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Contempt of court is a court order which, in the context of a court trial or hearing, declares a person or organization to have disobeyed or been disrespectful of the court's authority. Often referred to simply as "contempt," such as a person "held in contempt," it is the judge's strongest power to impose sanctions for acts which disrupt the court's normal process.

A finding of contempt of court may result from a failure to obey a lawful order of a court, showing disrespect for the judge, disruption of the proceedings through poor behaviour, or publication of material deemed likely to jeopardize a fair trial. A judge may impose sanctions such as a fine or jail for someone found guilty of contempt of court. Judges in common law systems usually have more extensive power to declare someone in contempt than judges in civil law systems. The client or person must be proven to be guilty before he/she will be punished.

In civil cases involving disputes between private citizens, the behaviour resulting in the ruling is often directed at one of the parties involved rather than at the court directly.

A person found in contempt of court is called a "contemnor." To prove contempt, the prosecutor or complainant must prove the four elements of contempt:

• Existence of a lawful order
• The potential contemnor's knowledge of the order
• The potential contemnor's ability to comply
• The potential contemnor's failure to comply

In use today[link]

Contempt of court is essentially seen as a form of disturbance that may impede the functionality of the court. The judge may impose fines and/or jail time upon any person committing contempt of court. The person is usually let out upon his agreement to fulfill the wishes of the court.^[1] Civil contempt can involve acts of omission. The judge will make use of warnings in most situations that may lead to a person being charged with contempt. It is relatively rare that a person is charged for contempt without first receiving at least one warning from the judge.^[2] Constructive contempt, also called consequential contempt is when a person fails to fulfill the will of the court as it applies to outside obligations of the person. In most cases, constructive contempt is considered to be in the realm of civil contempt because of its passive nature.

Indirect contempt is something that is associated with civil and constructive contempt and involves a failure to follow court orders. Criminal contempt includes anything that could be called a disturbance such as repeatedly talking out of turn, bringing forth previously banned evidence, or harassment of any other party in the courtroom.^[3] Direct contempt is an unacceptable act in the presence of the judge (in facie curiae), and generally begins with a warning, and may be accompanied by an immediate imposition of punishment. Yawning in some cases can be considered contempt of court.^[4]

Contempt of court has a significant impact on journalism in the form of restrictions on court reporting which are set out in statute in the UK.^[5]

Australia[link]

In Australia a judge may impose a fine or jail. The latter is usually until such time as a person has performed a sincere act of contrition (i.e., purging the offense) or the order is no longer deemed necessary to the carriage of justice.^[6]

Canada[link]

Criminal offences are found within the Criminal Code of Canada or other federal/provincial laws, with the exception that contempt of court is the only remaining common law offence in Canada.^[7]

Contempt of Court includes the following behaviours:

• Fails to maintain a respectful attitude, remain silent or refrain from showing approval or disapproval of the proceeding
• Refuses or neglects to obey a subpoena
• Willfully disobeys a process or order of the Court
• Interfere with the orderly administration of justice or to impair the authority or dignity of the Court
• Officer of the Court fails to perform his or her duties
• Sheriff and/or bailiff does not execute a writ forthwith or does not make a return thereof

Canadian Federal courts[link]

This section applies only to Federal Court of Appeal and Federal Court.

Under Federal Court Rules, section 472, a person who is accused of Contempt needs to be first served with a contempt order and then appear in court to answer the charges. Convictions can only be made when proof beyond a reasonable doubt is achieved.^[8]

If it is a matter of urgency or the contempt was done in front of a judge, that person can be punished immediately. Punishment can range from the person being imprisoned for a period of less than five years or until the person complies with the order or fine.

Tax Court of Canada[link]

Under Tax Court of Canada Rules of Tax Court of Canada Act, a person who is found to be in contempt may be imprisoned for a period of less than two years or fined. Similar procedures for serving an order first is also used at the Tax Court.

Provincial courts[link]

Different procedures exist for different provincial courts. For example, in British Columbia, Justice of Peace can only issue summon to the offender for Contempt, for which will be dealt with by a judge, even if the offence was done at the face of the Justice.^[9]

Hong Kong[link]

Judges from the Court of Final Appeal, High Court, District Courts along with members from the various tribunals and Coroner's Court all have the power to impose immediate punishments for contempt in the face of the court, derived from legislation or through common law:

• Insult a judge or justice, witness or officers of the court
• Interrupts the proceedings of the Court
• Interfere with the course of justice
• Misbehaves in court (i.e. use of mobile phone or recording devices without permission)
• Juror who leaves without permission of the court during proceedings
• Disobeying a judgment or court order
• Breach of undertaking
• Breach of a duty imposed upon a solicitor by rules of court

The use of insulting or threatening language in the magistrates' courts or against a magistrate is in breach of HK Laws. Chap 227 Magistrates Ordinance Section 99 which states the magistrate can 'summarily sentence the offender to a fine at level 3 and to imprisonment for 6 months.

In addition, certain appeal boards are given the statutory authority for contempt by them (i.e. Residential Care Home, Hotel and Guesthouse Accommodation, Air Pollution Control, etc.). For contempt in front of these boards, the chairperson will certify the act of contempt to the Court of First Instance who will then proceed with a hearing and determine the punishment.

England[link]

In English law (a common law jurisdiction) the law on contempt is partly set out in case law, and partly specified in the Contempt of Court Act 1981. Contempt may be a criminal or civil offence. The maximum sentence for criminal contempt is two years.

Disorderly, contemptuous, or insolent behaviour toward the judge or magistrates while holding the court, tending to interrupt the due course of a trial or other judicial proceeding, may be prosecuted as "direct" contempt. The term "direct" means that the court itself cites the person in contempt by describing the behaviour observed on the record. Direct contempt is distinctly different from indirect contempt, wherein another individual may file papers alleging contempt against a person who has willfully violated a lawful court order.

Criminal contempt of court[link]

The Crown Court is a superior court of record under the Senior Courts Act 1981 and accordingly has power to punish for contempt of its own motion. The Divisional Court has stated that this power applies in three circumstances:

1. Contempt "in the face of the court" (not to be taken literally; the judge does not need to see it, provided it took place within the court precincts or relates to a case currently before that court);
2. Disobedience of a court order; and
3. Breaches of undertakings to the court.

Where it is necessary to act quickly the judge (even the trial judge) may act to sentence for contempt.

Where it is not necessary to be so urgent, or where indirect contempt has taken place the Attorney General can intervene and the Crown Prosecution Service will institute criminal proceedings on his behalf before a Divisional Court of the Queen's Bench Division of the High Court of Justice of England and Wales.

Magistrates' Courts are not superior courts of record, but nonetheless have powers granted under the Contempt of Court Act 1981. They may detain any person who insults the court or otherwise disrupts its proceedings until the end of the sitting. Upon the contempt being either admitted or proved the judge or JP may imprison the offender for a maximum of one month, fine them up to GBP £2,500, or do both.

It is contempt of court to bring an audio recording device or picture-taking device of any sort into an English court without the consent of the court.

It is not contempt of court (under section 10 of the Act) for a journalist to refuse to disclose his sources, unless the court has considered the evidence available and determined that the information is "necessary in the interests of justice or national security or for the prevention of disorder or crime."

Strict liability contempt[link]

Under the Contempt of Court Act 1981 it is criminal contempt of court to publish anything which creates a real risk that the course of justice in proceedings may be seriously impaired. It only applies where proceedings are active, and the Attorney General has issued guidance as to when he believes this to be the case, and there is also statutory guidance. The clause prevents the newspapers and media from publishing material that is too extreme or sensationalist about a criminal case until the trial is over and the jury has given its verdict.

Section 2 of the Act limits the common law presumption that conduct may be treated as contempt regardless of intention: now only cases where there is a substantial risk of serious prejudice to a trial are affected.

Civil contempt[link]

In civil proceedings there are two main ways in which contempt is committed:

1. Failure to attend at court despite a subpoena requiring attendance. In respect of the High Court, historically a writ of latitat would have been issued, but now a bench warrant is issued, authorizing the tipstaff to arrange for the arrest of the individual, and imprisonment until the date and time the court appoints to next sit. In practice a groveling letter of apology to the court is sufficient to ward off this possibility, and in any event the warrant is generally 'backed for bail' i.e. bail will be granted once the arrest has been made and a location where the person can be found in future established.^{[citation needed]}
2. Failure to comply with a court order. A copy of the order, with a "penal notice"—i.e. notice informing the recipient that if they do not comply they are subject to imprisonment—is served on the person concerned. If, after that, they breach the order, proceedings can be started and in theory the person involved can be sent to prison. In practice this rarely happens as the cost on the claimant of bringing these proceedings is significant and in practice imprisonment is rarely ordered as an apology or fine are usually considered appropriate.

United States[link]

Under American jurisprudence, acts of contempt are divided into two types.

1. Direct contempt is that which occurs in the presence of the presiding judge (in facie curiae) and may be dealt with summarily: the judge notifies the offending party that he or she has acted in a manner which disrupts the tribunal and prejudices the administration of justice. After giving the person the opportunity to respond, the judge may impose the sanction immediately.
2. Indirect contempt occurs outside the immediate presence of the court and consists of disobedience of a court's prior order. Generally a party will be accused of indirect contempt by the party for whose benefit the order was entered. A person cited for indirect contempt is entitled to notice of the charge and an opportunity for hearing of the evidence of contempt and, since there is no written procedure, may or may not be allowed to present evidence in rebuttal.

Contempt of court in a civil suit is generally not considered to be a criminal offense, with the party benefiting from the order also holding responsibility for the enforcement of the order. However, some cases of civil contempt have been perceived as intending to harm the reputation of the plaintiff, or to a lesser degree, the judge or the court.

Sanctions for contempt may be criminal or civil. If a person is to be punished criminally, then the contempt must be proven beyond a reasonable doubt, but once the charge is proven, then punishment (such as a fine or, in more serious cases, imprisonment) is imposed unconditionally. The civil sanction for contempt (which is typically incarceration in the custody of the sheriff or similar court officer) is limited in its imposition for so long as the disobedience to the court's order continues: once the party complies with the court's order, the sanction is lifted. The imposed party is said to "hold the keys" to his or her own cell, thus conventional due process is not required. The burden of proof for civil contempt, however, is a preponderance of the evidence, and theoretically punitive sanctions (punishment) can only be imposed after due process but the due process is unpublished.

In civil contempt cases there is no principle of proportionality. In Chadwick v. Janecka (3d Cir. 2002), a U.S. court of appeals held that H. Beatty Chadwick could be held indefinitely under federal law, for his failure to produce US$ 2.5 mill. as state court ordered in a civil trial. Chadwick had been imprisoned for nine years at that time and continued to be held in prison until 2009, when a state court set him free after 14 years, making his imprisonment the longest on a contempt charge to date.

The United States Marshals Service is the agency component that first holds all federal prisoners. It uses the Prisoner Population Management System /Prisoner Tracking System. The only types of records that are disclosed as being in the system are those of "federal prisoners who are in custody pending criminal proceedings." The records of "alleged civil contempors" are not listed in the Federal Register as being in the system leading to a potential claim for damages under The Privacy Act, 5 USC section 552a (e)(4)(I).^[10][11]

News Media[link]

Because of the broad protections of the First Amendment, with extremely limited exceptions, unless the media outlet is a party to the case, a media outlet cannot be found in contempt of court for reporting about a case because a court cannot order the media in general not to report on a case or forbid it from reporting facts discovered publicly.^[12] Newspapers cannot be closed because of their content.^[13]

See also[link]

Law portal

• Contempt of Congress
• Contempt of Parliament
• Contumacy
• Judicial discretion
• Perjury
• Perverting the course of justice
• Obstruction of justice
• Offence of scandalizing the court in Singapore

Notes and references[link]

Literature[link]

• Scarce, Rik. "Contempt of Court: A Scholar's Battle for Free Speech from behind Bars" (2005) (ISBN 0759106436).

External links[link]

Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Contempt of court

Look up contempt of court in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.

Javed Ahmad Ghamidi (Urdu: جاوید احمد غامدی) (born 1951) is a well-known Pakistani Muslim theologian, Quran scholar and exegete, and educationist. A former member of the Jamaat-e-Islami, who extended the work of his tutor, Amin Ahsan Islahi,^[1] Ghamidi is the founder of Al-Mawrid Institute of Islamic Sciences and its sister organization Danish Sara.^[1] He is a member of Council of Islamic Ideology since January 28, 2006,^[2][3] a constitutional body responsible for giving legal advice on Islamic issues to Pakistan Government and the Parliament. He has also taught at the Civil Services Academy from 1980 until 1991.^[1] He is running an intellectual movement similar to Wastiyya in Egypt on the popular electronic media of Pakistan.^[4]

Ghamidi's discourse is primarily with the traditionalists on the one end and Jamaat-e-Islami and its seceding groups on the other.^[4] In Ghamidi’s arguments, there is no reference to the Western sources, human rights or current philosophies of crime and punishment.^[4] He comes to conclusions which are similar to those of Islamic modernists on the subject, but he never goes out of the traditional framework.^[4]

Early life[link]

Ghamidi was born on April 18, 1951 in a peasant family of Kakazai tribe from Jiwan Shah near Lahore, Pakistan.^[4] His early education included a modern path (Matriculation from Islamia High School, Pakpattan in 1967), as well as a traditional path (Arabic and Persian languages, and the Qur'an with Mawlawi Nur Ahmad of Nang Pal).^[4] He later graduated from Government College, Lahore, with a BA Honours in English in 1972.^[5] Initially, he was more interested in literature and philosophy. Later on, he worked with renowned Islamic scholars like Sayyid Abul Ala Maududi and Amin Ahsan Islahi on various Islamic disciplines particularly exegesis and Islamic law.^[1]

In his book, Maqamat (مقامات), Ghamidi starts with an essay "My Name" (میرا نام) to describe the story behind his surname, which sounds somewhat alien in the context of the Indian Subcontinent. He describes a desire during his childhood years to establish a name linkage to his late grandfather Noor Elahi, after learning of his status as the one people of the area turned to, to resolve disputes. This reputation also led to his (grandfather's) reputation as a peacemaker (مصلح). Subsequently, one of the visiting sufi friends of his father narrated a story of the patriarch of the Arab tribe Banu Ghamid who earned the reputation of being a great peacemaker. He writes, that the temporal closeness of these two events clicked in his mind and he decided to add the name Ghamidi to his given name, Javed Ahmed.^[6]

Interaction with other Islamic scholars[link]

Ghamidi worked closely with Abul Ala Maududi (alternative spelling Syed Maudoodi; often referred to as Maulana Maududi) (1903–1979) for about nine years before voicing his first differences of opinion, which led to his subsequent expulsion from Mawdudi's political party, Jamaat-e-Islami in 1977. Later, he developed his own view of religion based on hermeneutics and ijtihad under the influence of his mentor, Amin Ahsan Islahi (1904–1997), a well-known exegete of the Indian sub-continent who is author of Tadabbur-i-Qur’an, a Tafsir (exegeses of Qur'an). Ghamidi's critique of Mawdudi's thought is an extension of Wahid al-Din Khan’s criticism of Mawdudi. Khan (1925- ) was amongst the first scholars from within the ranks of Jamaat-e-Islami to present a full-fledged critique of Mawdudi’s understanding of religion. Khan’s contention is that Mawdudi has completely inverted the Qur’anic worldview. Ghamidi, for his part, agreed with Khan that the basic obligation in Islam is not the establishment of an Islamic world order but servitude to God, and that it is to help and guide humans in their effort to fulfill that obligation for which religion is revealed. Therefore, Islam never imposed the obligation on its individual adherents or on the Islamic state to be constantly in a state of war against the non-Islamic world. In fact, according to Ghamidi, even the formation of an Islamic state is not a basic religious obligation for Muslims.^[7]

Ideology[link]

Ghamidi’s understanding of Islamic law has been presented concisely in his book Mizan. Ghamidi's inspiration from his mentor, Amin Ahsan Islahi and non-traditionalist approach to the religion has parted him from traditionalist understanding on a number of issues, but he never goes out of the traditional framework.^[4]

Jihad[link]

Ghamidi believes that there are certain directives of the Qur’an pertaining to war which were specific only to the Prophet Muhammad and certain specified peoples of his times (particularly the progeny of Abraham: the Ishmaelites, the Israelites, and the Nazarites). Thus, the Prophet and his designated followers waged a war against Divinely specified peoples of their time (the polytheists and the Israelites and Nazarites of Arabia and some other Jews, Christians, et al.) as a form of Divine punishment and asked the polytheists of Arabia for submission to Islam as a condition for exoneration and the others for jizya and submission to the political authority of the Muslims for exemption from death punishment and for military protection as the dhimmis of the Muslims. Therefore, after the Prophet and his companions, there is no concept in Islam obliging Muslims to wage war for propagation or implementation of Islam. The only valid basis for jihad through arms is to end oppression when all other measures have failed.^[8] According to him Jihad can only be waged by an organized Islamic state. No person, party or group can take arms into their hands (for the purpose of waging Jihad) under any circumstances. Another corollary, in his opinion, is that death punishment for apostasy was also specifically for the recipients of the same Divine punishment during the Prophet's times—for they had persistently denied the truth of the Prophet's mission even after it had been made conclusively evident to them by God through the Prophet.^[9]

The formation of an Islamic state is not a religious obligation per se upon the Muslims. However, he believes that if and when Muslims form a state of their own, Islam does impose certain religious obligations on its rulers as establishment of the institution of salah (obligatory prayer), zakah (mandatory charity), and 'amr bi'l-ma'ruf wa nahi 'ani'l-munkar (preservation and promotion of society's good conventions and customs and eradication of social vices; this, in Ghamidi's opinion, should be done in modern times through courts, police, etc. in accordance with the law of the land which, as the government itself, must be based on the opinion of the majority).^[7]

Social laws[link]

Head covering for women is a cherished part of Muslim social custom and tradition, but it is not a directive of the shariah (Divine law). The Qur'an states norms for male-female interaction in surah An-Nur.^[10] While in surah Al-Ahzab, there are special directives for wives of Muhammad^[11] and directives given to Muslim women to distinguish themselves when they were being harassed in Medina.^[12][13] The Qur'an has created a distinction between men and women only to maintain family relations and relationships.^[14]

Penal laws[link]

• The Islamic punishments of hudud (Islamic law) are maximum pronouncements that can be mitigated by a court of law on the basis of extenuating circumstances.^[15]
• The shariah (Divine law) does not stipulate any fixed amount for the diyya (monetary compensation for unintentional murder); the determination of the amount—for the unintentional murder of a man or a woman—has been left to the conventions of society.^[15]
• Ceteris paribus (all other things being equal), a woman's testimony is equal to that of a man's.^[16]
• Rape is hirabah and deserves severe punishments as mentioned in the Quran 5:33. It doesn't require four witnesses to register the case as in the case of Zina (Arabic) (consensual sex). Those who were punished by stoning (rajm) in Muhammad's time were also punished under hirabah for raping, sexually assaulting women, and spreading vulgarity in society through prostitution.^[15]

Sources of Islam[link]

• All that is Islam is constituted by the Qur'an and Sunnah. Nothing besides these two is Islam or can be regarded as its part.^[17]
• Just like Quran, Sunnah (the way of the prophet) is only what Muslim nation received through ijma (consensus of companions of the prophet) and tawatur (perpetual adherence of Muslim nation).^[17]
• Unlike Quran and Sunnah, ahadith only explain and elucidate what is contained in these two sources and also describe the exemplary way in which Muhammad followed Islam.^[17]
• The Sharia is distinguished from fiqh, the latter being collections of interpretations and applications of the Sharia by Muslim jurists. Fiqh is characterized as a human exercise, and therefore subject to human weakness and differences of opinion. A Muslim is not obliged to adhere to a school of fiqh.^[4]

Views on Ghamidi[link]

Ghamidi has earned criticism from traditionalist Muslim scholars in Pakistan for his interpretation of certain Islamic values.

Morals & Ethics[link]

Ghamidi is known for his stress on morals and ethics in Islam. He has raised concerns on moral and ethical issues in Muslims.

A translated snippet from his book "Ikhlaqiyat":

Resignation from Council of Islamic Ideology[link]

Javed Ahmed Ghamidi resigned in September 2006^[18] from the Council of Islamic Ideology (CII),^[3] a constitutional body responsible for providing legal advice on Islamic issues to the Pakistani government. His resignation was rejected by the President of Pakistan.^[19] Ghamidi's resignation was prompted by the Pakistani government's formation of a separate committee of ulema to review a Bill involving women's rights; the committee was formed after extensive political pressure was applied by the MMA. Ghamidi argued that this was a breach of the CII's jurisdiction, since the very purpose of the council is to ensure that Pakistan's laws do not conflict with the teachings of Islam. He also said that the amendments in the bill proposed by the Ulema committee were against the injunctions of Islam. This event occurred when the MMA threatened to resign from the provincial and national assemblies if the government amended the Hudood Ordinance,^[20] which came into being under Zia-ul-Haq's Islamization. The Hudood Ordinances have been criticised for, among other things, insisting upon an exceptionally difficult and dangerous procedure to prove allegations of rape.^[21]

Media[link]

Ghamidi had appeared on several TV Channels and appears regularly on dedicated programs. His television audience consists of educated, urban-based middle-class men between the ages of 20-35, as well as lay Islamic intellectuals and professionals. Ghamidi's religiously oriented audience tends to be dissatisfied with the positions of traditional ulema and Western-eudcated secular-liberal elite, and find his interventions and ideas more sensible, moderate, and relevant.^[22]

• Alif on Geo TV (In multiple airings)
• Ghamidi on Geo TV (First season while the second season is on schedule)
• Live with Ghamidi on AAJ TV (Usually Q/A format but with occasional special programs)
  • AAJ TV also airs other Islamic programs by Javed Ahmad Ghamidi and his associates.
• And other channels like PTV.
• Al-Mawrid has video recording setup of its own. http://www.al-mawrid.org/
• The official website of Javed Ahmad Ghamidi is www.javedahmadghamidi.com which is linked to his official Twitter (@javedghamidi) and Facebook pages.

Ghamidi on the Taliban's Islamism[link]

Ghamidi is one of the Pakistani religious scholars who, from the beginning, has been opposing this kind of Islamism. One of his recent essays on this subject Islam and the Taliban^[23]

Bibliography[link]

Primary sources[link]

• Revamped personal website
• Al-Mawrid Website
• Al-Mawrid International
• Al-Mawrid Multimedia
• Ghamidi, Javed (2001). Mizan. Dar al-Ishraq. OCLC 52901690.  — A comprehensive treatise on the contents of Islam
• Ghamidi, Javed (2000) (in Urdu) (pdf). Burhan. Danish Sara. OCLC 50518567. http://ghamidi.org/Books/Ghamidi/Bk_burhan.pdf.  — A dissertation in which contemporary religious thoughts have been critically analyzed
• Ghamidi, Javed (2000). Al-Bayan. Danish Sara.  -- An annotated translation of the Divine message with a view to unfold its coherence^[24]

Secondary Sources[link]

• Iftikhar, Asif (2005). Jihad and the Establishment of Islamic Global Order: A Comparative Study of the Interpretative Approaches and Worldviews of Abu al-A‘la Mawdudi and Javed Ahmad Ghamidi. (Master's Thesis). Montreal: McGill University. OCLC 61742999. 
• Masud, M.K. (2007). "Rethinking shari'a: Javed Ahmad Ghamidi on hudud". Die Welt des Islams (Brill Publishers) 47 (3–4): 356–375. DOI:10.1163/157006007783237455. http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/brill/dwi/2007/00000047/F0020003/art00005. Retrieved 2008-02-21. 
• Esposito, John (2003). The Oxford Dictionary of Islam. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-512558-4. 

Notes[link]

See also[link]

• Al-Mawrid
• Dr Muhammad Farooq Khan
• Islamic scholars
• Amin Ahsan Islahi
• Khalid Masud
• Mizan
• Tadabbur-i-Qur’an
• Contemporary Islamic philosophy
• Islamism

External links[link]

• Official website
• Profile:[2][3]
• Link for Al-Mawrid website that contains all of the Javed Ahmed Ghamidi lectures: [4]
• TV talk shows with Javed Ahmed Ghamidi:[5][6]
• Debate on Hudood Ordinance:[7]
• Books written by Ghamidi
• Articles available on the internet written by Javed Ahmed Ghamidi.[8][9][10]
• Ghamidi's criticism on Arm forces in politics (Urdu).
• Resignation of Javed Ahmed Ghamidi from CII; The News International
• The Fundamentalist Moderate; The Boston Globe
• The extremist case for Islamic moderation; Robin Moroney The Wall Street Journal
• An Islamic fundamentalist we can support; Dinesh D'Souza(Stanford University)
• Audio and Video debates and lectures:[11][12]
• Ghamidi views on Ahmadiyya/Qadianism

Yousaf Raza Gillani یوسف رضا گیلانی
16th Prime Minister of Pakistan
Incumbent
Assumed office 25 March 2008
President	Pervez Musharraf Muhammad Mian Soomro (Acting) Asif Ali Zardari
Preceded by	Muhammad Mian Soomro
Speaker of the National Assembly
In office 17 October 1993 – 16 February 1997
Preceded by	Gohar Ayub Khan
Succeeded by	Elahi Bux Soomro
Personal details
Born	(1952-06-09) 9 June 1952 (age 60) Karachi, Pakistan
Political party	Pakistan Peoples Party
Spouse(s)	Fauzia Gillani[1]
Children	5
Alma mater	Forman Christian College Government College University University of the Punjab
Religion	Islam

Yousuf Raza Gillani^[2], also spelled Gilani,^[3] MP (Urdu, Saraiki: یوسف رضا گیلانی; English IPA: jusæf ɾæzə ɡillɑnɪ̈ ; b. June 9, 1952) is the 16th and current Prime Minister of Pakistan and the vice-chairman of the democratic socialist party, the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP).^[4] Gillani was nominated for the office of prime minister and became prime minister when his party formed the coalition government with Pakistan Muslim League, Awami National Party, Assembly of Islamic Clergy and Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), after his party secured a considerable victory on 2008 parliamentary elections. He is the first prime minister from the Saraiki-speaking belt,^[5] and also the longest serving prime minister with a period span of 45 months, chairing more than 100 cabinet and parliamentary sessions; the most any successive democratic government in the political history of the country.^[6]

He first successfully contested 1988 parliamentary elections and has been a senior member of parliament for the Multan-IV constituency since 1988, heading the Ministry of Tourism under the government of former prime minister Benazir Bhutto.^[7] After his party wining the plurality in 1990 parliamentary elections, Gillani was nominated by Benazir Bhutto to become the 15th Speaker of the National Assembly, serving until 16 February 1997.^[7] On 11 February 2001, Gillani was imprisoned by military court instituted under by then-CMLA and President Pervez Musharraf^[8] on the accusations and charges on corruption in infamous Adiala Jail, and released on 7 October 2006.^[8][4]

Gillani's Pakistan Peoples Party won a considerable victory in the 2008 parliamentary elections, and with the consent of coalition government, Gillani was nominated for the office of Prime minister, taking the oath from President Pervez Musharraf on 25 March 2008. In a first inaugural session, Gillani announced the formation of the Truth and reconciliation commission, reducing the federal budget deficits, reconstruction of the troubled tribal belt, education, land, and agriculture reforms, and lifting the bans on elected labor and students' unions, followed by new energy and nuclear policy to reduce the level of the loadshedding in the country.^[9][10] A consistently strong U.S.-ally prime minister^[11] , Gillani was ranked as the 38th most powerful person in the world by Forbes.^[12] On 25 April, 2012, the Supreme Court of Pakistan convicted Gillani for violating the Article 63(1) (g) of the Constitution of Pakistan.^[13] The verdict was given after the Supreme Court of Pakistan found the prime minister guilty of contempt of court for refusing to reopen corruption cases against President Asif Ali Zardari, but gave him only a symbolic sentence "till the rising of the court" in the courtroom, a sentence lasting 30 seconds.^[14]

Background[link]

Makhdoom Syed Yousuf Raza Gillani belongs to an influential and spiritual family of Multan, born on June 9, 1952 in Karachi, Pakistan. His father was a descendant of Syed Musa Pak, a leading spiritual figure of Multan who had hailed from the Iranian province of Gilan. One of Gillani's maternal aunt is the wife of Pir Pagara. Makhdoom Syed Yousaf Raza Gillani is married and has four sons and one daughter, Fiza Gillani and one grandson.^[15]

Family and education[link]

Gillani was born on 9 June 1952 in Karachi, Sindh Province, West-Pakistan. Shortly, Gillani moved to Multan, Punjab Province, attending the Forman Christian College University.^[16] He attended Government College University and obtained his B.A. in Journalism in 1970^[17] , and followed by M.A. in Political Journalism from University of the Punjab in 1976.^[17]

Gillani is married with Fauzia Gillani, together they have five children; four sons and one daughter, and one grandson.^[18] His eldest son, Abdul Qadir Gillani, started his own political career from Multan, and in 2008 he married the granddaughter of Pir Pagara Shah Mardan Shah II, an influential political and religious leader of Sindh. Abdul Qadir is alleged to have been involved in a corruption case over arrangements for pilgrims to Mecca and in a scandal at a state-owned insurance company.^[19] Gillani's three other sons Ali Qasim Gillani, Ali Musa Gillani and Ali Haider Gillani are triplets. Qasim Gillani is currently doing his undergraduate from Brunel University of London whereas Musa Gillani completed his Masters from Queen Mary University of London in 2009. Ali Haider Gillani is studying at School of Economics in Lahore. Ali Musa Gillani after completing his studies is now actively participating in politics. Ali Musa was questioned by the Anti-Narcotics Force (ANF) agents over a scandal involving the production of the drug Ecstasy.^[20] Yousaf Raza Gillani's daughter is Fiza Gillani.

Public servant[link]

Yousaf Raza Gillani's political career took off in the military government of President General Zia-ul-Haq in 1978, after first joining the as the member of the Central Working Committee (CWC) of the Pakistan Muslim League (PML), alongside with industrialist Navaz Sharif.^[21] But soon left the PML, due to political differences with the PML's leadership.^[21] He was chosen by General Zia-ul-Haq as a nominee for the public servant work in Multan. In 1983, Gillani became chairman of the Multan union council.^[22]

He first contested in non-partisan and technocratic 1985 general elections and elected as the Member of the National Assembly (MNA) of Parliament^[22] from Lodhran but later affiliated with the Pakistan Peoples Party after developing serious political differences with Pakistan Muslim League (PML) led by conservative leader Fida Khan.^[21] As of current, the constituency seat now hold by Saddique Baloch. He fell out with Prime minister Mohammad Junejo and sidlined from the Pakistan Muslim League (PML) by the senior leadership.^[22] Later, he was ousted by Prime minister Junejo and was replaced by other members.^[22] According to Gillani's personal accounts, he went to Karachi to meet with Benazir Bhutto during 1980s and presented his political experience to immediately join the peoples party.^[22] After securing a party ticket and successfully contesting in 1988 general elections, Gillani joined the first government of Prime minister Benazir Bhutto and became minister of the Ministry of Tourism (MoT) in March 1989 until January 1990.^[21] Later he became minister of Ministry of Housing and Work Force but continued this government assignment until August 1990.^[21]

Gillani boycotted the 1990 general elections but returned to power politics in 1993.^[21] He successfully defended his constituency in 1993 general elections and took oath of the office of Minister for Ministry of Local Government and Rural Development.^[21] However, he resigned from his ministry after being nominated by Benazir Bhutto for office of the Speaker of the National Assembly of Pakistan in 1993. He chaired the as the Speaker of the National Assembly of Pakistan until 1997 when the new general election in 1997 were held in the country. He was succeeded by Ilahi Bux of the Pakistan Muslim League-N on February 2, 1997.^[21]

Imprisonment[link]

Yousaf Raza Gillani was arrested on 11 February 2001 by the Military Police functioned under the military-controlled National Accountability Bureau (NAB)— an anti-corruption agency set up by the military government in 1999, over charges that he, along other politicians, misused his authority while he was Speaker of the National Assembly in 1993–97. Specifically, he was accused of hiring up to 600 people from among his constituents and placing them on the government's payroll.^[23] The NAB claimed that Gillani inflicted a loss of Rs 30 million annually on the national exchequer.^[24] He was convicted by an anti-corruption court headed by active-duty officer formed by General Musharraf and spent nearly six years in prison.^[25]

The legal proceedings were perceived by many as politically motivated; his party, the PPP, was in opposition to Musharraf, who had embarked on a campaign to coerce party members to switch sides. Thus his conviction by General Musharraf-backed courts and subsequent prison sentence are seen as marks of loyalty within the PPP. His imprisonment was widely condemned by various individuals across the country, including Mushahid Hussain Syed, a senior leader of the PML-Q.^{[citation needed]} He was released on 7 October 2006 from infamous Adiala Jail, after spending more than five years in captivity.^[26] On 26 April 2012, Prime minister Gillani was convicted on the charges of Contempt of Court, becoming Pakistan's first Prime Minister to be convicted while holding office^[27]. He was sentenced to be held in custody till the rising of court, a symbolic sentence lasting 30 seconds.^[28]

Prime Minister of Pakistan[link]

On 22 March 2008, the PPP nominated Gillani for the post of Prime Minister. PPP completed consultations with coalition partners about the Prime Minister and its allies endorsed the nomination. The formal announcement of the name of Prime Minister was expected to be made that night.

On 22 March at 9:38 pm Islamabad, (1638 GMT), he was officially announced by PPP as its candidate for the premiership of the country. Many analysts said that they would not be surprised if Zardari succeeded Gillani after a few months. It was reported on 24 March 2008, that Zardari said he was not interested in the job of Prime Minister and that Gillani would serve until 2013 in the position. Speculation that Zardari might be gunning for the premiership grew stronger when he picked the less popular Gillani over Ameen Faheem, President of the PPP. Fahmida Mirza, the newly-elected Speaker of the Assembly, insists there is no plan to replace Gillani. She added, however, that if Gillani did not do a good job, all options were open.^[29]

Gillani with MNA Qadir Patel

On 24 March 2008, Gillani was elected as Prime Minister by Parliament, defeating his rival, Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi of the PML-Q, by a score of 264 to 42.^[30] He was sworn in by Musharraf on the next day.^[31] On 29 March, he won a unanimous vote of confidence in Parliament.^[32]

Gillani with Hillary Clinton

On the same day, following the vote of confidence, Gillani announced the programme for the first 100 days of his administration. Some of the points he announced were:

• Frontier Crimes Regulations and Industrial Relations Order repealed
• A "truth and reconciliation commission" proposed
• PM House budget cut by 40 percent
• Special counters at airports for parliamentarians to be removed
• No money to be spent on the renovation of government buildings and residences
• A freedom of information law to be framed, while PEMRA will be made a subsidiary of the information ministry
• Talks will be initiated with extremists who lay down arms and ‘adopt the path of peace’
• A new package for tribal areas promised
• Employment commission to be set up
• Madressah authority to implement a uniform curriculum
• One million housing units to be built annually for low-income groups
• Irrigation channels to be bricklined.
• Appointed Prof. Ghulam Hussain Saleem and Wazir Ibadat adviser to the Prime Minister for Gilgit Baltistan Affairs.
• A lifting of the bans on elected labor and students' unions.^[33]

The first part of Gillani's Cabinet was sworn in on 31 March. Of the 24 ministers sworn in on this occasion, 11 were members of the PPP, nine were members of the Pakistan Muslim League (N) (PML-N), two were members of the Awami National Party, one was from Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam, and one came from the Federally Administered Tribal Areas. Other appointments were expected to follow.^[34]

On 13 May 2008, the PML (N) ministers resigned from Gillani's government due to a disagreement related to the reinstatement of judges whom Musharraf removed from office in 2007. Zardari, hoping to preserve the coalition, told Gillani to reject the resignations.^[35] At the close of 2008, Pakistan's The Financial Daily conducted a public poll on its website; respondents entered the names of their favorite personalities for the year, and Gillani was named among the top 50.^[36]

On 27 May 2012, Prime Minister Syed Yusuf Raza Gilani, after staying in office for four years, two months and two days, has created a new record in national history while surpassing the tenure of first prime minister of the country, Liaqat Ali Khan. ^[37]

Energy Policy[link]

In April 2010, Gillani announced the energy policy to deal with the severe electricity shortage facing Pakistan.^[38] In 2010, Gillani went on to attend the Nuclear Security Summit held in Washington, D.C. where he issued a statement saying Pakistan would like to act as a provider and "participate in any non-discriminatory nuclear fuel cycle assurance mechanism.^[39] His government tightened the nuclear safety programme, and expanded the role of Nuclear Regulatory Authority (PNRA).^[39] In 2012, Gillani attended the 2012 Nuclear Security Summit where he defended the right of Pakistan's access to nuclear technology for peaceful uses on a non-discriminatory basis.^[40] His government announced the approval the safeguards agreements of the two commercial civil nuclear power plants, and inagurated the CHASNUPP-III nuclear power plant in Chasma.^[41] In 2012, Gillani gave approval of establishing two civilian nuclear power plant in Karachi to meet the future energy needs of financial and economical development.^[41]

On April 9, 2012, Gillani chaired the second energy conference held in Lahore.^[42] As part of the federal government’s energy conservation plan, Gillani had ordered that air-conditioners of the Prime Minister House and Prime Minister’s Secretariat could not be switched on before 11am.^{[43] [44]} According to the government sources, Gillani's government has leveled up the nuclear energy programme up ~78% for two combined 664MW commercial nuclear plants, C-3 and C-4 at Chashma Nuclear Power Complex to be completed at their record time.^[45] The ground work on Karachi Nuclear Power Complex was also laid in 2012 as part of his nuclear policy.^[45] Amid public rage and media pressure, the Gillani government also intensified its ground work on the Thar coal electric project that could develop another source of cheap electricity generation, despite the strong opposition by the planning commission.^[45]

Financial and Economic policy[link]

The privatization and deregulation continues under his government. Gillani appointed Abdul Hafeez Shaikh as Economic and Finance minister, previously he served as the minister of privatization and investment in the government of General Pervez Musharraf and Shaukat Aziz. The nationalization policies were disbanded by Gillani's government instead moved the country on "capitalization mode".^[46] The state-owned corporations were set off to privatization menu and his government approved a new menu of privatization based on public private partnership (PPP) with transfer of management control and 26% shares of 21 state owned enterprises (SOEs).^[46] No timetable was given instead his government announced that the privatization process would be completed when international market would be feasible.^[46] During his first years of government, Gillani's government obtained unprecedented loans from International Monetary Fund which increased the level of poverty in the country.^[47]

The GDP growth rate dropped down to 4.19% (2009) as compared to 8.96% in 2004.

In January 2012, Prime minister Gillani announced the "economic sector have been achieved during the first six months of the current fiscal due to the prudent policies of the present government".^[48] In the parliament, Gillani pointed out that the fiscal deficit had come down from 9.4% to 7.6% and inflation that had reached 25% had been reduced to 9.7% during December 2011.^[49] In a policy statement, Gillani stated that the "country's GDP growth rate will be 4% basically due to the enhanced agricultural production and the web of taxation has been increased".^[49] The tax collection in 2011 was more 27% comparing to 2010.^[48] An unsuccessful attempt was carried out by Gillani's government to privatize the mega-state corporations, particularly the power sector; major nationalized industries such as WAPDA, IESCo, TESCo, PEPCo were proposed by the finance ministry to privatize the power distribution companies.^[50] Major worker's strike were initiated by the central labour unions, and after receiving much criticism, his government halted the privatization programme of energy sector, and nationalized the remaining power sector industries due to public pressure.^[51][52]

The dependence on crude oil to produce general electricity increased at an exponential rate after 2004-08.

According to the calculation preformed by Transparency International (TI), Pakistan has lost an unbelievably high amount, more than Rs8,500 billion (Rs8.5 trillion or US$94 billion), in corruption, tax evasion and bad governance during the last four years of Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani’s tenure.^[47] An adviser of TI acknowledged that "Pakistan does not need even a single penny from the outside world if it effectively checks the menace of corruption and ensures good governance".^[47] The Transparency International also noted that the four years of the present regime under Gilani had been the worst in terms of corruption and bad governance in the country’s history.^[47]

On December 15, 2011, Gillani gave authorization of controversial Nationalization programme after a cabinet meeting in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province. Under this programme, three major and megacorportations, Steel Mills, Pakistan Railway and Pakistan International Airlines (PIA), were brought down under the government ownership, in an attempt to restructure and made profitable.^[53]

On June 01, 2012, Prime Minister Syed Yusuf Raza Gilani claimed that the government was committed to resolving the energy crisis and achieving energy security for the country, adding that Pakistan’s power sector was presently facing a wide demand-supply gap, which had necessitated the enhancement of generation capacity as well as related infrastructure. ^[54]

Domestic policy[link]

First public speech as Prime Minister[link]

Gillani during his visit to the White House in 2008.

On 19 July 2008 at 11:06 pm (Pakistan Standard Time), Gillani appeared on Pakistan Television (PTV) in his first address to the nation. The main points in his address were focused on the crisis of flour shortage, load-shedding, terrorism and extremism, restoration of judges, economic downslide and, above all, inflation and unemployment in the country.

2008 assassination attempt[link]

Gillani escaped an assassination attempt on 3 September 2008,^[55] when unidentified gunmen fired shots at his motorcade near the garrison city of Rawalpindi, officials said. The shooting occurred shortly after Gillani was returning from an official visit to the eastern city of Lahore. His motorcade was going to Islamabad from the high-security Chaklala military airbase in Rawalpindi. A spokesman for the Prime Minister's House said Gillani and members of his staff had escaped unhurt and were safe. He said police had been put on high alert and an investigation launched into the incident. The unidentified assailants fired at Gillani's motorcade on a highway. At least two shots hit the Prime Minister's bulletproof vehicle, TV channels quoted officials as saying. State-run PTV beamed footage of the damage caused by the bullets to the window of the driver's door of the vehicle. Reports said the incident occurred at a spot where former premier and PML-N chief Nawaz Sharif's motorcade was fired at on 27 December last year, shortly before Pakistan People's Party (PPP) chairperson Benazir Bhutto was assassinated in a suicide bombing in Rawalpindi.

According to Gillani's press secretary, Zahid Bashir, a car carrying Gillani was hit by 10 bullets in an attack near Islamabad on 3 September 2008; Bashir said that Gillani was unharmed.^[56] The Pakistan-based Taliban group claimed responsibility for the attack.^[57]

Role in Chief Justice restoration[link]

During the judicial crisis of March 2009, Gillani played vital role in ending the judicial crises and is widely given credit with playing a central role in convincing President Asif Ali Zardari to restore Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry. This, according to some analysts, has strengthened his role as Prime Minister.^[58]

Constitutional amendments[link]

Since 2008, his government and the Parliament has carried out major constitutional amendments intended to enhance and strengthen the parliamentary democracy in the country.^[59] In April 2010, the Parliament unanimously passed the XVIII Amendment which removed the presidential powers, limiting the role of presidency in the politics, and turned the political systemof Pakistan from a semi-presidential to a parliamentary republic.^[59] In December 2010, the XIX and XX amendments were passed which gave more power, responsibilities and strengthened the position of the office of prime minister.^[60]

Foreign policy[link]

Afghanistan[link]

Since assuming office of the premier, Gillani was planning to visit neighboring Afghanistan, but some unresolved issues like absence of a joint platform to discuss bilateral issues, border conflicts, and different views on the war on terror prevented the trip. Gillani visited Afghanistan with Chief of Army Staff General Ashfaq Pervez Kayani and ISI Director-General Lieutenant-General Ahmed Shuja Pasha. After successful dialogue, it was mutually decided to form a Reconciliation Committee headed by foreign ministers of both the countries.^[61]

On 22 December 2011, Gillani told an audience at the National Gallery that conspirators were plotting to bring down his government.^[62]

India[link]

The Mumbai attack nearly pushed the two countries to the war-like situation; Gillani promoted to his counter-part to punished and brought the punish perpetrators of such heinous attack to justice. In 2011, Indian Prime minister Manmohan Singh described Gillani as "Man of Peace".^[63][64][65]

United States[link]

PM Gillani meeting with President Obama in 2012.

Attempts were made to enhance diplomatic relations with the United States, however the Abbotabad Operation, a US offensive in which Usama Bin Laden was killed, resulted in a strain. Gillani and President Zardari chaired a high level meeting with the senior military leadership in Islamabad.^[66] Gillani said: "We will not allow our soil to be used against any other country for terrorism and therefore I think it's a great victory, it's a success and I congratulate the success of this operation." Later Gilani blamed the world for their failure to capture bin Laden.^[67] The relationship between Pakistan and the United States fell to a new low following the Salala Incident, with his government and the elite military establishment reassessing their diplomatic, political, military and intelligence relationship with the United States.^[68]

All major NATO supply lines were immediately closed^[69][70][71] leaving the blockaded supply trucks vulnerable to attacks.^[72] On 26 November, 2011, Gillani's government ordered the U.S. to shut down and vacate the PAF Base Shamsi in the southwestern Balochistan province within a deadline of 15 days. On December 10, the troops from the Frontier Corps took full control of the air force base as scheduled, and by December 11 all remaining American staff were evacuated.^[73] Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani informed the cabinet that Pakistan was at a critical juncture in its relationship with the US and NATO and it was time to make some important decisions."Decisions regarding ties with the US and NATO will be made in the national interest." ^[74]

Domestic challenges[link]

The Memo Gate Scandal and subsequent conflicts[link]

On 10 October 2011, US-based businessman Mansoor Ijaz wrote in an opinion piece in The Financial Times that he acted as an intermediary between the Pakistani Government and US administration, with the former requesting the help of the latter to avert a military coup in wake of the unilateral US raid that killed Osama bin Laden. He said that a senior Pakistani diplomat telephoned him with an urgent request early on 9 May, exactly a week after the raid against bin Laden.^[75]

Though the Pakistani Government subsequently rejected his claims, it triggered a storm in the country's political circles, especially between the civil government and the military. A judicial commission was subsequently appointed to investigate the matter.

Meanwhile, Army Chief General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani's request to the apex court for an independent probe into the matter was accepted. The court rejected the government’s contention that the issue should be investigated by a parliamentary panel.^[76]

Tensions between the government and the military reached a peak after Gillani said the army and intelligence chiefs had acted in an “unconstitutional and illegal” manner by filing affidavits on the memo issue in the Supreme Court without getting the government’s approval. The military reacted within days through a strongly worded statement that said the premier’s remarks could have “grievous consequences”.^[77]

Gillani retaliated by sacking Defence Secretary Lt Gen (retired) Khalid Naeem Lodhi, a confidant of Kayani. He reiterated that the Defence Secretary was removed in accordance with the law as he had made a mistake by not following the government’s rules. He maintained that he was only answerable to the Parliament.^[78]

Disqualification petition[link]

On 29 March 2012, a civilian resident of Johar Town Lahore, Tariq Ahmed, filed a court petition in the Lahore High Court, seeking to hear the case of disqualification of Yousaf Raza Gillani.^[79] The plea was filed in the High Court in which the petitioner took the stance that "Fauzia Gillani— spouse of Prime minister Gilani received loans of millions of rupees from the Agriculture Development Bank Ltd (ADB) and the National Bank of Pakistan for the two mega-corporation owned by the Gillani family of which Fauzia Gillani served both megacorporation's executive director. None of the loans of millions of rupees were paid back to the banks.^[79]

The Consitution of Pakistan's Article 63(1)(q) and Article 63(1)(F) states that "if a person even his or/her, spouse is defaulter of bank loan then he or/she is disqualified to be elected as Member of Parliament (MP).^[79] Petitioner pointed out that apart from that in the Statement of Assets and Liabilities (SAL) as of 2007 investment in shares by her spouse, ownership of inherited assets and house in in the Defence Housing Authority, Lahore (DHA Lahore), have not been declared in their SAL submission list given to the Election Commission of Pakistan.^[79] The court after hearing the petitioner has asked the Deputy Attorney General to assist the Court on next hearing date April 04, 2012.^[79]

On 28 May 2012, Prime Minister Syed Yusuf Raza Gilani on Monday said the issue of his disqualification had been forever put to rest after the decision by National Assembly Speaker, Dr Fehmida Mirza, not to send the disqualification reference against him to the Election Commission for a final decision.^[80]

Conviction on charges of Contempt of Court[link]

On 26 April 2012, Gillani was convicted on the charges of Contempt of Court, becoming Pakistan's first Prime Minister to be convicted while holding office^[27]. He was sentenced to be held in custody till the rising of court, a symbolic sentence lasting 30 seconds.^[28] The verdict was a short order and the full verdict of the court has been reserved, and shall be handed over in a few days' time.^[81] Gillani's lawyer Aitzaz Ahsan announced that the Prime Minister shall file an appeal against the Supreme Court's verdict once the full verdict is handed over.^[82] Meanwhile, a defiant Yousuf Raza Gilani refused to step down.^[83]

See also[link]

• Cabinet of Yousaf Raza Gillani
• Pakistan Peoples Party

References[link]

External links[link]

	Pakistan portal
	Government of Pakistan portal

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Yousaf Raza Gilani

• Prime Minister Syed Yousuf Raza Gilani official Pakistan government site
• Yousaf Raza Gilani – a profile, Daily Times, 23 March 2008
• Profile: Yousuf Raza Gilani, Syed Shoaib Hasan, BBC News, 17 June 2009
• Profile at PakistaniLeaders.com
• Website devoted to Yousuf Raza Gilani
• Poem on Yusuf Raza Gilani
• Poem on Yusuf Raza Gilani And Parvaiz Musharraf on YouTube
• Musa Gillani Wedding
• 16 March 2009 Mp3 and text of Prime Minister Syed Yousuf Raza Gilani’s Address To The Nation
• Constitution has no restriction on dual citizenship for MPs: Gilani, The News International, May 28, 2012]

v t e Prime Ministers of Pakistan (List) L.A. Khan K. Nazimuddin M.A. Bogra C.M. Ali H.S. Suhrawardy I.I. Chundrigar F.K. Noon N. Amin Z.A. Bhutto M.K. Junejo B. Bhutto G.M. Jatoi N. Sharif B.S. Mazari (Caretaker) N. Sharif M.A. Qureshi (Caretaker) B. Bhutto M.M. Khalid (Caretaker) N. Sharif Z.K. Jamali C.S. Hussain S. Aziz M.M. Soomro (Caretaker) Y.R. Gillani

v t e Speaker of the National Assembly of Pakistan Muhammad Ali Jinnah Maulvi Tamizuddin Khan Abdul Wahab Khan Fazlul Qadir Chaudhry Abdul Jabbar Khan Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry Sahibzada Farooq Ali Malik Meraj Khalid Syed Fakhar Imam Hamid Nasir Chattha Gohar Ayub Khan Yousaf Raza Gillani Elahi Bux Soomro Chaudhry Amir Hussain Fahmida Mirza