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Carlism (Basque: Karlismo, Catalan: Carlisme, Spanish: Carlismo) is a traditionalist and legitimist political movement in Spain seeking the establishment of a separate line of the Bourbon family on the Spanish throne. This line descended from Infante Carlos, Count of Molina (1788–1855), and was founded due to dispute over the succession laws and widespread dissatisfaction with the Alfonsine line of the House of Bourbon. The movement was at its strongest in the 1830s but had a revival following Spain's defeat in the Spanish-American War in 1898, when Spain lost its last remaining significant colonies, Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Philippines.

An exceptionally long-lived movement, it was a significant player in Spanish politics from 1833 until the end of the Franco regime in 1975 as a social and political force, and one of the main actors in the Spanish Civil War.

In this capacity, it was the cause of several major wars during the 19th century, and an important factor during the Spanish Civil War in the 1930s.

Origins[link]

The dynastic issue[link]

Systems of succession in dispute[link]

Traditionally, all the Spanish kingdoms allowed the succession of women, in absence of male direct issue, except Aragon to some extent which favored semi-salicism. The most elaborate rules of succession were those included in the Siete Partidas, but on the accession of Philip V (who was a French prince, France being a country where Salic law applied, and therefore female succession was not permitted), this traditional order of succession had to give way to a semi-Salic system, which excluded women from the crown, unless all the male issue from Philip, in any line, became extinct. This change was probably forced by external pressure to avoid any possible personal union of the Crown of Spain with a foreign monarchy (the War of the Spanish Succession had been fought to prevent Spain and France from being ruled by the same king).^{[citation needed]}

Although several attempts to revert to the traditional order were made, such as the Decree of 1789 by Charles IV of Spain (see below), the succession question only became pressing when, by 1830, Ferdinand VII found himself ailing, without any issue but with a pregnant wife. He decided in 1830 to promulgate the 1789 decree, making the unborn child his heir-apparent/presumptive regardless of its gender. The law placed the child, which would be born a girl, ahead of Ferdinand's brother Infante Carlos, who until then had been heir-presumptive.

The act was seen by some (starting with his brother and the cadet Bourbon branches) as illegal on various counts, and formed the basis for the dynastic Carlist party, which only recognized the semi-Salic succession law that gave Infante Carlos precedence over Ferdinand's daughter, the future Isabella II.^[1]

Historical Timeline[link]

• 13 May 1713: Philip V, first of the Spanish Bourbons, together with the Cortes, Spain's traditional parliament, through an Auto Accordado changes the order of succession to the Spanish crown from that outlined in the Siete Partidas. Where the old rules had involved a form of male-preference primogeniture, Philip's new law changed the rule of succession to semi-Salic law, under which succession is only possible through the female line in the absence of any male heir on any line.

• 1789: During the reign of Charles IV, the Cortes approves a reversal of the system of succession to the traditional Siete Partidas order of succession. However, the law was not promulgated, due in part to protests from the cadet branches of the House of Bourbon (House of Bourbon-Two Sicilies and House of Bourbon-Parma), who saw it as diminishing their rights.

• 1812. A new Spanish Constitution outlines the rules of succession in accordance with the Siete Partidas.

• 31 March 1830: Ferdinand VII, at the time without issue and his fourth wife pregnant, promulgates via the Pragmatic Sanction of 1830 the 1789 law, re-establishing the traditional order of succession.

• 10 October 1830: A girl, the future Isabella II is born. After several courtly intrigues, the Pragmatic Sanction is definitively approved in 1832. Ferdinand's brother, the Infante Carlos, up to that time the heir presumptive, feels robbed of his rights, and leaves for Portugal.

The political issue[link]

Carlism confronted not only the question of who could legitimately sit on the Spanish throne, but was also about the principles on which Spanish society was built. Should it remain Roman Catholic, or should it embrace Enlightenment values? Do governments derive their power from God, or do they derive their power from human beings?

Political landscape after the death of Ferdinand VII (1833)[link]

Like many European countries, after the Napoleonic occupation, the Spanish political class was split between the "absolutists", supporters of the ancien régime, and the Liberals, influenced by the ideas of the French Revolution. Both parties had fought Napoleon side by side in the Peninsular War.

The long war also left a large supply of experienced guerrilla fighters and an oversized army officialdom—for the most part, staunch Liberals. The perceived success of the uprising of 1808 against Napoleon left also a wide, if unconscious, belief in the validity of the right of rebellion, with long-lasting effects on the politics of Spain and Spanish America through the 19th century and beyond.

The reign of Ferdinand VII proved unable to overcome the political divide or to create stable institutions. The so-called Liberal Triennium (1820–1823), when, after a military "pronunciamiento", the Liberals reinstated the 1812 constitution, and the succeeding the Ominous Decade (1823–1833), ten years of absolute rule by the king, left bitter memories of persecution in both parties.

While in power, both groups had divided themselves into moderate and radical branches. The radical branch of the absolutists (or royalists), known as the Apostólicos, looked upon the heir presumptive, Carlos, as its natural head, as he was profoundly devout and, especially after 1820, staunchly anti-liberal.

In 1827, Catalonia was shaken by the rebellion of the Agreujats or Agraviados ("the Aggrieved"), an ultra-absolutist movement, which, for a time, controlled large parts of the region. The Infante was for the first time then hailed as King. He denied any involvement.

The last years of King Ferdinand saw a political realignment due to the troubles around his succession. In October 1832, the King formed a moderate royalist Government under Francisco Cea Bermúdez, which tried, almost successfully, to curb the Apostolic party and, through an amnesty, to gain liberal support for Isabella's right to succeed and for Queen Maria Christina of Bourbon-Two Sicilies, her mother and designated regent. If only to get rid of Don Carlos, the Liberals accepted the new Princess of Asturias.

Moreover, the first years of the 1830s were influenced by the failure of the French Restoration, which meant the end of Bourbon rule in France; and the civil war in Portugal between both legitimist and liberal parties.

Social and economic factors[link]

Beside this political evolution, the years before the Carlist wars were marked by a deep economic crisis in Spain, partly spurred by the loss of the continental American provinces, and by the bankruptcy of the state. The last triggered enhanced tax pressure which further fueled social unrest.

Certain economic measures proposed by the Liberals (like the Desamortización, i.e. the takeover, division and sale of the commons and Church property, initiated in 1821) were directly threatening to the viability of many small farms, whose inhabitants could rely on the common pasture lands to feed, at little or no cost, their mules and oxen, and caused widespread poverty and the closing down of most hospitals, schools and other charities.

One important factor was the religious question. The radical liberals (progresistas) after 1820 had grown more and more anticlerical, with special hatred for regular orders, and were suspected of being masonic shields. This policy alienated them from many sections of the (mostly deeply Catholic) Spanish people, especially in rural areas.

Incidentally, the only institution abolished in the "Liberal Triennium", which was not restored by Ferdinand VII, was the Inquisition. One of the demands of the radical absolutist party was its reinstitution.

Liberals had been, while in power, quite doctrinaire, and therefore centralizing uniformists. In many sections of Spain, there were intense particularist feelings, who were thus hurt. While only a secondary element at the outbreak of the first War, this anti-uniformism or local particularism, exemplified in the defense of the fueros, would become in time one of the more important banners of Carlism. This won Carlism support in the Basque Country and Navarre, as well as the realms of the Crown of Aragon (Aragon, Catalonia and Valencia), as those areas resented the abolition of their ancient privileges of self-government by the Nueva Planta Decrees.

History[link]

The history of Carlism can be usefully divided into four different stages, whose dates are only approximate (thus the overlap is intentional):

• 1833–1876: The conquest of power was tried mainly by military means.
• 1868–1936: Carlism reverted to a peaceful political movement.
• 1936–1975: During the Spanish Civil War, the Carlists were part of Franco's coalition. During the Franco regime, some government ministers were drawn from Franco's Carlist supporters, but the movement as a whole was gradually marginalized by the general.
• 1975–present: After Franco's death, the Carlist movement declines into near irrelevance.

Carlist Wars (1833–1876)[link]

Don Carlos calling the Navarrese in 1833.

Attack on the bridge of Luchana, near Bilbao during the first war.

Refugees fleeing through the port of Guetaria in the first war.

An 1846 rendition of the executions ordered by Maroto in Estella (1839)

Chapelgorris in Miranda de Ebro

The period of the Carlist Wars, in which the party tried to attain power mainly through military means, is both the classical in terms of political history as, because of the wars — or the threat of them — Carlism was at the center stage; and formative as it is the period where the cultural and sociological Carlist world, that would last for well over a hundred years, took shape.

Historical highlights of this era are the:

• First Carlist War (1833–1840)
• The Royal Marriage Affair 1845. As a means to end the dynastic strife, Jaime Balmes started a campaign to marry Isabel II with Carlos, Count of Montemolin. It came close to success, but the political issues prevented it.
• Second Carlist War (1847–1849)
• The 1860 expedition and its aftermath. That year the Count of Montemolín, tried to gain power through a pronunciamiento. He landed in Sant Carles de la Ràpita (Tarragona), but was quickly detained, and forced to abdicate his rights. This disaster, his behaviour after his release, and the fact that the next in the line was his liberal brother, put Carlism on the brink of extinction, only saved by the hand of his stepmother, the Princess of Beira, and
• The "Glorious Revolution" 1868. Isabel (II) managed to alienate almost everybody in Spain, until she was expelled that year by a progressivist revolution.

At that point, Carlism, under its new head Carlos VII, became the rallying point for many political Catholics and conservatives, becoming the main group of the right-wing opposition to the ensuing governments in Spain. After four years of political activity, and some hesitations, the war option was again tried in

• the Third Carlist War (1872–1876)

Points of convergence[link]

All three wars share a common development pattern:

1. A first stage of guerrilla activity, across all of Spain.
2. A second stage, where a territorial basis is created, and regular army units are created. The 1847 war did not get further than this.
3. A third stage, where the basis is consolidated through conventional warfare, and State structures are created. No Carlist war went further than this.

At the beginning of each war, no regular army unit was on the Carlist side, and that only the third was the result of a planned uprising.

The first war was noteworthy for being, on both sides, extremely brutal. The Liberal Army mistreated the population, most of whom it suspected of being Carlist sympathizers, to the point of, sometimes, attempted extermination; Carlists, very often, treated Liberals no better than they had treated Napoleonic soldiers and agents), to the point where the international powers forced the warring parties to recognize some rules of war, namely the "Lord Eliot Convention". Brutality did not disappear completely, and giving no quarter was not uncommon.

The areas over which Carlism could establish some sort on territorial authority during the first war (Navarre, Rioja, rural Basque Country, inner Catalonia and northern Valencia region) would remain the main holdings of Carlism for all its history, although the movement was actively supported everywhere else in Spain. Especially in Navarre, Asturias, and parts of the Basque Provinces, Carlism was a major political force until the late 1960s.

Carlist military leaders[link]

• Tomás de Zumalacárregui
• El Cura Santa Cruz
• Ramón Cabrera

Other military leaders[link]

• Baldomero Espartero, Prince of Vergara

Carlists in peace (1868–1936)[link]

The loss of prestige and subsequent fall of Isabel (II) in 1868 plus the staunch support of Carlism by Pope Pius IX, led a sizable number of former Isabelline conservative Catholics (Francisco Navarro Villoslada, Antonio Aparisi, Cándido Nocedal, Alejandro Pidal,…) to join the Carlist cause. For a time, even beyond the start of the third war (1872), it became the most important, and best organized, "right-wing" opposition group to the revolutionary regime, with some 90 members of parliament in 1871.

After the defeat, a group (led by Alejandro Pidal) left Carlism to form a moderate, non-dynastic Catholic party in Spain, which latter merged with the conservatives of Antonio Cánovas del Castillo.

In 1879 Cándido Nocedal was charged with the reorganization of the party. His main weapon was a very aggressive press; (in 1883 Pope Leo XIII published the encyclical Cum Multa trying to moderate it). His stance was an uncompromising hold to the Carlists' political and, especially, religious principles (to their integrity, hence the term "integrist"). This tendency became so radical that in 1888, Carlos VII had to expel the group centered around Ramón Nocedal, Cándido's son, which thus gave rise to another small, but in clerical circles influential, Integrist Party.

Meanwhile, the Marquis of Cerralbo, built up a modern mass party, centered around the local assembly houses (called "Círculos", of which several hundred existed all around Spain in 1936) and their social action, and in an active participation in opposition to the political system of the Restoration (participating even in wide coalitions like 1907's "Solidaritat Catalana", with regionalists and republicans).

From 1893 to 1918, Juan Vázquez de Mella was its most important parliamentary leader and ideologue, seconded by Víctor Pradera, who had wide influence in Spanish conservative thinking beyond the party.

World War I had a special influence on Carlism. As the Carlist claimant, then Don Jaime, had close links with the Russian Imperial Family, had been unfairly mistreated by Austrian Emperor Franz Josef, and was also Head of the House of Bourbon, he favoured the Allies, but was living under house-arrest in Austria, with almost no communication with the political direction in Spain. As the war ended, and Don Jaime could again freely communicate with Spain, the crisis erupted, and Vázquez de Mella and others had to leave the party's direction (the so-called "mellists").

In 1920, Carlism helped to found the "Sindicatos Libres" (Catholic Labour Unions).

Miguel Primo de Rivera's dictatorship (1923–1930) was opposed, but ambiguously viewed by Carlism; which, like most parties, entered a period of slumber, only to be awakened by the coming of the Second Republic in 1931.

Integrists and "Mellists" soon reunited, and a new flow of Catholics scared by the attitudes of the republican government started to come in. The two first years of the republic saw short-lived attempts of coalitions with Basque nationalists (as Catholic integrists) and/or Alfonsine monarchists.

After the October 1934 Revolution, Carlism started to prepare for an armed clash with the revolutionaries.

Spanish Civil War and Franco regime (1936-1975)[link]

Valle de los Caidos

During the war (1936–1939)[link]

The Carlist militia, the Requetés, had been receiving military training during the Second Spanish Republic but had significant ideological differences with many of the conspiring generals. With the July 1936 revolt and the ensuing Spanish Civil War, the Carlists fell naturally if uneasily on the side of the Nationalist rebels. From the start there were serious troubles between the Carlists, led by Manuel Fal Condé, and the rebel military government. On 8 December 1936, Manuel Fal Conde had to leave temporarily for Portugal after a major clash with Francisco Franco.

On 19 April 1937 the Carlist political branch was "unified" with the Falange under the pro-Franco umbrella nationalist party Falange Española de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista or FET. Unwilling to leave the Nationalist movement, but unhappy with the merger, Don Javier condemned the Carlists who joined the new party and was expelled from the country while Fal Conde was not allowed to return to Spain until after the war. Low-level Carlists, with the notable exception of those in Navarre, generally distanced themselves from the workings of the new party and in many cases never joined at all.^[2]

Franco era[link]

From this time on, the mainstream kept an uncomfortable minority position inside the regime, more often than not at odds with the official policy, but with the ministry of Justice thrice given to a loyal "Carlist", who was accordingly expelled from the Traditionalist Communion. This time was also marred by the problem of succession (see below) and internal strife on how to deal with Francoism.

Carlist ministers in Franco's August 1939 cabinet included General José Enrique Varela as army minister and Esteban Bilbao as minister of justice.^[3] At the same time, two of nine seats in the Junta Política were given to Carlists and of the hundred-member National Council of the FET, seven were occupied by Carlists.^[4]

Carlists continued to clash with Falangists, notably in an incident at Bilbao's Basilica of Begoña on August 16, 1942. Accounts of the violence vary, but a Carlist rally (where some attendants allegedly were shouting anti-Franco slogans) was targeted by two grenades hurled by Falangists. While the number of injuries and whether any fatalities resulted have been long disputed, the incident led to a shakeup of the Franco cabinet and the conviction of six Falangists. (One, Juan José Domínguez, was executed for the crime.)^[5]

Franco recognized both the titles of nobility conceded by the Carlist claimants and those of the Isabelline branch. At his death, the movement was badly split, and unable to get wide public attention again.

In 1971, Don Carlos Hugo founded the new Carlist Party based on the confederalist view of Las Españas for Spain and socialist autogestion (then promoted in Yugoslavia). At Montejurra, on 9 May 1976, two Hugo supporters were killed by far-right militants, among whom was the Stefano Delle Chiaie. Carlist Party accused Hugo's brother, Sixto Enrique de Borbón of helping the far-right militants. Traditionalist Communion denies such collaboration.^[6]

The Post-Franco period (1975-present)[link]

In the first democratic elections on 15 June 1977, only one Carlist senator was elected, journalist and writer Fidel Carazo from Soria, who ran as an independent candidate. In the parliamentary elections of 1979, rightist Carlists integrated in the far-right coalition Unión Nacional, that won a seat in Congress for Madrid; but the elected candidate was not a Carlist himself. Since then, Carlists have remained extra-parliamentary, obtaining only town council seats.

As of 2002 Hugo donated the House's archives to the Archivo Histórico Nacional, which was protested by his brother Sixtus Henry and by all Carlist factions.

Carlist claimants to the throne[link]

The ordinals are those used by their supporters. While they were not proclaimed kings, they went by using some of the titles collateral to the Spanish throne.

Carlos V[link]

Carlos V

Infante Carlos, Count of Molina (29 March 1788 – 10 March 1855), was the first Carlist claimant from 1833 to 1845, including during the First Carlist War. He was known as the Count of Molina. He abdicated in favour of his son.

Carlos VI[link]

Carlos VI

Carlos, Count of Montemolin (31 January 1818 – 13 January 1861), was the son of Carlos V. He was Carlist claimant from 1845 to 1861, and was known as the Count of Montemolin.

In 1860 he abdicated, following his capture by Isabelline forces, in Tortosa. When freed, he re-assumed his claim until he died the next year.

Juan III[link]

Juan III

Juan, Count of Montizón (15 May 1822 – 21 November 1887), was the brother of Carlos VI. He was Carlist claimant from 1860 to 1868, and was known as the Count of Montizon.

He was forced to abdicate by the Carlists due to his liberal leanings.

In 1883 he became the legitimist claimant to the throne of France.

Carlos VII[link]

Carlos VII

Carlos, Duke of Madrid (30 March 1848 – 18 July 1909), was the son of Juan III. He was Carlist claimant from 1868 to 1909, including during the Third Carlist War. He was known as the Duke of Madrid.

He was also legitimist claimant to the throne of France, using the title Duke of Anjou.

Jaime III[link]

Jaime, Duke of Madrid (27 June 1870 – 9 October 1931), was the son of Carlos VII. He was Carlist claimant from 1909 to 1931, and was known as the Duke of Madrid.

He was also the legitimist claimant to the throne of France, using the title Duke of Anjou.

Alfonso Carlos I[link]

Alfonso Carlos I

Alfonso Carlos, Duke of San Jaime (12 September 1849 - 29 September 1936), was uncle of Jaime III and younger brother of Carlos VII. He was Carlist claimant from 1931 to 1936, and was known as the Duke of San Jaime. He was the last male-line descendant of Carlos V.

He was also the legitimist claimant to the throne of France, using the title Duke of Anjou.

The succession after Alfonso Carlos[link]

At the death of Alfonso Carlos in 1936 most Carlists supported Prince Xavier of Bourbon-Parma whom Alfonso Carlos had named as regent of the Carlist Communion.

A minority of Carlists supported Alfonso XIII, the exiled constitutional king of Spain, who was the senior male descendant of King Charles IV. The majority of Carlists, however, considered that Alfonso was disqualified because he did not share the Carlist ideals (and, more importantly, because Spanish law^[7] excluded from succession the descendants of those who had committed treason against the king, just as Alfonso's male-line ancestors had done, according to carlists, ever since Infante Francisco de Paula's recognition of Isabella II), and many regarded his descent as illegitimate, believing that Alfonso XII's biological father was Isabella II's lover Enrique Puigmoltó y Mayans, Captain of the Royal Guard, or even General Francisco Serrano.

A small number of Carlists supported Archduke Karl Pius of Austria, Prince of Tuscany, a grandson through the female line of Carlos VII.

Most of the following events happened under Franco's regime, which skillfully played each group against the others.

Borbón-Parma claim[link]

• Francisco Javier I^[8]

Xavier, Duke of Parma (25 May 1889 - 7 May 1977) had been named regent of the Carlist Communion by Alfonso Carlos in 1936 as he was the nearest member of the House of Borbón who shared the Carlist ideals.

During the Second World War, Prince Xavier returned to the Belgian army, where he had served during World War I. He was demobilized and joined the French maquis. He was taken prisoner by the Nazis and sent to Natzweiler and the Dachau concentration camp, where American troops liberated him in 1945. In 1952, Xavier was proclaimed King of Spain, assuming the Carlist legitimacy. Since the death of Alfonso Carlos I, his successor, by right of agnation and primogeniture, had yet to be determined. To do so, it was necessary to trace back into the line of Philip V to his eldest descendant not excluded by law (exclusion took place for treason, morganatic marriage, and other reasons as legally established in the Novísima Recopilación of 1805, in force at the time of the First Carlist War). In 1952, when all lines senior to the House of Bourbon-Parma (descended from Duke Philip of Parma, third son of Philip V) were definitely excluded for any of these reasons, legitimacy befell on Xavier I. Thus, even though he was close to Carlism from an early age and was named regent of the Carlist Communion in 1936, his proclamation as King later in 1956 was not a political move based on ideology, but the consequence of dynastic legitimacy. He was known as the Count of Molina. He remained Carlist claimant until he abdicated in 1975.

Political division due to the changes in Carlism in the late 1960s and early 1970s, brought a sharp division of Xavier's supporters between his two sons Carlos Hugo and Sixto Enrique (and many more endorsing neither). Carlos Hugo turned organized Carlism into a socialist movement, while his brother Sixto Enrique (supported by his mother Madeleine de Bourbon-Busset) followed a far rightist course.

In 1977 Sixto Enrique's supporters published a manifesto from Javier condemning Carlos Hugo. Several days later Carlos Hugo's supporters published a manifesto from Xavier recognising Carlos Hugo as heir.

• Carlos Hugo I^[8]

Carlos Hugo, Duke of Parma (8 April 1930- 18 August 2010) was the elder son of Xavier. He was Carlist claimant from 1977 until his death and was known as the Duke of Madrid. After alienating many Carlists by his attempts of an approach to Franco (1965–1967), Carlos Hugo switched to a leftist Titoist, workers' self-management socialist movement. In 1979 he accepted Spanish citizenship from King Juan Carlos I. In 1980 he renounced his membership in the Partido Carlista which he had created. Carlos Hugo had the support of a minority of Carlists including the Partido Carlista. He also excluded the Luxembourgish branch of the family from Carlist succession due to the many unequal, some of them at least as so considered, marriages celebrated by its princes.

• Carlos Javier II^[9][10]

Carlos, Duke of Parma (born 27 January 1970) is the elder son of Carlos Hugo. He inherited the Carlist claim on his father's death in 2010. Carlos has the support of a minority of Carlists including the Partido Carlista.

• Sixto Enrique

Prince Sixto Enrique of Bourbon-Parma (born 22 July 1940) claims to be the current regent of the Carlist Communion. He is known as the Duke of Aranjuez.

Sixto Enrique is supported by the minority Comunión Tradicionalista, and some others, who believe that his brother Carlos Hugo was rightful heir, but ineligible for the succession on account of his socialism. Sixto Enrique has never claimed to be Carlist king, in the hopes that one of his nephews will one day accept traditional Carlist values.

Borbón claim[link]

• Alfonso de Borbón

Alfonso XIII was the senior member of the House of Borbón at the death of Alfonso Carlos in 1936. He had reigned as the constitutional king of Spain as Alfonso XIII until his exile in 1931. He was the son of King Alfonso XII, son of Francisco de Asis de Borbón, son of Infante Francisco de Paula, the younger brother of Carlos V. He was recognised as Carlist claimant by a minority of Carlists who considered the death of Alfonso Carlos an opportunity to reunite Spanish monarchists both Carlist and Isabelline. Nonetheless, despite this apparently attractive opportunity, Franciso de Paula and his descendants were legally excluded^[11] from the throne according to the Spanish laws of succession as they stood in 1833 (and therefore defended by Carlists since then). In 1941 Alfonso abdicated; he died two months later.

Alfonso's eldest son had died in 1938. His second son Jaime had been forced to renounce his rights to the constitutional succession in 1933. His third son Juan was his chosen successor.

The 5 pesetas coin of 1975 featured the official king, Juan Carlos I of Spain and a coat-of-arms with the San Andrés salitre, Carlists' assumed symbol.

• Juan de Borbón claim

• Infante Juan, Count of Barcelona (20 June 1913 – 1 April 1993) was the third son of Alfonso. He was claimant to the throne of Spain from 1941 until his renunciation in 1977. In 1957, a small group of former Carlists had recognized him as their Head in his exile at Estoril, Portugal.
• King Juan Carlos I is the son of Infante Juan. He is the current representative of this claim. He has been the King of Spain since 1975, confirmed by the Spanish Constitution of 1978.

• Jaime de Borbón claim

• Infante Jaime, Duke of Segovia was the second son of Alfonso, and the older brother of Juan, Count of Barcelona. In 1960 Jaime announced that he was Carlist claimant and began using the title Duke of Madrid; he remained Carlist claimant until his death in 1975. He had only a few Carlist supporters, but among these was Alicia de Borbón y de Borbón-Parma, the only surviving daughter of Carlos VII. Jaime was also legitimist claimant to the French throne, using the title Duke of Anjou; in this capacity he had substantial supporters.
• Alfonso, Duke of Anjou and Cádiz was the son of Jaime. He did not claim the Carlist succession between 1975 and his death in 1989.
• Louis Alphonse, Duke of Anjou is the son of Alfonso. He has never claimed the Carlist succession.

Habsburgo-Borbón claim[link]

The eldest daughter of Carlos VII was Bianca de Borbón y Borbón-Parma (1868–1949). She married Archduke Leopold Salvator of Austria (1863–1931). In 1943, one of their sons presented himself as Carlist claimant in succession to his great-uncle Alfonso Carlos. Since this claim comes through a female line, it is rejected by most Carlists.

• Archduke Karl Pius of Austria, Prince of Tuscany was Carlist claimant from 1943 to 1953. He was supported by some of General Franco's officials from the Movimiento Nacional. As he assumed the title of "King Carlos VIII", the movement that supports this branch of the family is called carloctavismo.

• Archduke Anton of Austria was the brother of Karl Pius and was Carlist claimant (Carlos IX) from 1953 to 1961.

• Archduke Franz Josef of Austria was the brother of Karl Pius and Anton and was Carlist claimant (Francisco I) from 1961 to 1975.

• Archduke Dominic of Austria is the son of Anton and has been Carlist claimant (Domingo I) from 1975 until present. He has the support of only a tiny minority of Carlists including the Comunión Carloctavista y Círculo Carlos VIII.

Some carloctavistas consider that Dominic has contracted an unequal marriage and is thus ineligible to succeed to the throne [1]. Following the version of the succession law advocated by the carloctavistas, that if the direct male line dies out the nearest female relative of the last king inherits the crown with succession to her heirs male, then with only descent through equal marriages allowed the claim would have passed on the death of Franz Josef in 1975 to Infante Juan, Count of Barcelona. This would make the present de facto king Juan Carlos I the Carlist king, although, as all his children have contracted unequal marriages, the Carlist claim will pass on his death to Infante Carlos, Duke of Calabria. However, many Carlists regard the current de facto Spanish royal family as disqualified (see above). If Alfonso XII and his heirs are discounted, the heir to the Spanish throne under the carloctavista succession rules with descent only through equal marriages is Duarte Pio, Duke of Braganza, the current pretender to the throne of Portugal.

Ideology[link]

Carlism or Traditionalism can be labeled as a counterrevolutionary movement.

Carlism's intellectual landscape was a reaction against the basic tenets of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution of 1789 (Laicism, individualism, egalitarianism, rationalism). In this sense, it is akin to the French Reactionaries (Legitimism) and Joseph de Maistre's thinking.

It's difficult, though, to give an accurate description of Carlist thinking for several reasons:

• As traditionalists, Carlists mistrusted ideology as a political driving force. Some 19th century pamphlets expressed it in this form: against a philosophical constitution (liberalism, based on ideology), a historical constitution is proposed (based on history, and the teachings of the Church).^{[citation needed]}

• Carlism's long active history — it has been an important force for over 170 years — and the fact that it attracted a large and diverse following, makes a comprehensive categorization more difficult.

• There has almost never been a single school of thought inside Carlism.

• The ideas expressed inside Carlism were partly and openly shared with other forces on the political spectrum. The more conservative, Catholic (or Christian-democratic) wings of the various nationalist and regionalist movements throughout Spain can claim an indirect influence from Carlism, particularly relating to fueros and regional self-government.

While Carlism and Falangism had certain similarities- social conservatism, Catholicism and anti-Communism- there were also stark differences between the two movements. Most significant was whereas Falangism subscribed to a strongly centralising form of Spanish nationalism, Carlism was more supportive of maintaining regional identities and autonomy as fueros was one of their main tenets.

Carlism also supports Salic Law in regards to succession, being legitimist monarchists.

Variant of the Spanish royal arms with the Sacred Heart. It was a common emblem of the Carlism supporters during the Spanish Civil War.^[12]

Dios, Patria, Fueros, Rey[link]

These four words (which can be translated as God, Fatherland, Local Rule, and King), have been the motto and cornerstone of Carlism throughout its existence. What Carlism understood by these was:

• Dios (God): Carlism believes in the Catholic Faith as a cornerstone of Spain, and must be politically active in its defense.

• Patria (Fatherland): Carlism is heavily patriotic, Traditionalism sees the Fatherland as the nesting of communities (municipal, regional, Spain) united under one.

• Fueros (similar to medieval charters): Part of the limitation of royal powers is the acknowledgment of local and regional self rule (and of other types of communities in the political body, especially the Church). Although the result of a peculiar historical development in Spain, it converged with the concept of subsidiarity in Catholic social thought. Note that some versions of the motto omit the Fueros clause.

• Rey (King): The concept of national sovereignty is rejected. Sovereignty is vested on the king, both legitimate in blood and in deeds. But this power is limited by the doctrine of the Church and the Laws and Usages of the Kingdom, and through a series of Councils, traditional Cortes and state-independent intermediate bodies. The King must also be the Defender of the Poor and Keeper of Justice.

Supporters[link]

Carlism was a true mass movement and drew its rank and file from all social classes, with a majority of peasant and working class elements. Thus, it is no surprise that Carlism was involved in the creation of Catholic trade unions. It was also a family tradition, later Carlists would be descendants of earlier Carlists.

Offshoots and influence[link]

• Cultural and political regionalism in Spain (not to be mistaken with regional nationalism or separatism) was largely Carlist-originated. The influence of Carlist thinker Juan Vázquez de Mella in this field can still be traced today.

• One of the founders of Basque nationalism, Sabino Arana, came from a Carlist background, and for many years competed for the same audience (Basque deep^{[clarification needed]} Catholics). Compare the PNV slogan "God and Fueros". Basque nationalism, however, was effectively shaped by the Liberal Engracio de Aranzadi, an admirer of Mazzini. Carlist and Nationalists drafted the first Basque Statute of Autonomy, but Carlists battled and defeated Basque nationalists in 1936-1937.

• Fuerismo was a doctrine prevalent in the Basque provinces. It supported the Isabelline monarchy but wanted to preserve the Fuero autonomy of the provinces.

• Catholic politics^{[clarification needed]} are essential for Carlism. Compare the slogan Christus Rex.

• Victor Pradera's thinking was very influential, through the group Acción Española, in Spanish authoritarian thinking in the 1930s and 1940s.

• On 7 May 2007, Fernando Sebastián Aguilar, Archbishop of Pamplona and Tudela (Spain) caused controversy by publicly stating that the Traditionalist Carlist Communion, among others, is worthy of consideration and of electoral support.

Symbolism[link]

The Carlist symbol

Symbols[link]

• Motto: Dios, Patria, Fueros, Rey
• Flag: the red cross of Burgundy on white
• The red beret. In Basque, the Carlist troops were hence called txapelgorri -though the name was also shared by units of the opposing Liberal side. The red beret was worn as a distinguishing device by Carlists soldiers in the First Carlist War and later became an emblem of Carlists in general, often with a yellow pom pom or tassel.^[13]
• Anthem: Oriamendi

Related words[link]

• Estella-Lizarra was the site of the Carlist court.

• Bergara/Vergara was the place of the Abrazo de Vergara, which ended the First Carlist War in the North.

• Brigadas de Navarra were National Army units formed mainly by Requeté forces from Navarre at the start of the Spanish Civil War. They saw intensive action during the War.
• Detente bala ("Stop bullet!") a small patch with an image of the Sacred Heart of Jesus worn on the uniform (over the heart) by most requetés.

• Margaritas. Carlist women organization. They often worked as war nurses.

• Ojalateros were courtiers saying Ojalá nos ataquen y ganemos ("Wish they would attack us and we won"), but doing nothing to achieve victory. The name is a pun on hojalatero ("tinkerer", "pot-seller")

• Requeté The armed Carlist militias.

• Trágala, expression marking the desire to forcibly impose the ideas most hated by the opponents. Also a Liberal fighting song (chorus: "Swallow it, you Carlist, you who don't want a Constitution.").

Literary references to Carlism[link]

The liberal Spanish journalist Mariano José de Larra opposed Carlism and published several lampoons against it. Nadie pase sin hablar al portero (1833) presents Carlists as a bunch of bandit priests.

Karl Marx mentioned the Carlists in his articles about the Spanish revolutions. An apocryphal quotation can be found among Spanish historians, where Marx would express a view of the Carlists as a revolutionary popular movement in defence of regional liberties.

Francisco Navarro-Villoslada was a Carlist writer that published a historic novel, Amaya o los vascos en el siglo VIII, in the fashion of Walter Scott, presenting the legendary origins of Spanish monarchy as the start of Reconquista.

Ramón María del Valle-Inclán, novelist, poet and playwright, was a member of the Spanish Generation of 1898. He wrote novels about Carlism and was an active Carlist himself.

Pío Baroja wrote a novel, Zalacaín el aventurero (Zalacain the Adventurer), set during the Third Carlist War, and referred to Carlism in a not very favourable light (as he generally referred to nearly everybody) in several other works.

The Spanish philosopher Miguel de Unamuno suffered as a child the siege of Bilbao during the Third Carlist War. Later he wrote a novel Paz en la guerra about that time. In 1895 he wrote to Joaquín Costa about his plans for an essay on the "intrahistoric" element of rural socialism within the Carlist masses.

See also[link]

• Parties and factions in Isabelline Spain

References[link]

Notes[link]

This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (June 2009)

Bibliography[link]

• Bibliographical resources:
  • Carlist bibliography

• Other references:
  • Tetralema - Bitácora Lealtad Carlist weblog
  • Agencia FARO Carlist Press & Documentation Service. Some content in English

External links[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Carlism

• Modern Carlist groups are:
  • Partido Carlista Official page of the Carlist Party
  • Comunión Tradicionalista Carlista Official page of the Carlist Traditionalist Communion. Does not endorse formally any claimant
  • Comunión Tradicionalista Official page of the Traditionalist Communion officially supporting Sixtus Henry as regent
  • Comunión Carloctavista y Círculo Carlos VIII Unofficial page of the Charles VIII Communion, supporting Dominic Charles as claimant
• Carlism as a current topic of discussion in Spanish politics
• Ideological analysis of Carlism
• Extensive historical background
• Album de personajes carlistas con sus biografías, Francisco de Paula Oller, Barcelona, La Propaganda Catalana, Librería de Antonio Quintana y Bové, 1887. Page scans from the Navarrese Digital Library.
• Dios, Patria, Fueros, y Rey: The Story Of The Spanish Carlistas article by Eleonore Villarrubia on Catholicism.org

This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (August 2009)

Carl Wayne (born Colin David Tooley 18 August 1943 - 31 August 2004) was a British singer and actor. He is best remembered as the lead vocalist of Birmingham rock group The Move during the 1960s.

Early days[link]

Born in Winson Green, Birmingham, England, he grew up in the Hodge Hill district of the city. Inspired by the American rock'n'roll of Elvis Presley, Eddie Cochran and Gene Vincent, he formed The G-Men in the late 1950s, and joined local band The Vikings, where his powerful baritone and pink stage suit helped make them one of the leading rock groups in the Midlands of their time. In 1963 they followed in the footsteps of The Beatles and other Liverpool bands, by performing in the clubs of Hamburg's Reeperbahn red light district. On returning to Birmingham, in the wake of the Beatles' success, record companies were keen to sign similar guitar bands. The Vikings went with Pye Records, but all three singles failed to chart.

A major career highlight saw him representing England at the prestigious Golden Orpheus Song Festival in Bulgaria. In front of a live and televised audience of over 20 million, Carl won first prize: "Carl Wayne is the finest ambassador our country has ever had at these proceedings. They cheered and encored him until it seemed impossible anyone else would be allowed on stage."^[1]

The Move years[link]

In December 1965 he joined The Move, a Brum beat supergroup drawn from top local bands. They included three members of the Vikings, bass guitarist Chris 'Ace' Kefford, drummer Bev Bevan and Wayne himself, alongside Trevor Burton, lead guitarist with Danny King and the Mayfair Set, and Roy Wood, lead guitarist with Mike Sheridan And The Nightriders. They enjoyed three years of hits with singles such as "Night of Fear", "I Can Hear The Grass Grow", "Flowers In The Rain", "Fire Brigade", and their only number one success "Blackberry Way". In their early years The Move had a stage act which occasionally saw Wayne taking an axe to television sets, or chainsawing a Cadillac to pieces at The Roundhouse, London during "Fire Brigade", an escapade which resulted in the Soho area being jammed with fire engines, and the group being banned for a while from every theatre venue in the UK.

But by 1968 the group began fragmenting as a result of personal and musical differences. Wayne's increasingly MOR style, and aspirations towards cabaret, were at odds with Wood's desire to experiment in a more progressive and classical direction, which would lead to the foundation of the Electric Light Orchestra. As Wood not only wrote all the original material, but was also handling more of the lead vocals, Wayne felt sidelined, and left shortly after the Top 20 hit "Curly" in 1969.

It was believed for some years that he walked out after a gig during which Wood threw a glass at a persistent heckler who was making fun of his long hair, though this was probably coincidence; Wayne had already decided that his days with the group were coming to an end.^{[citation needed]}

Solo performing and acting[link]

He went solo and made several singles and albums, some including songs written and produced by Roy Wood. Among his singles were "Way Back In The Fifties", "Hi Summer" backed with "My Girl And Me", both written and produced by Lynsey De Paul, (the theme song to an ITV variety series he co-hosted), "Maybe God's Got Something Up His Sleeve", the John Lennon song "Imagine", plus a cover version of the Cliff Richard hit "Miss You Nights", and Wood's "Aerial Pictures". He was originally offered the chance to record "Sugar Baby Love" but rejected it as "rubbish"; it was promptly given to a new band, The Rubettes, and it launched their career with a number one hit. As well as "Hi Summer", his work on TV included singing the theme songs to the talent show "New Faces". In 1977, Wayne took part in the A Song For Europe contest, hoping to represent the UK in the Eurovision Song Contest. His song, "A Little Give, A Little Take" finished in 11th place out of 12 songs.

Wayne also made a few recordings with the Electric Light Orchestra as guest vocalist, though these remained unreleased, until they appeared as bonus tracks on a remastered re-issue of the group's second album, ELO 2 in 2003. He never made the charts after leaving The Move, but still enjoyed a steady career in cabaret and on TV, recording versions of songs from the shows of Andrew Lloyd Webber and Tim Rice, as well as voiceovers and jingles. He sang backing vocals on Mike Oldfield's Earth Moving, released in 1989.

It is rumoured that shortly after leaving The Move, he was invited to join Status Quo^{[citation needed]}.

In his acting career he had a small role in the Birmingham based soap opera, Crossroads, and in 1974 married Susan Hanson, another member of the cast. His most acclaimed stage role was as the narrator in Willy Russell's Blood Brothers between 1990 and 1996. Later he became a presenter on BBC Radio WM, in the course of which he interviewed several of his former colleagues from The Move, among other guests. He was also a tireless fund raiser for leukaemia research, and ran several London marathons for charity. He also made an appearance on The Benny Hill Show in 1985, in which he played the "Face" character in a parody of The A-Team.

With The Hollies[link]

In 2000, on the retirement of lead vocalist Allan Clarke, he joined The Hollies, touring Europe and Australasia, with them as well as playing venues all over the United Kingdom. They recorded a new song, "How Do I Survive", in February 2003, which appeared as the only previously unreleased item on a 46-track compilation CD of the Hollies' greatest hits later that year. In addition to most of the Hollies' songs, they also included "Flowers In The Rain" and "Blackberry Way" in their live repertoire. Their drummer Bobby Elliott described him as "a fearless performer and powerhouse singer".

Wayne played what turned out to be his last concert with the group on 10 July 2004 at Egersund, Norway. Shortly afterwards he was admitted to hospital for tests, where he was diagnosed with oesophageal cancer and he died a few weeks later, aged 61.

Because of poor sales, none of Wayne's solo releases remained on catalogue for long during his lifetime. In 2006 an album of his performances, remastered with the involvement of Wood and some previously unreleased, was issued under the title Songs From The Wood And Beyond 1973-2003.

References[link]

External links[link]

• Last.FM: Carl Wayne page
• The Official Carl Wayne Website

Spanish Civil War
Republican International Brigadiers at the Battle of Belchite
Date 17 July 1936  – 1 April 1939 Location Continental Spain, Spanish Morocco, Spanish Sahara, Canary Islands, Balearic Islands, Spanish Guinea, Mediterranean, North Sea Result Nationalist victory Dissolution of the Second Spanish Republic Beginning of Franco's dictatorship
Belligerents
Republican Popular Front CNT/FAI UGT ERC / EC EG (1936–1937) PG Supported by Foreign volunteers 22x20px Soviet Union (1936–1938)  Mexico France (1936)	Nationalist Falange Carlists (1936–1937) CEDA (1936–1937) Alfonsists (1936–1937) Army of Africa Supported by Italy Germany Portugal Foreign volunteers
Commanders and leaders
Republican leaders Manuel Azaña Julián Besteiro Francisco Largo Caballero Juan Negrín Indalecio Prieto Vicente Rojo Lluch José Miaja Juan Modesto Juan Hernández Saravia Carlos Romero Giménez Buenaventura Durruti † Lluís Companys José Antonio Aguirre Alfonso Castelao	Nationalist leaders José Sanjurjo † Emilio Mola † Francisco Franco Miguel Cabanellas † Manuel Goded Llopis † Manuel Hedilla Manuel Fal Condé José María Gil-Robles Gonzalo Queipo de Llano
Strength
450,000 infantry 350 aircraft 200 batteries (1938)[1]	600,000 infantry 600 aircraft 290 batteries (1938)[2]
Casualties and losses
~500,000 killed[3][nb 1] 450,000 fled[4]

The Spanish Civil War^{[nb 2]} was a major conflict fought in Spain from 17 July 1936 to 1 April 1939. The war began after a pronunciamiento (declaration of opposition) by a group of generals under the leadership of José Sanjurjo against the elected government of the Second Spanish Republic, at the time under the leadership of President Manuel Azaña. The rebel coup was supported by a number of conservative groups including the Spanish Confederation of the Autonomous Right,^{[nb 3]} monarchists such as the religious conservative Carlists, and the Fascist Falange.^{[nb 4][5]} The uprising was authoritarian and anti-separatist in inspiration; anti-Basque and anti-Catalan feeling marked the Nationalist zone.^[6]

Following the only partially successful coup,^{[nb 5]} Spain was left militarily and politically divided. From that moment onwards, general Francisco Franco began a protracted war of attrition against the established government for the control of the country. The rebel forces received the support of Nazi Germany and the Kingdom of Italy, as well as neighbouring Portugal, while the Soviet Union and Mexico intervened in support of the Republican government or loyalist side.

Bloody purges occurred in pieces of territory conquered from the republic in order to consolidate Franco's future regime,^[7] while fundamentally different killings took place in areas controlled by the Republicans, where killings were largely a result of a breakdown in law and order.^[8] The Civil War became notable for the passion and political division it inspired. Tens of thousands of civilians on both sides were killed for their political or religious views, and after the War's conclusion in 1939, those associated with the losing Republicans were persecuted by the victorious Nationalists.

The war ended with the victory of the Nationalists, the overthrow of the democratically elected government, and the exile of thousands of left-leaning Spaniards, many of whom fled to refugee camps in Southern France. With the establishment of a dictatorship led by General Francisco Franco in the aftermath of the Civil War, all right-wing parties were fused into the structure of the Franco regime.^[5]

Background[link]

At the end of the 19th century, the owners of large estates, called latifundia, held most of the power in a land-based oligarchy. The landowners' power was unsuccessfully challenged by the industrial and merchant sectors.^[9] In 1868 popular uprisings led to the overthrow of Queen Isabella II of the House of Bourbon. In 1873 Isabella's replacement, King Amadeo I of the House of Savoy, abdicated due to increasing political pressure, and the short-lived First Spanish Republic was proclaimed.^[10][11] After the restoration of the Bourbons in December 1874,^[12] Carlists and anarchists emerged in opposition to the monarchy.^[13][14] Alejandro Lerroux helped bring republicanism to the fore in Catalonia, where poverty was particularly acute.^[15] Growing resentment of conscription and of the military culminated in the Tragic Week in Barcelona in 1909.^[16] After the First World War, the working class, the industrial class, and the military united in hopes of removing the corrupt central government, but were unsuccessful.^[17] Fears of communism grew.^[18] A military coup brought Miguel Primo de Rivera to power in 1923, and he ran Spain as a military dictatorship.^[19] Support for his regime gradually faded, and he resigned in January 1930.^[20] There was little support for the monarchy in the major cities, and King Alfonso XIII abdicated;^[21] the Second Spanish Republic was formed, whose power would remain until the culmination of the Spanish Civil War.^[22]

Niceto Alcalá-Zamora became the first prime minister.^[23] The Republic had broad support from all segments of society;^[24] elections in June 1931 returned a large majority of Republicans and Socialists.^[25] With the onset of the Great Depression, the government attempted to assist rural Spain by instituting an eight-hour day and giving tenure to farm workers.^[26][27] Fascism remained a reactive threat, helped by controversial reforms to the military.^[28] In December a new reformist, liberal, and democratic constitution was declared. It started a theme of laic, reforming actions by the government, and committed Catholics opposed its leftist governments.^[29] In October 1931 Manuel Azaña became Prime Minister of a minority government whose actions were described as barbaric, unjust, and corrupt by opponents.^[30][31] The Right won the elections of 1933 following an unsuccessful uprising by General José Sanjurjo in August 1932, who would later lead the coup that started the civil war.^[32][33]

Events in the period following November 1933, called the "black two years", seemed to make a civil war more likely.^[34] Alejandro Lerroux of the Radical Republican Party (RRP) formed a government and rolled back changes made under the previous administration.^[35] Some monarchists moved to the Fascist Falange Española to help achieve their aims.^[36] Open violence occurred in the streets of Spanish cities and militancy continued to increase right up until the start of the civil war,^[37] reflecting a movement towards radical upheaval rather than peaceful democratic means as a solution to Spain's problems.^[38] In the last months of 1934, two government collapses brought members of the Spanish Confederation of the Autonomous Right (CEDA) into the government, making it more right-wing.^[39][40] Farm workers' wages were halved, and the military was purged of republican members and reformed.^[40] A Popular Front alliance was organised,^[40] which narrowly won the 1936 elections.^[41] Azaña led a weak minority government, but soon replaced Zamora as president in April.^[42] Prime Minister Casares failed to heed warnings of a military conspiracy involving several generals, who decided that the government had to be replaced if the dissolution of Spain was to be prevented.^[43]

Military coup[link]

Preparations[link]

The republican government had been attempting to remove suspect generals from their posts, and so Franco was sacked as chief of staff and transferred to command of the Canary Islands.^[44] Goded was sacked as Inspector General and made general of the Balearic islands; Emilio Mola was moved from head of the Army of Africa to be military commander of Pamplona in Navarre.^[44] However, this allowed Mola to direct the mainland uprising. General José Sanjurjo became the figurehead of the operation, and helped to come to an agreement with the Carlists.^[44] Mola was chief planner and second in command.^[45] José Antonio Primo de Rivera was put in prison in mid-March in order to restrict the Falange.^[44] However, government actions were not as thorough as they might have been: warnings by the Director of Security and other figures were not acted upon.^[46]

On 12 June, Prime Minister Casares Quiroga met General Juan Yagüe, but Yagüe managed to convince Casares of his loyalty to the Republic.^[47] Mola began serious planning in the spring.^[45] Franco was a key player because of his prestige as a former director of the military academy and as the man who suppressed the Socialist uprising of 1934.^[45] He was well respected in the Army of Africa, the Spanish Republican Army's toughest military force.^[48] He wrote a cryptic letter to Casares on 23 June, suggesting that the military was disloyal, but could be restrained if he were put in charge; Casares did nothing, failing to arrest or buy off Franco.^[48] On July 5, an aircraft was chartered to take Franco from the Canary Islands to Morocco.^[49] It arrived on July 14.^[49]

On 12 July 1936, in Madrid, members of the Falange murdered Lieutenant José Castillo of the Assault Guards police force.^[49] Castillo was a member of the Socialist party. The next day, members of the Assault Guards arrested José Calvo Sotelo, a leading Spanish monarchist and a prominent parliamentary conservative.^[50] Calvo Sotelo was shot by the Guards without trial.^[50] The killing of Calvo Sotelo, a prominent member of Parliament, with involvement of the police, aroused suspicions and strong reactions among the government's opponents on the right.^{[51][nb 6]} Massive reprisals followed.^[50] Although the conservative Nationalist generals were already in advanced stages of a planned uprising, the event provided a catalyst and convenient public justification for their coup.^[50] The Socialists and Communists (led by Prieto) demanded that arms be distributed to the people, before the military took over. The Prime Minister was hesitant.^[50] Franco's plane landed in Gran Canaria on July 14.

Beginning of the coup[link]

General map of the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939).

Initial Nationalist zone – July 1936   Nationalist advance until September 1936   Nationalist advance until October 1937   Nationalist advance until November 1938   Nationalist advance until February 1939   Last area under Republican control Main Nationalist centres Main Republican centres

Land battles Naval battles Bombed cities Concentration camps Massacres Refugee camps

The uprising's timing was fixed at 17 July, at 5:00 p.m.; this was agreed to by the leader of the Carlists, Manuel Fal Conde.^[52] However, the timing was changed: the men in Spanish Morocco were to rise up at 5:00 a.m. and those in Spain itself starting exactly a day later, so control of Spanish Morocco could be achieved and forces sent to Iberia from Morocco to coincide with the risings there.^[53] The rising was intended to be a swift coup d'état, but the government retained control of most of the country.^[54]

Control in Spanish Morocco was all but certain.^[55] The plan was discovered in Morocco during 17 July, which prompted it to be enacted immediately. Little resistance was encountered; in total, 189 people were shot by the rebels.^[56] Goded and Franco immediately took control of the islands to which they were assigned.^[45] On 18 July, Casares Quiroga refused an offer of help from the CNT and UGT, leading the groups to proclaim a general strike, in effect mobilising. They opened weapons caches, some buried since the 1934 risings.^[55] The paramilitary forces often waited to see the outcome of militia action before either joining or suppressing the rebellion. Quick action by either the rebels or anarchist militias was often enough to decide the fate of a town.^[57] General Queipo de Llano managed to secure Seville for the rebels, arresting a number of other officers.^[58]

Outcome[link]

The rebels failed to take any major cities with the critical exception of Seville which provided a landing point for Franco’s African troops. The primarily conservative and Catholic areas of Old Castile and León fell quickly.^[54] The government retained control of Málaga, Jaén and Almería. Cadiz was taken for the rebels with the help of the first troops from the Army of Africa.^[59]

In Madrid they were hemmed into the Montaña barracks, which fell with much bloodshed. Republican leader Santiago Casares Quiroga was replaced by José Giral who ordered the distribution of weapons among the civilian population.^[60] This facilitated the defeat of the army insurrection in the main industrial centres, including Madrid, Barcelona, and Valencia, but it allowed the anarchists to take control of Barcelona and large swathes of Aragon and Catalonia.^[61] General Goded surrendered in Barcelona and was later condemned to death.^[62]

The Republican Government ended up controlling almost all of the east coast and central area around Madrid, as well as Asturias, Cantabria and part of the Basque Country in the north. Mola was keen to create a sense of fear within Nationalist-controlled areas.^[63] The rebels termed themselves "Nacionales", normally translated as "Nationalists", although the former implies "true Spaniards" rather than a pure nationalistic cause.^[64]

The result of the coup was a nationalist area of control containing 11 million of Spain's population of 25 million.^[65] The Nationalists had secured the support of around half of Spain's territorial army, some 60,000 men, joined by the Army of Africa, made up of 35,000 men,^[66] and a little under half of Spain's militaristic police forces, the Assault Guards, the Civil Guards, and the Carabineers.^[67] Republicans controlled under half of rifles, and about a third of both machine guns and artillery pieces.^[66][68]

The Spanish Army had just 18 tanks of a sufficiently modern design, and the Republicans retained 10.^[69] Naval capacity was fairly even, with the Republicans retaining a numerical advantage but with the Navy's top ships in Nationalist hands. The Republican navy suffered from the same problems as the army: many officers had defected or had been killed after trying to do so.^[69] Two-thirds of air capability was retained by the government – however, the whole of the air service was very outdated.^[70]

Combatants[link]

The war was cast by Republican sympathizers as a struggle between "tyranny and democracy", and by Nationalist supporters as between communist and anarchist "red hordes" and "Christian civilization".^[71] Nationalists also claimed to be protecting the establishment and bringing security and direction to an ungoverned and lawless society.^[71]

Spanish politics, especially on the left, were quite fragmented, as socialists and communists supported the Republic. During the Republic, anarchists had had mixed opinions, but major groups opposed the Nationalists during the Civil War. The Conservatives, by contrast, were united by their fervent opposition to the Republican government, and presented a more unified front.^[72]

Republicans[link]

Flags of the Popular Front (left) and CNT/FAI (right)

Republican volunteers at Teruel, 1936.

The Republicans received weapons and volunteers from the Soviet Union, Mexico, the international Marxists movement and International Brigades. Their supporters ranged from centrists who supported a moderately capitalist liberal democracy to revolutionary anarchists; their base was primarily secular and urban, but also included landless peasants, and was particularly strong in industrial regions like Asturias and Catalonia.^[73]

This faction was called variously loyales ("loyalists") by supporters; "Republicans", "the Popular Front" or "the Government" by all parties, while their opponents frequently called them los rojos ("the reds").^[74] Republicans were supported by most urban workers, a large share of peasants, and much of the educated middle class.

The conservative, strongly Catholic Basque country, along with Galicia and the more left-leaning Catalonia, sought autonomy or even independence from the central government of Madrid. The Republican government allowed for the possibility of self-government for the two regions,^[75] whose forces were gathered under the People's Republican Army (Ejército Popular Republicano, or EPR).

Nationalists[link]

Flags of the Falange (left) and Carlist Traditionalist Requetés (right)

The Nationalists (nacionales), (also called "insurgents", "rebels" or by opponents "Francoists" or "Fascists") fearing national fragmentation, opposed the separatist movements, and were chiefly defined by their anti-communism, which galvanized diverse or opposed movements like falangists and monarchists. Their leaders had a generally wealthier, more conservative, monarchist, landowning background.^[76]

The Nationalist side included the Carlists and Alfonsist monarchists, Spanish nationalists, the fascist Falange, and most conservatives and monarchist liberals. Virtually all Nationalist groups had strong Catholic convictions and supported the native Spanish clergy.^[76] The Nationals included the majority of the Catholic clergy and practitioners (outside of the Basque region), important elements of the army, most large landowners, and many businessmen.^[71]

Republican troops at Guadalajara, 1937.

One of the rightists' principal stated motives was to confront the anti-clericalism of the Republican regime and to defend the Church,^[76] which had been the targeted by opponents, including Republicans who blamed the institution for the country's ills. Prior to the war, in the Asturias uprising of 1934, religious buildings were burnt and at least one hundred clergy, religious civilians, and police were killed by revolutionaries against whom the president and the radicals prevented the implementation of serious sanctions or punishment.^[77][78]