daly Barnet (October 26, 1913 – September 4, 1991) was an American jazz saxophonist, composer, and bandleader.

His major recordings were "Skyliner", "Cherokee", "The Wrong Idea", "Scotch and Soda", "In a Mizz", and "Southland Shuffle".

Early life[link]

Charlie Barnet was born in New York City. His parents divorced when he was two, and he was raised by his mother and her grandparents. His grandfather was Charles Frederick Daly, a vice-president for the New York Central Railroad, banker, and businessman.^[1]

Barnet attended various boarding schools, both in the New York and Chicago areas. He learned to play piano and saxophone as a child. He often left school to listen to music and to try to gain work as a musician.^[2]

Career[link]

Although he began his recording career in October 1933, Charlie Barnet was at the height of his popularity between 1939 and 1941, a period that began with his hit version of "Cherokee", written by Ray Noble and arranged by Billy May. In 1944, Barnet had another big hit with "Skyliner". In 1947, he started to switch from swing music to bebop. During his swing period his band included Buddy DeFranco, Roy Eldridge, Neal Hefti, Lena Horne, Barney Kessel, Dodo Marmorosa, Oscar Pettiford, and Art House, while later versions of the band included Maynard Ferguson, Doc Severinsen, and Clark Terry. Trumpeter Billy May was an arranger in the Charlie Barnet Orchestra before joining Glenn Miller in 1940.

He was one of the first bandleaders to integrate his band; the year is variously given as 1935 or 1937. He was an outspoken admirer of Count Basie and Duke Ellington. Ellington recorded the Charlie Barnet composition "In a Mizz". In 1939, Basie lent Barnet his charts after Barnet's had been destroyed in a fire at the Palomar Ballroom in Los Angeles. Throughout his career he was an opponent of syrupy arrangements. In the song "The Wrong Idea", he lampooned the "sweet" Big Band sound of the era. The song was written by Billy May, who later used the same satirical bent in his collaborations with Stan Freberg on Capitol Records including the Lawrence Welk satire "Wunnerful! Wunnerful!" Barnet's was a notorious party band where drinking and vandalism were not uncommon. While Glenn Miller enforced strict standards of dress and deportment, Barnet was more interested in having fun, according to his autobiography "The Swinging Years."

In 1949 he retired, apparently because he had lost interest in music. He was able to retire when he chose because he was one of the few heirs in a very wealthy family. He occasionally returned from retirement for brief tours but never returned to music full time.

In September 1964, Barnet arranged a private party for his musical hero, Duke Ellington and orchestra to play at Palm Springs' San Jacinto country club. At the door, a small sign painted by Barnet said, "any complaints about loud music or requests for excessive use of mutes will be grounds for instant expulsion (to a table in the parking lot). Any requests for folk music, twist, watusi, or rock and roll will result in instant execution by golf balls at 20 paces".^[3] Barnet did not play at the gathering.

Barnet was married eleven times and in his 1984 autobiography says, "I went through several more marital fiascos, but they were mostly Mexican marriages and quickly annulled, because they weren't legal in the first place.."^[4] His final marriage to Betty was for 33 years. He had one son, Charles D. Barnet, Jr, from an earlier marriage. During retirement, Barnet resided at homes in Palm Springs and San Diego, California. He kept a 46-foot boat in San Diego.

Barnet died from complications of Alzheimer's disease and pneumonia at San Diego's Hillside hospital, September 4, 1991.^[5][6]

Compositions[link]

Charlie Barnet's compositions included "Skyliner", "Southland Shuffle", "Swing Street Strut", "The Right Idea", "The Wrong Idea" with Billy May, "Growlin'", "Scotch and Soda", "Midweek Function", "Oh What You Said (Are We Burnt Up?)", "I Kinda Like You", "Tappin' at the Tappa", "The Last Jump", "Knocking at the Famous Door", "Lazy Bug" with Juan Tizol, "Ogoun Badagris (Voodoo War God)", and "In a Mizz", which was recorded by Duke Ellington.

"Skyliner", arranged by Billy May, was written as the theme music for the late 1940s US Armed Forces Network program "Midnight In Munich",^[7] broadcast from the AFN station in Munich, Germany, and hosted by Sgt. Ralph Moffat. Thanks to the station's immensely powerful twin 100 kW transmitters, AFN Munich could be heard as far away as the UK; this, and the popularity of Moffat's show, evidently helped "Skyliner" and many other contemporary American swing hits to gain wide popularity across Europe and become hits in the UK.^[8] The title (which was originally printed as "Sky Liner") may be a reference to the practice of American pilots flying into Munich, who used the radio station's powerful signal to home in on the city.^[9]

Sources[link]

External links[link]

• Charlie Barnet at Allmusic
• Charlie Barnet at the Internet Movie Database
• Barnet biography at swingmusic.net