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Mfecane (Zulu: [m̩fɛˈǀaːne], crushing or scattering), also known by the Sesotho name Difaqane or Lifaqane, was a period of widespread chaos and warfare among indigenous tribes in southern Africa during the period between 1815 to about 1840.

As king Shaka created the militaristic Zulu Kingdom in the territory between the Tugela River and Pongola River, his forces caused a wave of warfare and disruption to sweep to other peoples. This was the prelude of the Mfecane, which spread from there. The movement of peoples caused many tribes to try to dominate those in new territories, leading to widespread warfare; consolidation of other groups, such as the Matabele, the Mfengu and the Makololo; and the creation of states such as the modern Lesotho.

Mfecane is used primarily to refer to the period when Mzilikazi, a king of the Matabele, dominated the Transvaal. During his reign, roughly from 1826 to 1836, he ordered widespread killings and devastation to remove all opposition. He reorganized the territory to establish the new Ndebele order. The death toll has never been satisfactorily determined, but the whole region became nearly depopulated.

Causes[link]

Theories vary as to the causes of the catastrophic warfare and migration of many tribes in the area. Supposedly, populations had increased greatly in Zululand following the Portuguese introduction of maize (corn) in Mozambique from the Americas. While corn was more productive than the grains from native grasses, it required more water during cultivation. The agricultural surpluses and increased population enabled Shaka to raise a standing army of Zulus. By the end of the 18th century, the Zulus occupied much of their arable land. Declining rainfall and a ten-year drought in the early 19th century set off a competition for land and water resources among the peoples of the area.

Other possible causes were the Zulus' adoption of new tactics and weapons during this period. Instead of using throwing spears, the Zulus used broad-bladed, stabbing spears known as iklwa, which were deadly in close combat. The Zulus also instituted a form of conscription, in which every man had to serve the king as soldier in special age regiments, known in English as impis. Many of the Nguni peoples adopted the same practice, putting most of their men under arms. This greatly expanded the scale of regional warfare.

It is worth noting that there were three major tribes which occupied the areas now known as Nquthu, Babanango, Empangeni, Mtubatuba, Hlabisa, Nongoma, Pongola, Vryheid, Melmoth and Mahlabathini. Those tribes were The Buthelezis, the Ndwandwes and the Mthethwas. They were respectively led by Phungashe of Ngwane], Zwide, and Dingiswayo. These were the most powerful tribes. The language now known as Zulu was spoken by the Ndwandwes. The Zulus were a very weak tribe under the leadership of Senzangakhona. They spoke a thsefuya language. A language in which "l" is pronounced as "y". for instance "suka lapha", meaning move from here, would be expressed as "suya yapha". These three tribes are still found in these areas even nowadays.The Zulus were a weak minority occupying small piece of land in the area now known as Makhosini near Babanango.

Oral history tells us that after the death of Mvulane, younger brother of Phungashe, Mvulane's sons Khoboyela and Ngqengelele escaped being killed by Phungashe over their father Mvulane's estate and went to live with Senzangakhona and Ngqengelele introduced contact combat and use of short spears in Zululand. Most of the members of the Buthelezi Tribe had left with Khoboyela and Ngqengelele. When Shaka attacked the Buthelezis, Phungashe's men were outnumbered by the combination of the Mthethwas, the Buthelezis under Ngqengelele and the Zulus though he was defeated after a very long fierce battle.

Rise of the Zulu[link]

In about 1817, Chief Dingiswayo of the Mthethwa group in the south near the Tugela River, entered into an alliance with the Tsonga, who controlled the trade routes to Delagoa Bay (now Maputo). This alliance encroached on the routes used by the Ndwandwe alliance, who occupied the region in the north, near the Pongola River. Battles between the allied forces of Chief Dingiswayo and of Chief Zwide, and the Ndwandwe probably mark the start of what became the Mfecane.

Zwide defeated the Mthethwa and executed Chief Dingiswayo. Many of the Mthethwa leaders formed a confederation with the Zulu clan, under the leadership of Shaka. The Zulus conquered and assimilated smaller clans in the area. The Battle of Gqokli Hill marked the start of Shaka's conquest of the Ndwandwe. The Zulu practice was to absorb only the women and young men of a clan or village. They killed the elderly and men of fighting age; the lucky ones escaped. Having learned Zulu tactics, the escapees in turn descended upon more distant clans unfamiliar with the new order.

Consequences for the Nguni tribes[link]

Around 1821, the Zulu general Mzilikazi of the Khumalo clan defied Zulu king Shaka, and set up his own kingdom. He quickly made many enemies, not only with the Zulu king, but also with the Boers, Griqua and Tswana. Defeats in several clashes convinced Mzilikazi to move north towards Swaziland. Going north and then inland westward along the watershed between the Vaal and the Limpopo River, Mzilikazi and his followers, the AmaNdebele, (called Matabele in English) established an Ndebele state northwest of the city of Pretoria.

During this period, the Matabele left a trail of destruction in their wake.^[1] From 1837 to 1838, the arrival of Boer settlers drove the Matabele north of the Limpopo. They settled in the area now known as Matabeleland, in present-day southern Zimbabwe. Mzilikazi set up his new capital in Bulawayo.^[2] The AmaNdebele forced the AmaShona of the region northward and forced them to pay tribute. This caused tribal resentment that has continued in modern Zimbabwe.

At the Battle of Mhlatuze River in 1818, the Ndwandwe were defeated by the Zulu led by Shaka. Soshangane, one of Zwide's generals, fled to Mozambique with the remainder of the Ndwandwe. There they established the Gaza kingdom. They oppressed the Tsonga people living there, some of whom fled over the Lebombo Mountains into the Northern Transvaal. In 1833, Soshangane invaded various Portuguese settlements, and was initially successful. But a combination of internal disputes and war against the Swazi caused the downfall of the Gaza kingdom.^[2]

The Ngwane people lived in present-day Swaziland, where they had settled in the southwest. They warred periodically with the Ndwandwe. Ngwane chief Sobhuza I led his people to higher elevations around 1820 to escape Zulu attacks. In this period, the Ngwane became known as the Swazi; Sobhuza established the Swazi kingdom in what is now central Swaziland.

Zwangendaba of the Jele or Gumbi clan son of Nonyanda ka Sguda Jele according to the information given by the original Gumbi clan of Kwazulu Natal and not kaHlatshwayo as stated by other researchers, a commander of the Ndwandwe army, fled north with Soshangane after his defeat in 1819. Zwangendaba's followers were henceforth called Ngoni. Continuing north of the Zambezi River, they formed a state in the region between lakes Malawi and Tanganyika. Maseko, who led another part of the Ngoni people, founded another state to the east of Zwangendaba's kingdom.^[2]

To the east, refugees from the Mfecane were assimilated into the Xhosa-speaking groups in present-day Eastern Cape Province, becoming the Mfengu. Subjected to successive waves of attack by other tribes, they were also pressed from the West by the British colonists.

Consequences for the Sotho-Tswana peoples[link]

Moshoeshoe I gathered the mountain clans together in an alliance against the Zulus. Fortifying the easily defended hills and expanding his reach with cavalry raids, he fought against his enemies with some success, despite not adopting the Zulu tactics, as many other clans had done. The territory of Moshoeshoe I became the kingdom of Lesotho.^[2]

Sebitwane gathered the Kololo tribe somewhere near modern Lesotho and wandered north across what is now Botswana, plundering and killing many of the Tswana people in the way. The Kololo finally settled north of the Zambezi River in Barotseland, where they conquered the Lozi people.^[3]

The Tswana were pillaged by two large invasion forces set on the move by the Mfecane. The first were the Kololo, led by Sebitwane, who reached what is now Botswana in 1826. The second was the passage of Mzilikazi and the Matabele across Tswana territory in 1837. Neither of these invasion forces established a state within Tswana territory; both continued north instead.^[4] Among those involved were European adventurers such as Nathaniel Isaacs (who was later accused of slave trading)^[5]

Cobbing's hypothesis (now known by many historians as the "Cobbing Controversy") remains controversial. Many agree that Cobbing's analysis offered several key breakthroughs and insights into the nature of early Zulu society. Some critics assert that revisionist theories such as Cobbing's placed too much weight on environmental factors and ignored the key roles played by dynamic human agents such as the Zulu king Shaka.^{[citation needed]} The historian Elizabeth Eldredge challenged Cobbing's thesis on the grounds that there is scant evidence of the resumption of the Portuguese slave trade out of Delagoa Bay before 1823, a finding that undermines Cobbing's thesis that Shaka's early military activities were a response to slave raids. Moreover, Eldredge argues that Griqua and other groups, rather than the British colonists, were primarily responsible for the slave raids coming from the Cape. Eldredge also asserts that Cobbing downplays the importance of the ivory trade in Delagoa Bay, and the extent to which African groups and leaders sought to establish more centralized and complex state formations in order to control ivory routes and the wealth associated with the trade. She suggests these pressures created internal movements, as well as reactions against European activity, that drove the state formations and concomitant violence and displacement.^[6]

Zulu expansion was a major factor of the Mfecane. Aggressive Zulu military activities sparked a tremendous ferment of change. Other factors include population pressures; the effect of corn crops from Europe; and white encroachment and expansion in the general area, including slaving and Portuguese activities in Mozambique.

References[link]

Further reading[link]

J.D. Omer-Cooper, The Zulu Aftermath: A Nineteenth-Century Revolution in Bantu Africa, Longmans, 1978: ISBN 0-582-64531-X; outstanding example of the traditional view.

Norman Etherington, The Great Treks: The Transformation of Southern Africa, 1815-1854, Longman, 2001: ISBN 0-582-31567-0; refutes accounts of the Mfecane

Carolyn Hamilton, The Mfecane Aftermath: Reconstructive Debates in Southern African History, Indiana University Press, 1995: ISBN 1-86814-252-3

VaTsonga

Traditional Tsonga Dancing
Total population
4.6 million (late 20th century estimate)[1]
Regions with significant populations
Mozambique, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Swaziland
Languages
Tsonga, Portuguese, English
Religion
African traditional religion, Christianity

The Tsonga people (Tsonga: VaTsonga) inhabit the southern coastal plain of Mozambique, parts of Zimbabwe and Swaziland, and Mpumalanga and Limpopo Province of South Africa. They numbered some 4.6 million in the late 20th century.^[1]

Demographics[link]

The Tsonga people speak the Tsonga language (Xitsonga) Although many Tsongas are Christian, many also adhere to their own traditional religion, which entails constant attention to the propitiation of ancestral spirits. Illness and other misfortunes are usually attributed to the breaking of a taboo, to the anger of an ancestor, or to sorcery.^[1]

The Tsongas are a diverse population, generally including the Shangaan (VaChangana), Thonga, Tonga (unrelated to another nearby Tonga population to the north), and several smaller ethnic groups.^[2] In the mid-1990s, they numbered about 1.5 million in South Africa and at least 4.5 million in southern Mozambique and Zimbabwe.^[2]

Sometimes, the definition of Tsonga is extended to include the closely related Ronga and Tswa peoples of Mozambique.^[3]

History[link]

It is believed that ancestors of the Tsonga, who now primarily inhabit an area in southern Mozambique, originated farther north in central Africa.^[3]

During the mfecane and ensuing upheaval of the nineteenth century, most Tsongas moved inland.^[2] Some successfully maintained their independence from the Zulu, while others were conquered by Zulu warriors even after they had fled.^[2] One Zulu military leader, Soshangane, established his command over a large Tsonga population in the northern Transvaal in the mid-nineteenth century and continued his conquests farther north.^[2] He created the Gaza Empire with its capital in Mossurize on the present-day border with Zimbabwe. Gaza comprised parts of what is now south-eastern Zimbabwe, parts of South Africa, as well as extending from the Save River down to the southern part of Mozambique, covering parts of the current provinces of Sofala, Manica, Inhambane, Gaza, and Maputo in Mozambique.

The descendants of some of the conquered populations are known as the Shangaan, or Tsonga-Shangaan. Some Tsonga-Shangaan trace their ancestry to the Zulu warriors who subjugated the armies in the region, while others claim descent from the conquered chiefdoms.^[2]

After the death of Soshangane in 1856, his son Muzila came into power. After Muzila came Ngungunhane, who was imprisoned by the Portuguese in Mandlakazi (now called Manjacaze in Gaza Province in Mozambique) in 1895 resulting in the end of the Gaza Empire.

Within apartheid South Africa, a Tsonga-Shangaan "homeland", Gazankulu, was created out of part of northern Transvaal Province during the 1960s and was granted self-governing status in 1973.^[2] This bantustan's economy depended largely on gold and on a small manufacturing sector.^[2] However, only an estimated 500,000 people—less than half the Tsonga-Shangaan population of South Africa—ever lived there.^[2] Many others joined township residents from other parts of South Africa around urban centers, especially Johannesburg and Pretoria.^[2]

Economy[link]

The Tsonga traditional economy is based on mixed agriculture and pastoralism. Cassava is the staple; corn (maize), millet, sorghum, and other crops are also grown. Women do much of the agricultural work, although some men grow cash crops. Most Tsongas now depend on wage labour for cash, many migrating to Zimbabwe or South Africa to find work.^[1]

Culture[link]

Tsonga men traditionally attend the initiation school for circumcision called Matlala (KaMatlala) after which they are regarded as men.

The Tsonga people living along the Limpopo River in South Africa have recently gained a significant amount of attention for their low-tech, lo-fi electronic dance music. Tsonga electro has been pioneered by South African producer 'Dog'. The Tsonga's are also known for a number of traditional dances such as the xibelani dance.

References[link]

Bibliography[link]

• Junod, Henri Alexandre. (1927). The Life of a South African Tribe. London (second edition).
• The Fader – Ghetto Palms 90: New Styles/Shangaan Electro/South Africa Road Epic! [1]

External links[link]

• Ethnologue entry on Tsonga language
• Shangaan - Tsonga

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Jacob Zuma GCB
President of South Africa
Incumbent
Assumed office 9 May 2009
Deputy	Kgalema Motlanthe
Preceded by	Kgalema Motlanthe
President of the African National Congress
Incumbent
Assumed office 18 December 2007
Deputy	Kgalema Motlanthe
Preceded by	Thabo Mbeki
Deputy President of South Africa
In office 14 June 1999 – 14 June 2005
President	Thabo Mbeki
Preceded by	Thabo Mbeki
Succeeded by	Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka
Member of Parliament
In office 1999–2005
Personal details
Born	Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma (1942-04-12) 12 April 1942 (age 70) Inkandla, South Africa
Nationality	South African
Political party	African National Congress (1959–present)
Spouse(s)	Gertrude Sizakele Khumalo (1973–present) Kate Zuma (1976–2000)[1] Nkosazana Dlamini (1982–1998) Nompumelelo Ntuli (2008–present) Thobeka Mabhija (2010–present)[2] Gloria Bongekile Ngema (2012-present)[3]
Children	20
Religion	Protestantism (Full Gospel Church of Southern Africa)[4]

Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma (born 12 April 1942) is the President of South Africa,^[5] elected by parliament following his party's victory in the 2009 general election.

Zuma is the President of the African National Congress (ANC), the governing political party, and was Deputy President of South Africa from 1999 to 2005.^[6] Zuma is also referred to by his initials JZ^[7] and his clan name Msholozi.^[8][9] Zuma became the President of the ANC on 18 December 2007 after defeating incumbent Thabo Mbeki at the ANC conference in Polokwane. Zuma was also a member of the South African Communist Party (SACP),^[10] briefly serving on the party's Politburo until he left the party in 1990.^[11] On 20 September 2008, Thabo Mbeki announced his resignation after being recalled by the African National Congress's National Executive Committee,^[12] following a conclusion by Judge Nicholson of improper interference in the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), including the prosecution of Jacob Zuma for corruption.

Zuma has faced significant legal challenges. He was charged with rape in 2005, but was acquitted. In addition, he fought a long legal battle over allegations of racketeering and corruption, resulting from his financial advisor Schabir Shaik's conviction for corruption and fraud. On 6 April 2009, the National Prosecuting Authority decided to drop the charges, citing political interference.

Life and career[link]

Early years[link]

Zuma was born in Nkandla, Zululand (now part of KwaZulu-Natal).^[13] His father was a policeman who died when Zuma was still a young boy, and his mother a domestic worker.^[14] He received no formal schooling.^[15] As a child, he was constantly moving between Zululand and the suburbs of Durban in the area of Umkhumbane (near Chesterville).^[16] He has two brothers, Michael and Joseph.^[17]

Imprisonment and ban[link]

Zuma engaged in politics at an early age and joined the African National Congress in 1959. He became an active member of Umkhonto we Sizwe in 1962, following the banning of the ANC in 1961. He joined the South African Communist Party (SACP) in 1963.^[10] In 1963, he was arrested with a group of 45 recruits near Zeerust in the western Transvaal, currently part of the North West Province. Convicted of conspiring to overthrow the Apartheid government which was led by white minorities, he was sentenced to 10 years' imprisonment, which he served on Robben Island with Nelson Mandela and other notable ANC leaders who were also imprisoned there. Whilst imprisoned Zuma served as a referee for prisoners' association football games, organised by the prisoners' own governing body, Makana F.A.^[18]

After his release, he was instrumental in the re-establishment of ANC underground structures in the Natal province.^[6]

He first left South Africa in 1975 and met Thabo Mbeki in Swaziland, and proceeded to Mozambique, where he dealt with the arrival of thousands of exiles in the wake of the Soweto uprising.

He became a member of the ANC National Executive Committee in 1977. He also served as Deputy Chief Representative of the ANC in Mozambique, a post he occupied until the signing of the Nkomati Accord between the Mozambican and South African governments in 1984. After signing the Accord, he was appointed as Chief Representative of the ANC.

He served on the ANC's political and military council when it was formed in the mid-1980s, and was elected to the politburo of the SACP on April 1989.^[19]

In January 1987, Zuma was again forced to leave a country, this time by the government of Mozambique. He moved to the ANC Head Office in Lusaka, Zambia, where he was appointed Head of Underground Structures and shortly thereafter Chief of the Intelligence Department. His tenure there remains the subject of considerable controversy.^[10]

Return from exile[link]

Following the end of the ban on the ANC in February 1990, he was one of the first ANC leaders to return to South Africa to begin the process of negotiations.^[6]

In 1990, he was elected Chairperson of the ANC for the Southern Natal region, and took a leading role in fighting political violence in the region between members of the ANC and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP). He was elected the Deputy Secretary General of the ANC the next year, and in January 1994, he was nominated as the ANC candidate for the Premiership of KwaZulu Natal.

The IFP, led by Mangosuthu Buthelezi, put particular emphasis on Zulu pride and political power during this period. In this context, Zuma's Zulu heritage made his role especially important in the ANC's efforts to end the violence, to emphasise the political (rather than tribal) roots of the violence, and to win the support of Zulu people in the region.

Rise to national leadership[link]

Zuma had experience in national leadership, as he started serving in the National Executive committee of the ANC in 1977 when the party was still a liberation movement. By the time he became its president he had served the ANC for thirty years. After the 1994 general election, with the ANC becoming a governing party but having lost KwaZulu-Natal province to the IFP, he was appointed as Member of the Executive Committee (MEC) of Economic Affairs and Tourism for the KwaZulu-Natal provincial government, after stepping aside to allow Thabo Mbeki to run unopposed for deputy presidency. In December 1994, he was elected National Chairperson of the ANC and chairperson of the ANC in KwaZulu-Natal, and was re-elected to the latter position in 1996. He was elected Deputy President of the ANC at the National Conference held at Mafikeng in December 1997 and consequently appointed executive Deputy President of South Africa in June 1999.

During this time, he also worked in Kampala, Uganda, as facilitator of the Burundi peace process, along with Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni. Museveni chairs the Great Lakes Regional Initiative, a grouping of regional presidents overseeing the peace process in Burundi, where several armed Hutu groups took up arms in 1993 against a government and army dominated by the Tutsi minority that they claimed had assassinated the first president elected from the Hutu majority.^[20]

On 14 June 2005 Zuma was expelled from his post as Deputy President due to corruption and fraud related to the $5-billion weapons acquisition deal by the South African government in 1999. Zuma's successor as Deputy President of South Africa was Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, the wife of Bulelani Ngcuka. Mlambo-Ngcuka had been Minister of Minerals and Energy since 1999. While her appointment was widely welcomed by the business community, she was booed publicly at many ANC rallies by Zuma supporters between the time corruption charges had been filed but before rape charges were made with the first booing taking place in Utrecht.^[21]

Election as ANC President[link]

Zuma with Barack Obama and Michelle Obama in New York, 2009

In terms of party tradition, as the deputy president of the ANC, Zuma was already in line to succeed Mbeki. The party structures held their nominations conferences in October and November 2007, where Zuma appeared favourite for the post of ANC President, and, by implication, the President of South Africa in 2009.^[22][23][24] Zuma was elected President of the ANC on 18 December 2007 with 2329 votes, beating the second-term ANC and South African president Thabo Mbeki's 1505 votes. On 28 December 2007, the National Prosecuting Authority served Zuma an indictment to stand trial in the High Court on various counts of racketeering, money laundering, corruption and fraud.^[25]

President of South Africa[link]

Argentinean President Cristina Fernández and South African President Zuma speaking together.

In September 2008, the ANC ruled Thabo Mbeki unfit to rule a country, thus ending his parliamentary support and forcing his resignation from the country's presidency. It was announced that the party's deputy president, Kgalema Motlanthe, would become president until 2009 general elections, after which Zuma would become president.^[26][27] He won the election on 6 May and was sworn in as president of South Africa on 9 May 2009.

Political-economic orientation[link]

Zuma is an economic leftist, who described himself as a socialist.^[28] He has received support from trade unions and from the South African Communist Party. He also received support from women's and youth leagues of the African National Congress.^[28] According to The Guardian and The New York Times, he supports redistribution of wealth, and has allied himself with socialists and communists that seek to redistribute wealth.^[28][29] But The Guardian (UK) also reported that Zuma has tried "to reassure foreign investors their interests will be protected."

Corruption charges[link]

Zuma became embroiled in a corruption related controversy after his financial advisor, Schabir Shaik, was charged with corruption and fraud. Bulelani Ngcuka, the national director of Public Prosecutions at the time, investigated both Zuma and the Chief Whip of the ANC, Tony Yengeni, after allegations of abuse of power were levelled against them. This concerned improper influence in the controversial arms deal, and the question of financial benefit as a result of such influence. While Yengeni was found guilty, the case was dropped against Zuma, with Ngcuka stating, "...that there was prima facie evidence of corruption, but insufficient to win the case in court".^[30] Ngcuka moved to private practice after criticism from the ANC over this incident.

In 2004, Zuma became a key figure mentioned in the Schabir Shaik trial. Schabir Shaik, a Durban businessman and his financial advisor, was questioned over bribery in the course of the purchase of Valour class frigates for the South African Navy, a proposed waterfront development in Durban, and lavish spending on Zuma's residence in Nkandla. In the trial Shaik was shown to have solicited a bribe of R500 000 per annum for Zuma in return for Zuma's support for the defence contractor Thomson CSF, documented in the infamous "encrypted fax".^[31][32] On 2 June 2005, Shaik was found guilty and sentenced to 15 years in prison.^[33]

Judge Hilary Squires elaborates in detail on the numerous transactions that transpired between Zuma and Shaik, summarising with "all the accused companies were used at one time or another to pay sums of money to Jacob Zuma". The media mis-quoted Squires with the phrase "A generally corrupt relationship" (existed between Zuma and Shaik), whereas these exact words do not appear in the court transcripts.^[34] To the defence of the originators of this phrase, the full transcript^[35][36] of the judgment against Shaik actually does mention Zuma 471 times, uses word "corrupt" or "corruption" 54 times, and contains 12 sentences with both the word "corrupt" and the name "Zuma". Media sources later switched to the phrase "mutually beneficial symbiosis", from the judgment's paragraph 235: "It would be flying in the face of commonsense and ordinary human nature to think that he did not realise the advantages to him of continuing to enjoy Zuma's goodwill to an even greater extent than before 1997; and even if nothing was ever said between them to establish the mutually beneficial symbiosis that the evidence shows existed, the circumstances of the commencement and the sustained continuation thereafter of these payments, can only have generated a sense of obligation in the recipient."

After twelve days of intense media speculation about his future, President Thabo Mbeki relieved Zuma of his duties as deputy president on 14 June 2005. Mbeki told a joint sitting of parliament that "in the interest of the honourable Deputy President, the government, our young democratic system and our country, it would be best to release the honourable Jacob Zuma from his responsibilities as Deputy President of the republic and member of the cabinet." Zuma then resigned as a Member of Parliament.

In the aftermath of the Shaik trial, Zuma was formally charged with corruption by the National Prosecuting Authority. The case was struck from the roll of the Pietermaritzburg High Court after the prosecution's application for a postponement (petitioned in order to allow the NPA to secure admissible forms of documentation required as evidence) was dismissed. In dismissing the application for postponement the Court rendered moot the defence's application for a permanent stay of proceedings which would prevent Zuma from being criminally prosecuted.^[37]

Zuma's legal team continued to delay proceedings and in spite of Zuma's claim that he desired the matter to appear in court, succeeded in making critical evidence unavailable to the court resulting in the prosecution making an application for postponement on the set date. As the prosecution was not ready the case was struck from the roll after the prosecution's application for a postponement was dismissed,^[37] however Zuma's legal team was unsuccessful in its attempts to have the courts grant a permanent stay of proceedings (which would have rendered Zuma immune to prosecution on the charges). This left Zuma open to being recharged with corruption as soon as the NPA completed preparing its case.

On 8 November 2007 the Supreme Court of Appeal ruled in favour of the National Prosecuting Authority with respect to appeals relating to various search and seizure exercises performed by the and rejected four appeals made by Zuma's defence team. This ruling pertained to the National Prosecuting Authority obtaining the personal diary of senior member of a French arms company, which may have provided information relating to Zuma's possible corrupt practices during the awarding of an arms deal.

On 28 December 2007, the Scorpions served Zuma an indictment to stand trial in the High Court on various counts of racketeering, money laundering, corruption and fraud. A conviction and sentence to a term of imprisonment of more than 1 year would have rendered Zuma ineligible for election to the South African Parliament and consequently he would not have been eligible to serve as President of South Africa.

Charges declared unlawful[link]

Zuma appeared in court on 4 August 2008. On 12 September 2008, Pietermaritzburg Judge Chris Nicholson held that Zuma's corruption charges were unlawful on procedural grounds in that the National Directorate of Public Prosecutions ("NDPP") did not give Zuma a chance to make representations before deciding to charge him (this is a requirement of the South Africa Constitution), and directed the state to pay legal costs.^[38][39][40] Nicholson also added, however that he believed political interference played a role in the decision to recharge Zuma, although he did not say this was the reason why he held that the charges brought against Zuma were unlawful. Nicholson also stressed that his ruling did not relate to Zuma's guilt or innocence, but was merely on a procedural point. Various media reports had incorrectly reported that the charges against Zuma had been dismissed.^[41][42] This was not the case. It remained competent for the NDPP to recharge Zuma, however, only once he had been given an opportunity to make representations to the NDPP in respect of the NDPP's decision to do so. In paragraph 47 of the Judgment, Judge Nicholson wrote,

The obligation to hear representations forms part of the audi alteram partem principle. What is required is that a person who may be adversely affected by a decision be given an opportunity to make representations with a view to procuring a favourable result. The affected person should usually be informed of the gist or the substance of the case, which he is to answer.

The Court held that the NDPP's failure to follow the procedure outlined in Section 179(5)(d) of the Constitution rendered the decision by the NDPP to recharge Zuma unlawful. Judge Nicholson found that there were various inferences to be drawn from the timing of the charges levelled against Zuma (such as the fact that he was charged soon after he was elected president of the ANC) which would warrant a conclusion that there had been a degree of political interference by the Executive arm of government. Judge Nicholson writes in paragraph 210 of his judgement,

The timing of the indictment [of Zuma] by Mr Mpshe on 28 December 2007, after the President suffered a political defeat at Polokwane was most unfortunate. This factor, together with the suspension of Mr Pikoli, who was supposed to be independent and immune from executive interference, persuade me that the most plausible inference is that the baleful political influence was continuing.

In paragraph 220 of the Judgement Judge Nicholson went on to write,

There is a distressing pattern in the behaviour which I have set out above indicative of political interference, pressure or influence. It commences with the "political leadership" given by Minister Maduna to Mr Ngcuka, when he declined to prosecute the applicant, to his communications and meetings with Thint representatives and the other matters to which I have alluded. Given the rules of evidence the court is forced to accept the inference which is the least favourable to the party's cause who had peculiar knowledge of the true facts. It is certainly more egregious than the "hint or suggestion" of political interference referred to in the Yengeni matter. It is a matter of grave concern that this process has taken place in the new South Africa given the ravages it caused under the Apartheid order."^[43]

Prior to the hearing there had been a spate of criticism of the South African Judiciary by Zuma supporters,^[44] amongst whom were some prominent legal minds, such as Paul Ngobeni^[45] In that context, the irony was that this was the third time the South African Judiciary had found in his favour, including Zuma's acquittal of the rape charge brought against him. The NDPP soon announced its intention to appeal the decision.

Charges reinstated on appeal[link]

Thabo Mbeki filed an affidavit and applied to the Constitutional Court to appeal Pietermaritzburg High Court Judge Chris Nicholson's ruling:

It was improper for the court to make such far-reaching "vexatious, scandalous and prejudicial" findings concerning me, to be judged and condemned on the basis of the findings in the Zuma matter. The interests of justice, in my respectful submission would demand that the matter be rectified. These adverse findings have led to my being recalled by my political party, the ANC – a request I have acceded to as a committed and loyal member of the ANC for the past 52 years. I fear that if not rectified, I might suffer further prejudice.^[46]

Tlali Tlali, National Prosecuting Authority spokesman, stated by phone from Pretoria, on 23 September, "We have received the papers. It's under consideration."^[47]

The judgement for the appeal was handed down on 12 January 2009 at the Supreme Court of Appeal in Bloemfontein. Deputy Judge President Louis Harmse had to rule on two aspects of the appeal. The first aspect was whether or not Zuma had the right to be invited to make representations to the NPA before they decided to reinstate charges of bribery and corruption against him. The second aspect was whether Judge Nicholson was correct in implying political meddling by the then President Thabo Mbeki with regards to the NPA's decision to charge Zuma.

On the question of the NPA's obligation to invite representations when reviewing decisions Harmse DP found that Nicholson's interpretation of section 179 of the Constitution was incorrect in that the NPA did not have such an obligation and thus was free to have charged Zuma as it did. On the question of Nicholson's inferences of political meddling by Mbeki, Harmse DP found that the lower court "overstepped the limits of its authority".

Charges dropped[link]

On 6 April 2009, the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) dropped all charges against Zuma, as well as co-accused French arms company Thint, in light of new revelations about serious flaws in the prosecution.^[48] The revelations were in the form of intercepted phone calls showing that the head of the Scorpions, Leonard McCarthy, and the former National Director of Public Prosecutions, Bulelani Ngcuka, had conspired over the timing of the charges laid against Zuma, presumably to the political advantage of Zuma's political rival, President Thabo Mbeki. The announcement of the withdrawal of charges was made by the acting head of the NPA, Mokothedi Mpshe, who however stressed that the withdrawal was due to abuse which left the legal process "tainted", and did not amount to an acquittal.^[49]

Just before the NPA's announcement, however, at least two political parties intimated that they would consider legal action of their own should the charges be dropped.^[50] The Democratic Alliance subsequently filed for a judicial review of the NPA's decision, with party leader Helen Zille stating that Mpshe had "not taken a decision based in law, but [instead had] buckled to political pressure".^[51] The case was set to be heard on 9 June 2009.^[52] Whilst Zuma filed his responses timeously, Mpshe delayed the hearing of the matter, requesting two extensions to file the NPA's response. NPA spokesperson Mthunzi Mhaga said he could not file papers because there were "outstanding matters" to be resolved. Zille, the Democratic Alliance's party head contended that Zuma's response was fundamentally wrong and "devoid of any constitutional basis".^[53] Whilst the legal challenges continued, a survey showed that, as at June 2009, more than half of South Africans believed President Jacob Zuma was doing a good job. The poll, conducted by TNS Research Studies in the last half of June 2009, revealed that Zuma's approval ratings had steadily improved. Around 57% of the people polled said they thought Zuma was a capable leader – this was up 3% from April 2009 when the president was inaugurated. In November 2008, just months after former president Thabo Mbeki was recalled and when Zuma was facing graft charges, only 36% of South Africans were positive about him.^[54]

Rape charges[link]

In December 2005, Zuma was charged with raping a 31 year old woman at his home in Forest Town, Gauteng. The alleged victim was from a prominent ANC family, the daughter of a deceased struggle comrade of Zuma, and also an AIDS activist who was known to be HIV positive. Zuma denied the charges and claimed that the sex was consensual.

A crowd of supporters and the curious outside the Johannesburg High Court.

Even before charges were filed, as rumours about rape accusations surfaced later in November, Zuma's political prospects began to appear to take a turn for the worse. Most of his higher-level political supporters could not respond to these new charges the way they had the corruption charges. In a hearing prior to the rape trial, a group of thousands of his supporters gathered near the courthouse, as a smaller gathering of anti-rape groups demonstrated on behalf of the alleged rape victim.^[55] As he did throughout the trial, Zuma sang Lethu Mshini Wami (Bring me my machine gun) with the crowd, and ANC Youth League and Communist Party Youth League spokesmen spoke in support of Zuma.^[56]

As the rape trial proceeded, reports surfaced that the South African Communist Party was severely divided over how to address the issue of Zuma and the SACP's relationship to him. Many members of the party's youth wing supported Zuma while others in the SACP were sceptical about the value of rallying behind a particular person as opposed to emphasising principles of governance.^[57][58][59]

Despite the defection of some former supporters, many Zuma supporters continued to rally outside the courthouse, arousing criticism by anti-rape groups for regular attacks on the integrity and moral standing of Zuma's accuser, insults yelled at a close friend of the accuser, and even stones thrown at a woman that members of the crowd mistook for the accuser.^[60] Zuma's defence team introduced evidence relating to the woman's sexual past, and asserted that the sex that took place was consensual. The prosecution asserted that her lack of resistance was due to a state of shock, and that the relationship between the two was like that of a 'father-daughter' pair.^[61][62]

The trial also generated political controversy when Zuma, who at the time headed the National AIDS Council, admitted that he had not used a condom when having sex with the woman who now accuses him of rape, despite knowing that she was HIV-positive. He stated in court that he took a shower afterwards to "cut the risk of contracting HIV". This statement was condemned by the judge, health experts, and AIDS activists. The popular South African comic strip, Madam & Eve, and well known political cartoonist, Zapiro, repeatedly lampooned the matter. HIV educators emphasised that this would do nothing to prevent HIV transmission.^[63]

On 8 May 2006, the court found Zuma not guilty of rape, agreeing with Zuma that the sexual act in question was consensual. Judge van der Merwe lambasted the accuser for lying to the court, but also censured Zuma for his recklessness.

As his rape trial ended, many South Africans wondered how their political system would recover from the rifts that Zuma's trials have exposed. A Mail and Guardian analysis saw these events as especially troubling:

The political damage is incalculable, with the ruling African National Congress now an openly divided and faltering movement. This has had a domino effect on the South African Communist Party and the Congress of South African Trade Unions, which have floundered and fractured in the face of damaging charges against a man they ardently backed as the country's next president.

The trial has been fought against the backdrop of a bitter succession war between Mbeki and Zuma... Mbeki's support in the ANC has crumbled, with the party faithful refusing to accept that he will anoint a leader... But even Zuma's most diehard supporters privately acknowledge that he cannot now be president, regardless of the trial outcome.^[64]

Nonetheless, Business Day's Karima Brown told The Guardian after the rape trial's verdict was handed down, "Jacob Zuma is back. This poses a serious dilemma for the ANC leadership. Now Zuma is marching back into Luthuli House [the ANC party HQ]. He will demand to be reinstated as deputy president and the others will find it difficult to block him ... This is a major victory for Zuma's political career."^[65]

The prospect of Zuma's return as a contender for the presidency caused concern for international investors. An Independent analyst suggested, "The fear of seeing Zuma and his crowd marching to the Union Buildings wielding machine guns is unnerving mostly to the middle class and businessmen, according to recent surveys."^[66]

Continued support after corruption charges[link]

While serving as deputy president, Zuma enjoyed considerable support in parts of the left wing of the ANC, including many in the ANC Youth League, the South African Communist Party and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU)^{[citation needed]}. While Zuma faced corruption charges, these organisations remained supportive of him. The influence of the semi-autonomous structures within the party helped Zuma retain support even as he was removed from the deputy presidency of the country.^{[citation needed]}

Zuma's dismissal was interpreted in two ways. Many international observers hailed it as a clear sign that the South African government was dedicated to rooting out corruption within its own ranks. On the other hand, some within South Africa focused on the fact that Zuma and Mbeki represent different constituencies within the African National Congress. Some left-wing supporters claimed that Mbeki and his more market-oriented wing of the party had conspired to oust Zuma to entrench their dominance in the ANC.^[67]

Zuma's cause rallied large crowds of supporters at each of his corruption-related court appearances in 2005. At one court date, Zuma supporters burned t-shirts with Mbeki's picture on them, which earned the condemnation of the ANC; Zuma and his allies urged a return to party discipline for subsequent gatherings. At the next court date in November, Zuma supporters numbering in the thousands gathered to support him; he addressed the Durban crowd in Zulu, urging party unity and singing the apartheid-era struggle song Lethu Mshini Wami with lyrics that translate literally as "bring me my machine" but understood to refer to a machine gun. At an October tour for the ANC Youth League elsewhere in the country, Zuma also earned the cheers of large crowds. While his political strength is at least partly based on his relationships within intra-party politics, one analyst argued that his supporters' loyalty could be explained as rooted in a Zulu approach to loyalty and mutual aid.^[68]

Because of his support among elements of the party, Zuma remained a powerful political figure, retaining a high position in the ANC even after his dismissal as the country's deputy president. A panel of political analysts convened in November 2005 agreed that if he was to be found innocent of the corruption charges brought against him, it would be hard for any other potential ANC candidate to beat Zuma in the race for the country's presidency in 2009. However, these analysts also questioned whether Zuma was indeed a left-wing candidate of the sort that many of his supporters seem to seek, and noted that the global and national economic constraints that have shaped Mbeki's presidency would be no different in the next presidential term.^[69]

Personal life[link]

Wives[link]

Jacob Zuma is a polygamist who has been married six times^[70][71] and in 2007 it has been alleged that he had 18 children.^[72]

1. Gertrude Sizakele Khumalo, whom he met in 1959 and married shortly after his release from prison in 1973.^[73] She lives at his home at Nkandla, KwaZulu-Natal. They have no children.
2. Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, a cabinet minister since 1999, with whom he has four children, Msholozi (born 1982), Gugulethu (born 1985), Thuli (Nokuthula Nomaqhawe) (born 1987) and Thuthu (Thuthukile Xolile Nomonde) (born 1988). They divorced in June 1998.^[74]
3. Kate Mantsho, from Mozambique, with whom he had five children, Mxolisi Saady (born 1980), twins Duduzile and Duduzane (born 1984), Phumzile (born 1989) and Vusi (born 1993). She committed suicide on 8 December 2000.^[74]
4. Nompumelelo Ntuli (MaNtuli), married on 8 January 2008. Ntuli, born 1975, is a resident of KwaMaphumulo near Stanger and has three children with Zuma—Thandisiwe, born 2002, Sinqobile, born February 2006 and Manqoba Kholwani born August 2010.^[74]
5. Thobeka Stacie Madiba (born Mabhija, her mother's name), married 4 January 2010 with whom he has one child.^[75] Zuma paid lobola to her clan in 2007. Their child was born in October 2007. She has another of Zuma's out-of-wedlock children living with her.^[75] Mabhija grew up in Umlazi, where she matriculated at Umlazi Commercial High School. She has worked at Standard Bank, Ithala, Cell C and SA Homeloans in La Lucia.^[76][77][78]
6. Gloria Bongekile Ngema, married on 20 April 2012. The wedding took place in Nkandla and was attended by Zuma's three other wives. Following a traditional ceremony known as umgcagco, the bridal party participated in a traditional Zulu competitive celebratory dance. Ngema has one son, Sinqumo (born 2005), with Zuma.^[3]

Fiancées[link]

1. Zuma paid 10 cattle as lobola for Swazi Princess Sebentile Dlamini in 2002.^[79]

Other children[link]

• He has another son, Edward, with Minah Shongwe, sister of Judge Jeremiah Shongwe, who asked to be recused from Zuma's rape trial because of the liaison.^[80]
• He has two daughters, born 18 January 1998 and 19 September 2002, with Pietermaritzburg businesswoman Priscilla Nonkwaleko Mhlongo.^[81]
• There are reports of four other children – three from a woman from Johannesburg and one from a woman from Richard's Bay.^[75]

2009 "love-child"[link]

In January 2010, The Sunday Times reported that Sonono Khoza, the daughter of Irvin Khoza, gave birth to Zuma's 20th child on 8 October 2009, a daughter called Thandekile Matina Zuma.^[82][83]

On 3 February, Zuma responded, confirming that the child was his, and that he had paid inhlawulo, acknowledging paternity. He protested the publishing of the child's name, saying it was illegal exploitation of the child. He denied that the incident had relevance to the government's AIDS programme, and appealed for privacy.^[84] On 6 February, Zuma said he "deeply regretted the pain that he caused to his family, the ANC, the alliance and South Africans in general."^[85] The office of the presidency's comment was that it was a private matter.^[86]

The mother of the child said: "What baby are you talking about? I have two children. They are in school. These are people's lives. Let me be," she told the Sowetan.^[87]

Government reaction[link]

The ANC defended Zuma, saying it saw no links between its policies on HIV/AIDS and Mr Zuma's personal life.^[88] ANC Youth League leader Julius Malema, said "We are Africans and sitting here all of us, Zuma is our father so we are not qualified to talk about that". Malema said the ANCYL would emphasise its HIV programme and "one boyfriend, one girlfriend" stance in an awareness campaign across the country.^[89] ANC Women's League deputy president Nosipho Dorothy Ntwanambi said: "it is not right to have an extramarital affair if you have committed to yourself to a marriage. But under the Customary Marriages Act, if the first wife agrees, and if all these issues are discussed with her, we can't do anything."^[90] On 5 February, the ANC acknowledged the widespread disapproval by saying that the experience had "taught us many valuable lessons", and they had listened to the people.^[91]

COSATU, an ANC alliance partner, passed no judgment but hoped that it will be "a matter on Zuma's conscience"^[91] Vavi reiterated Zuma's appeal this week that the president be accorded his "right to privacy" and the child protected from undue publicity.

Opposition reaction[link]

Helen Zille of the Democratic Alliance said Zuma contradicted his public message of safe sex to South Africans, among the worst sufferers of AIDS.^[92] She said it was wrong to say it was purely a private matter, and elected public officials had to embody the principles and values for which they stand.^[93]

The African Christian Democratic Party said Zuma was undermining the government's drive to persuade people to practise safe sex to combat HIV and Aids.^[92]

The Congress of the People (COPE) said Zuma could no longer use African cultural practices to justify his "promiscuity".^[92]

Independent Democrats leader Patricia de Lille, said Zuma was asking people "to do as I say and not as I do".^[94]

Zuma and Zimbabwe[link]

The African National Congress, of which Zuma is now president, historically has considered the ZANU-PF party a natural ally, born out of mutual struggle against white oppression. Former South African president Thabo Mbeki has never publicly criticised Mugabe's policies – preferring "quiet diplomacy" rather than "megaphone diplomacy", his term for the harsh Western condemnations of Mugabe's leadership.^[95][96] However, the left of the party and extra-party organisations such as the ANC Youth League, the South African Communist Party and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) have advocated for a tougher stance on Zimbabwe.^[97][98] It is from these organisations that Zuma derives his support.

Zuma's stance on Zimbabwe has been mixed. In a 2006 interview with the German magazine Der Spiegel, he expressed more sympathetic sentiments towards Mugabe, saying that "Europeans often ignore the fact that Mugabe is very popular among Africans. In their eyes, he has given blacks their country back after centuries of colonialism." He continued: "The people love him, so how can we condemn him? Many in Africa believe that there is a racist aspect to European and American criticism of Mugabe. Millions of blacks died in Angola, the Republic of Congo and Rwanda. A few whites lost their lives in Zimbabwe, unfortunately, and already the West is bent out of shape."^[99]

However, by December 2007, he was more forthright in criticising Zimbabwe's leadership, increasingly defining his own policy in contrast to that of Mbeki:

It is even more tragic that other world leaders who witness repression pretend it is not happening, or is exaggerated. When history eventually deals with the dictators, those who stood by and watched should also bear the consequences. A shameful quality of the modern world is to turn away from injustice and ignore the hardships of others.^[100]

Zuma criticised Mbeki, accusing him of being lenient on dictators.^[101]

Following the disputed elections in Zimbabwe on 29 March 2008, he became critical of the election process in Zimbabwe^[102] referring to delays in the outcome as "suspicious".^[103] In a press conference on 24 June, he asserted: "We cannot agree with ZANU-PF. We cannot agree with them on values. We fought for the right of people to vote, we fought for democracy."^[104] At an ANC dinner in July, he rebuked Mugabe for refusing to step down.^[105]

Zuma vs the media[link]

As a backlash to the frenzied media following of his rape trial, Zuma filed a series of defamation lawsuits on 30 June 2006 against various South African media outlets for publishing content that allegedly besmirched his public profile, in the form of cartoons, commentary, photos and parody pieces. The media outlets that came under fire were The Star for R 20 million, Rapport for R 10 million, Highveld Stereo for R 6 million, The Citizen for R 5 million, Sunday Sun for R 5 million, Sunday Independent for R 5 million, and Sunday World for R 5 million.

Zuma appointed Former Conservative Party MP advocate Jurg Prinsloo, as well as Wycliffe Mothuloe to tackle his so-called "crucifixion by the media". Zuma said:^[106]

For a period of five years my person has been subjected to all types of allegations and innuendo, paraded through the media and other corridors of influence without these allegations having being [sic] tested. I have thereby been denied my constitutional right to reply and defend myself.

The response from the challenged media was highly critical, and written protests to various media outlets accused Zuma of challenging their freedom of speech.

Zuma was parodied further in an advertisement for Pronto Condoms, using his famous shower statement.^[107]

In 2012, Zuma featured in a satirical painting by Cape Town-based artist Brett Murray, who depicted him in his painting The Spear, in a pose similar to Lenin, but with his genitals exposed. The ANC responded by threatening court action against the gallery showing the painting, and further demanding that the image should be removed from online sources. The subsequent aggressive sharing of the image through social networks can be considered a form of the Streisand Effect.^[108][109] On 22 May 2012, the painting was vandalized while it was hanging in an art gallery in Johannesburg. The face and genitals of Zuma were painted over.^[110]

Political positions[link]

Remarks on same-sex marriage[link]

Zuma was criticised by gay and lesbian groups after he criticised same-sex marriage at a Heritage Day celebration on 24 September 2006 in Stanger, saying that same-sex marriage was "a disgrace to the nation and to God": "When I was growing up, an ungqingili (a homosexual) would not have stood in front of me. I would knock him out."^[111]

The Joint Working Group (an LGBT advocacy coalition) questioned Zuma's leadership skills and stated that a "true leader leads with intellect and wisdom – not popularity or favour. How can a narrow-minded person like this be expected to lead our nation?"^[112] Zuma subsequently apologised to those who were offended by the statement,^[113] stating, "I also respect, acknowledge and applaud the sterling contribution of many gay and lesbian compatriots in the struggle that brought about our freedom, and the role they continue to play in the building of a successful non-racial, non-discriminatory South Africa."

Remarks on Western Sahara[link]

Habib Defouad, Morocco's ambassador to South Africa, criticised Zuma's support for the independence of Western Sahara in June 2007.^[114] The ANC has since the 1970s supported the Sahrawi independence movement Front Polisario, under both Mandela and Mbeki. In 2004 South Africa recognised the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, or SADR, as a legitimate government-in-exile.

Remarks on teenage pregnancy[link]

Zuma's solution to pregnancy in South African teenagers is to confiscate their babies and have the mothers taken to colleges and "forced" to obtain degrees.^[115][116]

Remarks on the Second Coming[link]

Zuma also drew censure from religious and secular groups alike when he declared that the ANC would rule South Africa until the return of Jesus Christ, and that its continued governance was just what God wanted:

God expects us to rule this country because we are the only organisation which was blessed by pastors when it was formed. It is even blessed in Heaven. That is why we will rule until Jesus comes back. We should not allow anyone to govern our city when we are ruling the country.^[117][118]

Zuma later defended his remarks by describing them as a "political expression": "Talking about Jesus is not abusing his name; it's actually saying historically, 'This is what the ANC is all about.' It's just a political expression that we are strong and will be strong for a long time. I want to apologise if this reality sits uncomfortably with others."^[119] He added that he had been baptised and knew Jesus: "I fear God [.... I]t's not because I'm despising God, not at all."^[119]

Remarks on Afrikaners[link]

Not long before the NPA dropped its corruption case against him, Zuma met with controversy once again. Speaking at the Hilton Hotel in Sandton, Johannesburg, whose Afrikaans community he was addressing (not, he claimed, for electioneering purposes), Zuma said,

Of all the white groups that are in South Africa, it is only the Afrikaners that are truly South Africans in the true sense of the word.

Up to this day, they don't carry two passports; they carry one. They are here to stay.^[119]

Addressing the matter of apartheid, Zuma employed wry humour in praising ironically the "innovative" Afrikaner approach to protests, which couched its crimes in terms like "separate development". He also confronted the matter of police corruption, declaring that "you cannot put the trust of the country to a person who is actually a criminal."^[119]

Controversy[link]

Shaik's parole[link]

In March 2009, Schabir Shaik was released from prison just 28 months into his fifteen-year sentence. He had been granted medical parole, a leniency meant only for the terminally ill, despite the opinion of his doctors that he was fighting fit and free for hospital discharge.

Media speculation had it that Zuma may have played a role in this eventuality, but the ANC President's spokesman firmly denied it. Only days before, however, he had publicly stated that, as President of South Africa, he would personally ensure Shaik's release.^[120]

Ngcobo's nomination as Chief Justice[link]

On 6 August 2009, Zuma nominated Sandile Ngcobo as Chief Justice of South Africa,^[121] drawing criticism from four opposition groups.^[122] On 1 October 2009, the appointment was confirmed. The Democratic Alliance, the Congress of the People, the Inkatha Freedom Party and the Independent Democrats accused Zuma of failing to consult properly ahead of his nomination of Ngcobo. The opposition urged Zuma to restart the process from scratch saying they would prefer current Deputy Chief Justice Dikgang Moseneke for the post.^[123]

Failure to disclose assets after taking office as President of South Africa[link]

Zuma, as President of South Africa, was required to declare his financial interests within 60 days of taking office. But, as of March 2010, he had failed to do so, nine months after taking office. This led to calls for him to do so by opposition parties, and ANC alliance partner COSATU.^[124] ANC spokesman Brian Sokutu stated that Zuma constituted a "special case", because of his "large family" making it difficult to declare his assets. The ANC later distanced itself from this statement.^[125] Zuma disclosed his interests shortly after.^[126]

Alleged abuses by bodyguards[link]

In 2010, Zuma's bodyguards were implicated in multiple incidents involving members of the public and journalists. In February, a Cape Town student, Chumani Maxwele was detained by police after allegedly showing Zuma's motorcade a "rude gesture". Maxwele, an active ANC member,^[127] was released after 24 hours, having provided a written apology to police, which he later claimed was coerced. He also claimed that his home had been raided by plain clothes policemen, and that he had been forced into the vehicle at gunpoint. Maxwele later instituted legal action against the police,^[128] and a complaint was filed on his behalf to the Human Rights Commission.^[129] The incident led to a heated dispute when it was discussed in Parliament.^[130]

In March, Journalist Tshepo Lesole was forced to delete pictures of Zuma's convoy from his camera by police, and two photographers were detained by police when photographing Zuma's Johannesburg home.^{[131][citation needed]} Sky News reporter Emma Hurd claimed she had been pushed, manhandled and "groped" by Zuma's bodyguards in 2009.^[132]

"Shoot the Boer" song[link]

On January 8th, 2012, after giving a speech at the ANC Centennial 2012 celebrations in Bloemfontein, South Africa, president Jacob Zuma sang the lyrics "shoot the Boer."^[133][134] This is the same song that got Julius Malema convicted of hate speech.^[135][136]

See also[link]

	South Africa portal
	Biography portal

• Schabir Shaik trial

Filmography[link]

• The Passion of Jacob Zuma, French documentary by Jean-Baptiste Dusséaux and Matthieu Niango (France Ô, 2009)
• Motherland (film), 2009 Documentary^[137] directed by Owen Alik Shahadah

References[link]

Further reading[link]

• Russell, Alec (2009). After Mandela: the Battle for the Soul of South Africa. London: Hutchinson. ISBN 978-0-09-192601-4. 

External links[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Jacob Zuma

Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Jacob Zuma

• Profile at the African National Congress
• Zuma: Road to the presidency
• Jacob Zuma at Who's Who Southern Africa

• Appearances on C-SPAN
• Jacob Zuma at the Internet Movie Database
• Works by or about Jacob Zuma in libraries (WorldCat catalog)
• Jacob Zuma collected news and commentary at The New York Times
• Jacob Zuma at the Notable Names Database
• Full text of the judgement against Schabir Shaik, Zuma's financial advisor

Jacob Zuma v t e Head of State of South Africa Union of South Africa George V Edward VIII George VI Elizabeth II 1961 Constitution (ceremonial) Charles Robberts Swart Theophilus Ebenhaezer Dönges Jozua François Naudé* Jacobus Johannes Fouché Johannes de Klerk* Nicolaas Johannes Diederichs Marais Viljoen* B. J. Vorster Marais Viljoen 1983 Constitution (executive) Pieter Willem Botha Chris Heunis* Pieter Willem Botha Frederik Willem de Klerk 1996 Constitution (executive) Nelson Mandela Thabo Mbeki Kgalema Motlanthe Jacob Zuma ^* acting v t e African National Congress Leaders Secretary-General 1912–1915 S. T. Plaatje 1915–1917 R. V. S. Thema 1917–1919 S. Msane 1919–1923 H.L. Bud-M'belle 1923–1927 T. D. Mweli-Skota 1927–1930 E. J. Khaile 1930–1936 E. Mdolomba 1936–1949 J. A. Calata 1949–1955 W. M. U. Sisulu 1955–1958 O. R. Tambo 1958–1969 P. P. D. Nokwe 1969–1991 A. B. Nzo 1991–1997 M. C. Ramaphosa 1997–2007 K. Motlanthe 2007–present G. Mantashe President 1912–1917 J. L. Dube 1917–1924 S. M. Makgatho 1924–1927 Z. R. Mahabane 1927–1930 J. T. Gumede 1930–1936 P. ka Isaka Seme 1937–1940 Z. R. Mahabane 1940–1949 A. B. Xuma 1949–1952 J. S. Moroka 1952–1967 A. J. Lutuli 1967–1991 O. R. Tambo 1991–1997 N. R. Mandela 1997–2007 T. M. Mbeki 2007–present J. G. Zuma Deputy President 1952–1958 N. R. Mandela 1958–1985 O. R. Tambo 1985–1991 N. R. Mandela 1991–1994 W. M. U. Sisulu 1994–1997 T. M. Mbeki 1997–2007 J. G. Zuma 2007–present K. Motlanthe National Conferences 38th (1949) 39th (1950) 40th (1951) 41st (1952) 42nd (1953) 43rd (1954) 44th (1955) 45th (1957) 46th (1958) 47th (1959) 48th (1991) 49th (1994) 50th (1997) 51st (2002) 52nd (2007) Structure and wings ANC Women's League ANC Youth League National Executive Committee Umkhonto we Sizwe Progressive ANC Voters Network Related organizations Congress of South African Trade Unions South African Communist Party v t e Prime Ministers, Vice State President, and Deputy Presidents of South Africa Prime Ministers Louis Botha · Jan Smuts · James Barry Munnik Hertzog · Jan Smuts · Daniel François Malan · Johannes Gerhardus Strijdom · Hendrik Frensch Verwoerd · Balthazar Johannes Vorster · Pieter Willem Botha Vice State President Alwyn Schlebusch Deputy Presidents Frederik Willem de Klerk/Thabo Mbeki · Thabo Mbeki · Jacob Zuma · Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka · Baleka Mbete · Kgalema Motlanthe v t e Current Leaders of the Group of 20 Fernández de Kirchner · Gillard · Rousseff · Harper · Hu · Barroso · Hollande · Merkel · Singh · Yudhoyono · Monti · Noda · Calderón · Putin · Abdullah · Zuma · Lee · Erdoğan · Cameron · Obama v t e Ministers of Thabo Mbeki's second government (2004-2008) Deputy President Jacob Zuma (2004-2005) • Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka (2005-2008) Ministers Thoko Didiza (2004-2006) / Lulama Xingwana (2006-2008) (Agriculture and Land Affairs) • Pallo Jordan (Arts and Culture) • Ivy Matsepe-Casaburri (Communications) • Ngconde Balfour (Correctional Services) • Mosiuoa Lekota (Defence) • Naledi Pandor (Education) • Marthinus van Schalkwyk (Environmental Affairs and Tourism) • Trevor Manuel (Finance) • Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma (Foreign Affairs) • Manto Tshabalala-Msimang (Health) • Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula (Home Affairs) • Lindiwe Sisulu (Housing) • Ronnie Kasrils (Intelligence Services) • Brigitte Mabandla (Justice and Constitutional Development) • Membathisi Mdladlana (Labour) • Buyelwa Sonjica (Minerals and Energy) • Sydney Mufamadi (Provincial and Local Government) • Alex Erwin (Public Enterprises) • Geraldine Fraser-Moleketi (Public Service and Administration) • Charles Nqakula (Safety and Security) • Mosibudi Mangena (Science and Technology) • Zola Skweyiya (Social Development) • Makhenkesi Stofile (Sport and Recreation) • Essop Pahad (The Presidency) • Mandisi Mpahlwa (Trade and Industry) • Jeff Radebe (Transport) • Lindiwe Hendricks (Water Affairs and Forestry) • Kgalema Motlanthe (2008) (Without portfolio) v t e Ministers of Jacob Zuma's first government (2009) Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe Ministers Tina Joemat-Peterson (Agriculture, Forestry, and Fisheries) Lulu Xingwana (Arts and Culture) Angie Motshekga (Basic Education) Siphiwe Nyanda (Communications) Sicelo Shiceka (Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs) Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula (Correctional Services) Lindiwe Sisulu (Defence and Military Veterans) Ebrahim Patel (Economic Development) Dipuo Peters (Energy) Pravin Gordhan (Finance) Aaron Motsoaledi (Health) Blade Nzimande (Higher Education and Training) Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma (Home Affairs) Tokyo Sexwale (Human Settlements) Maite Nkoana-Mashabane (International Relations and Cooperation) Jeff Radebe (Justice and Constitutional Development) Membathisi Mdladlana (Labour) Susan Shabangu (Mining) Nathi Mthethwa (Police) Barbara Hogan (Public Enterprises) Richard Baloyi (Public service and Administration) Geoff Doidge (Public Works) Gugile Nkwinti (Rural Development and Land Reform) Naledi Pandor (Science and Technology) Edna Molewa (Social Development) Makhenkesi Stofile (Sport and Recreation) Siyabonga Cwele (State Security) Trevor Manuel (The Presidency, for the National Planning Commission) Collins Chabane (The Presidency) Marthinus van Schalkwyk (Tourism) Rob Davies (Trade and Industry) S'bu Ndebele (Transport) Buyelwa Sonjica (Water and Environmental Affairs) Noluthando Mayende-Sibiya (Women, Youth, Children, and People with Disabilities) v t e Ministers of Jacob Zuma's second government (2010) Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe Ministers Tina Joemat-Peterson (Agriculture, Forestry, and Fisheries) Paul Mashatile (Arts and Culture) Angie Motshekga (Basic Education) Radhakrishna Padayachie (Communications) Sicelo Shiceka (Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs) Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula (Correctional Services) Lindiwe Sisulu (Defence and Military Veterans) Ebrahim Patel (Economic Development) Dipuo Peters (Energy) Pravin Gordhan (Finance) Aaron Motsoaledi (Health) Blade Nzimande (Higher Education and Training) Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma (Home Affairs) Tokyo Sexwale (Human Settlements) Maite Nkoana-Mashabane (International Relations and Cooperation) Jeff Radebe (Justice and Constitutional Development) Mildred Oliphant (Labour) Susan Shabangu (Mining) Nathi Mthethwa (Police) Malusi Gigaba (Public Enterprises) Richard Baloyi (Public service and Administration) Gwen Mahlangu-Nkabinde (Public Works) Gugile Nkwinti (Rural Development and Land Reform) Naledi Pandor (Science and Technology) Bathabile Dlamini (Social Development) Fikile Mbalula (Sport and Recreation) Siyabonga Cwele (State Security) Trevor Manuel (The Presidency, for the National Planning Commission) Collins Chabane (The Presidency) Marthinus van Schalkwyk (Tourism) Rob Davies (Trade and Industry) S'bu Ndebele (Transport) Edna Molewa (Water and Environmental Affairs) Lulu Xingwana (Women, Youth, Children, and People with Disabilities)