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In cultural anthropology and sociology, reciprocity is a way of defining people's informal exchange of goods and labour; that is, people's informal economic systems. It is the basis of most non-market economies. Since virtually all humans live in some kind of society and have at least a few possessions, reciprocity is common to every culture. Marshall Sahlins, a well-known American cultural anthropologist, identified three main types of reciprocity in his book Stone Age Economics (1972).^[1]

Basic types[link]

Generalized reciprocity is the exchange of goods and services without keeping track of their exact value, but often with the expectation that their value will balance out over time. (2010). ^[2]

In industrial society this occurs mainly between parents and children, or within married couples. In advanced society social and economic assistance is moderated by treasurers. In other cultures generalized reciprocity can occur within entire clans or large kin groups, for instance among the east Semai of Malaya. Between people who engage in generalized reciprocity, there is a maximum amount of trust and a minimum amount of social distance. It is a very informal system of exchange. The expectation that the giver will be repaid is based on trust and social consequences; that is, a "mooch" who accepts gifts and favors without ever giving himself will find it harder and harder to obtain those favors. In industrial societies this can be found among relatives, friends, neighbors, and coworkers. Balanced reciprocity involves a moderate amount of trust and social distance.

Balanced or Symmetrical reciprocity occurs when someone gives to someone else, expecting a fair and tangible return - at a specified amount, time, and place. (2010). ^[3]

Negative reciprocity is the exchange of goods and services where each party intends to profit from the exchange, often at the expense of the other. (2010). ^[4] It also includes what economists call barter. Negative reciprocity can involve a minimum amount of trust and a maximum social distance; indeed, it can take place among strangers.

Economist Steven Suranovic^[5] argues that negative reciprocity occurs when an action that has a negative effect upon someone else is reciprocated with an action that has approximately equal negative effect upon another. If the reaction is not approximately equal in negative value, or worse, the reaction has a much greater negative effect upon the first person, then the reaction will likely be judged unfair. Negative reciprocity fairness requires that negative actions be reciprocated in kind; a “quid pro quo” type of response.

To many scholars^[who?], barter was the basis of all economies before the invention of money^{[dubious – discuss]}. Others^[who?] argue that before money arose, generalized and balanced reciprocity along with redistribution replaced simple exchange in most cases. (After all, barter is usually very difficult to arrange, requiring a double coincidence of wants.) In other words, institutions of community democracy, tradition, and command organized production and distribution, so that the distinction between the economy and the rest of society was hard to draw^{[citation needed]}.

These three kinds of reciprocity are the most basic forms of economic exchange; more complex exchange systems include redistribution and the market.

Moral reciprocity[link]

Another form of reciprocity is moral reciprocity. Moral reciprocity refers to the general tendency of humans (and, some argue, other animals) to reciprocate both assistance and harm in relation to the subjective interpretation of that assistance or harm as moral or immoral. For example, neoclassical economics holds that rational individuals will only engage in actions that maximize their material gains. Researchers believe that moral reciprocity may be the reason why many individuals are willing to pay a price considered to be irrationally large (within the framework of neoclassical economics) to punish others they believe have acted immorally.

See also[link]

• Gift economy
• Bushmen, whose system of generalized reciprocity ended with the influence of the Western civilization.
• Economic anthropology
• Iroquois economics-an example of symmetrical reciprocity
• Non-market economics
• Reciprocity (social psychology)
• Bronisław Malinowski
• Social preference

References[link]

Look up reciprocity in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.

Reciprocity may refer to:

• Reciprocity (Canadian politics), used to describe the concept of free trade with the United States of America
  • Reciprocal trade agreement, entered into in order to reduce (or eliminate) tariffs, quotas and other trade restrictions on items traded between the signatories
• Reciprocity (photography), the relationship between the intensity of the light and duration of the exposure that result in identical exposure
• Traffic violations reciprocity where non-resident drivers are treated like residents
• Reciprocity (Fringe), a 2011 episode of the television series Fringe

Social sciences and humanities[link]

• Norm of reciprocity, social norm of in-kind responses to the behavior of others
• Reciprocity (cultural anthropology), way of defining people's informal exchange of goods and labour
• Reciprocity (evolution), mechanisms for the evolution of cooperation
• Reciprocity (international relations), principle that favours, benefits, or penalties that are granted by one state to the citizens or legal entities of another, should be returned in kind
• Reciprocity (social and political philosophy), concept of reciprocity as in-kind positive or negative responses for the actions of others
• Reciprocity (social psychology), in-kind positively or negatively connotated responses of individuals towards the actions of others
• Ethic of reciprocity (the Golden Rule), one should treat others as one would like others to treat oneself
• Serial reciprocity, where the benefactor of a gift or service will in turn provide benefits to a third party

Natural sciences[link]

• Reciprocity (engineering), used in the analysis of structures and to resolve complex load conditions
• Reciprocity (electromagnetism), theorems relating sources and the resulting fields in classical electromagnetism
• Reciprocity (network theory), theorem about transfer function of passive networks
• Reciprocity in network, measures the tendency of vertex pairs to form mutual connections between each other
• Reciprocity of twist and wrench, in screw theory
• Reciprocity theorem (disambiguation), several unrelated results

Mathematics[link]

• Reciprocity law in mathematics, including
  • Quadratic reciprocity, a fundamental result in number theory
  • Cubic reciprocity, theorems that state conditions under which the congruence x³ ≡ p (mod q) is solvable
  • Quartic reciprocity, a collection of theorems in elementary and algebraic number theory that state conditions under which the congruence x⁴ ≡ p (mod q) is solvable
  • Artin reciprocity law, a general theorem in number theory that provided a partial solution to Hilbert's ninth problem
  • Reciprocity relation or exact differential, a mathematical differential of the form dQ, for some differentiable function Q
• Weil reciprocity for algebraic curves
• Reciprocal polynomials, the coefficients of the remainder polynomial are the bits of the CRC
• Reciprocal square root
• Reciprocity (projective geometry), a collineation from a projective space onto its dual space, taking points to hyperplanes (and vice versa) and preserving incidence
• Frobenius reciprocity, from group representation theory
• Reciprocity law for Dedekind sums
• Stanley's reciprocity theorem, states that a certain functional equation is satisfied by the generating function of any rational cone and the generating function of the cone's interior
• Hermite reciprocity for invariants of binary forms.

Place[link]

• Reciprocity No. 32, Saskatchewan, rural municipality in Canada

See also[link]

• Reciprocal (disambiguation)
• Reciprocation (disambiguation)
• Reciprocity Treaty (disambiguation)
• Mutual assent in contract law, sometimes called reciprocity
• Symbiosis, an interaction between two organisms living together in more or less intimate association
• Double standard, the unjust application of different sets of principles for similar situations
• Hypocrisy, the state of pretending to have virtues, moral or religious beliefs, principles, etc., that one does not actually have

This disambiguation page lists mathematics articles associated with the same title. If an internal link led you here, you may wish to change the link to point directly to the intended article.

Cultural anthropology is a branch of anthropology focused on the study of cultural variation among humans, collecting data about the impact of global economic and political processes on local cultural realities. Anthropologists use a variety of methods, including participant observation, interviews and surveys. Their research is often called fieldwork because it involves the anthropologist spending an extended period of time at the research location.^[1]

Origins[link]

One of the earliest articulations of the anthropological meaning of the term "culture" came from Sir Edward Tylor who writes on the first page of his 1897 book: “Culture, or civilization, taken in its broad, ethnographic sense, is that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society.”^[2] The term "civilization" later gave way to definitions by V. Gordon Childe, with culture forming an umbrella term and civilization becoming a particular kind of culture.^[3]

The anthropological concept of "culture" reflects in part a reaction against earlier Western discourses based on an opposition between "culture" and "nature", according to which some human beings lived in a "state of nature".^{[citation needed]} Anthropologists have argued that culture is "human nature", and that all people have a capacity to classify experiences, encode classifications symbolically (i.e. in language), and teach such abstractions to others.

Since humans acquire culture through the learning processes of enculturation and socialization, people living in different places or different circumstances develop different cultures. Anthropologists have also pointed out that through culture people can adapt to their environment in non-genetic ways, so people living in different environments will often have different cultures. Much of anthropological theory has originated in an appreciation of and interest in the tension between the local (particular cultures) and the global (a universal human nature, or the web of connections between people in distinct places/circumstances).^{[citation needed]}

The rise of cultural anthropology occurred within the context of the late 19th century, when questions regarding which cultures were "primitive" and which were "civilized" occupied the minds of not only Marx and Freud, but many others. Colonialism and its processes increasingly brought European thinkers in contact, directly or indirectly with "primitive others."^[4] The relative status of various humans, some of whom had modern advanced technologies that included engines and telegraphs, while others lacked anything but face-to-face communication techniques and still lived a Paleolithic lifestyle, was of interest to the first generation of cultural anthropologists.

Parallel with the rise of cultural anthropology in the United States, social anthropology, in which sociality is the central concept and which focuses on the study of social statuses and roles, groups, institutions, and the relations among them, developed as an academic discipline in Britain. An umbrella term socio-cultural anthropology makes reference to both cultural and social anthropology traditions.^[5]

A brief history[link]

Evolution or diffusion[link]

Ethnologists had a special interest in why people living in different parts of the world often had similar beliefs and practices. In addressing this question, ethnologists in the 19th century divided into two schools of thought. Some, like Grafton Elliot Smith, argued that different groups must somehow have learned from one another, however indirectly; in other words, they argued that cultural traits spread from one place to another, or "diffused".

Other ethnologists argued that different groups had the capability of creating similar beliefs and practices independently. Some of those who advocated "independent invention", like Lewis Henry Morgan, additionally supposed that similarities meant that different groups had passed through the same stages of cultural evolution (See also classical social evolutionism). Morgan, in particular, acknowledged that certain forms of society and culture could not possibly have arisen before others. For example, industrial farming could not have been invented before simple farming, and metallurgy could not have developed without previous non-smelting processes involving metals (such as simple ground collection or mining). Morgan, like other 19th century social evolutionists, believed there was a more or less orderly progression from the primitive to the civilized.

20th-century anthropologists largely reject the notion that all human societies must pass through the same stages in the same order, on the grounds that such a notion does not fit the empirical facts. Some 20th-century ethnologists, like Julian Steward, have instead argued that such similarities reflected similar adaptations to similar environments (see cultural evolution). Although 19th-century ethnologists saw "diffusion" and "independent invention" as mutually exclusive and competing theories, most ethnographers quickly reached a consensus that both processes occur, and that both can plausibly account for cross-cultural similarities. But these ethnographers also pointed out the superficiality of many such similarities. They noted that even traits that spread through diffusion often were given different meanings and function from one society to another. Analyses of large human concentrations in big cities, in multi-disciplinar studies by Ronald Daus, show how new methods may be applied to the understanding of man living in a global world and how it was caused by the action of extra-European nations, so high-lighting the role of Ethics in modern anthropology.

Accordingly, most of these anthropologists showed less interest in comparing cultures, generalizing about human nature, or discovering universal laws of cultural development, than in understanding particular cultures in those cultures' own terms. Such ethnographers and their students promoted the idea of "cultural relativism", the view that one can only understand another person's beliefs and behaviors in the context of the culture in which he or she lived or lives.

Others, such as Claude Lévi-Strauss (who was influenced both by American cultural anthropology and by French Durkheimian sociology), have argued that apparently similar patterns of development reflect fundamental similarities in the structure of human thought (see structuralism). By the mid-20th century, the number of examples of people skipping stages, such as going from hunter-gatherers to post-industrial service occupations in one generation, were so numerous that 19th-century evolutionism was effectively disproved.^[6]

Methods[link]

Modern cultural anthropology has its origins in, and developed in reaction to, 19th century "ethnology", which involves the organized comparison of human societies. Scholars like E.B. Tylor and J.G. Frazer in England worked mostly with materials collected by others – usually missionaries, traders, explorers, or colonial officials – earning them the moniker of "arm-chair anthropologists".

In the 20th century, most cultural (and social) anthropologists turned to the crafting of ethnographies. An ethnography is a piece of writing about a people, at a particular place and time. Typically, the anthropologist lives among people in another society for a considerable period of time, simultaneously participating in and observing the social and cultural life of the group.

Numerous other ethnographic techniques have resulted in ethnographic writing or details being preserved, as cultural anthropologists also curate materials, spend long hours in libraries, churches and schools poring over records, investigate graveyards, and decipher ancient scripts. A typical ethnography will also include information about physical geography, climate and habitat. It is meant to be a holistic piece of writing about the people in question, and today often includes the longest possible timeline of past events that the ethnographer can obtain through primary and secondary research.

Bronisław Malinowski (who conducted fieldwork in the Trobriand Islands and taught in England) developed this method, and Franz Boas (who conducted fieldwork in Baffin Island and taught in the United States) promoted it. Boas' students such as Alfred L. Kroeber, Ruth Benedict and Margaret Mead drew on his conception of culture and cultural relativism to develop cultural anthropology in the United States. Simultaneously, Malinowski and A.R. Radcliffe Brown´s students were developing social anthropology in the United Kingdom. Whereas cultural anthropology focused on symbols and values, social anthropology focused on social groups and institutions. Today socio-cultural anthropologists attend to all these elements.

In the early 20th century, socio-cultural anthropology developed in different forms in Europe and in the United States. European "social anthropologists" focused on observed social behaviors and on "social structure", that is, on relationships among social roles (for example, husband and wife, or parent and child) and social institutions (for example, religion, economy, and politics).

American "cultural anthropologists" focused on the ways people expressed their view of themselves and their world, especially in symbolic forms, such as art and myths. These two approaches frequently converged and generally complemented one another. For example, kinship and leadership function both as symbolic systems and as social institutions. Today almost all socio-cultural anthropologists refer to the work of both sets of predecessors, and have an equal interest in what people do and in what people say.

Ethnography dominates socio-cultural anthropology. Nevertheless, many contemporary socio-cultural anthropologists have rejected earlier models of ethnography as treating local cultures as bounded and isolated. These anthropologists continue to concern themselves with the distinct ways people in different locales experience and understand their lives, but they often argue that one cannot understand these particular ways of life solely from a local perspective; they instead combine a focus on the local with an effort to grasp larger political, economic, and cultural frameworks that impact local lived realities. Notable proponents of this approach include Arjun Appadurai, James Clifford, George Marcus, Sidney Mintz, Michael Taussig, Eric Wolf and Ronald Daus.

A growing trend in anthropological research and analysis is the use of multi-sited ethnography, discussed in George Marcus' article, "Ethnography In/Of the World System: the Emergence of Multi-Sited Ethnography". Looking at culture as embedded in macro-constructions of a global social order, multi-sited ethnography uses traditional methodology in various locations both spatially and temporally. Through this methodology, greater insight can be gained when examining the impact of world-systems on local and global communities.

Also emerging in multi-sited ethnography are greater interdisciplinary approaches to fieldwork, bringing in methods from cultural studies, media studies, science and technology studies, and others. In multi-sited ethnography, research tracks a subject across spatial and temporal boundaries. For example, a multi-sited ethnography may follow a "thing," such as a particular commodity, as it is transported through the networks of global capitalism.

Multi-sited ethnography may also follow ethnic groups in diaspora, stories or rumours that appear in multiple locations and in multiple time periods, metaphors that appear in multiple ethnographic locations, or the biographies of individual people or groups as they move through space and time. It may also follow conflicts that transcend boundaries. An example of multi-sited ethnography is Nancy Scheper-Hughes' work on the international black market for the trade of human organs. In this research, she follows organs as they are transferred through various legal and illegal networks of capitalism, as well as the rumours and urban legends that circulate in impoverished communities about child kidnapping and organ theft.

Sociocultural anthropologists have increasingly turned their investigative eye on to "Western" culture. For example, Philippe Bourgois won the Margaret Mead Award in 1997 for In Search of Respect, a study of the entrepreneurs in a Harlem crack-den. Also growing more popular are ethnographies of professional communities, such as laboratory researchers, Wall Street investors, law firms, or information technology (IT) computer employees.^[7]

Related topics[link]

See also[link]

Age-area hypothesis Community studies Dual inheritance theory Ernest Gellner Human behavioral ecology Hunter-gatherers

Intangible Cultural Heritage Neuroanthropology Nomads Sociology Symbolic anthropology Shame society vs Guilt society

Book: Anthropology Wikipedia books are collections of articles that can be downloaded or ordered in print.

References[link]

External links[link]

Wikibooks has a book on the topic of Cultural Anthropology

• Webpage "History of German Anthropology/Ethnology 1945/49-1990
• The Moving Anthropology Student Network-website - The site offers tutorials, information on the subject, discussion-forums and a large link-collection for all interested scholars of cultural anthropology
• Review of Nettl's 2005 revised edition of "The Study of Ethnomusicology"

For the footballer, see Doug Hayward (footballer)

Douglas Frederick Cornelius Hayward (5 October 1934 – 26 April 2008),^[1] was an English tailor, who dressed many famous people during the 1960s. The inspiration for customer Michael Caine's characterisation of his role in the 1966 film Alfie,^[2][3] he was also the model for client John Le Carre's Harry Pendel, aka The Tailor of Panama.^[2][4]

Early life[link]

Born in Kensington, West London,^[1] Hayward and his brother grew up in Hayes.^[1] His father cleaned heating boilers for the BBC and worked a second job cleaning buses in Uxbridge; while his mother worked from World War II onwards in a munitions factory.^[1][2] Hayward won a scholarship to Southall Grammar School.^[3] He had had a trial at inside-left for the Middlesex county football team, but lost out to future England captain Johnny Haynes.^[1]

Career[link]

An unfocused rebel, Hayward left school at 15, looking for a white-collar job:^[5]

Apprenticed to a Shepherd's Bush Green tailor who visited the flats in Cadogan Square, where his uncle was a caretaker.^[2] During this period he worked a summer in Clacton-on-Sea as a Butlins Redcoat,^[1] and after finishing his apprenticeship served his National Service in the Royal Navy, an experience he later admitted got him focused.^[3]

Returning to civilian life, he continued working for his original employer, but also started after hours work on his own creations. Early clients like Peter Sellers, Terence Stamp and lyricist Herbert Kretzmer,^[4] came through his excellent theatrical links at the local theatre, the BBC's Lime Grove Studios, or through his first wife, Diana, sister-in-law of film director Basil Dearden.^[3]

Unable to gain a cutters job on either Savile Row or even Oxford Street due to his accent,^[2] Hayward then joined fellow showbiz specialist tailor Dimitrio Major, based in Fulham. It was here that he developed a service mentality, driving his Mini Countryman estate car to allow him to attend customers wherever required, including Richard Burton at the Dorchester Hotel.^[3][5]

Hayward opened his own first shop on Pall Mall, before moving to 95 Mount Street in 1967, just off Savile Row, in Mayfair.^[2] The four storey building served his entire business: basement for storage; front ground floor as a club for clients, rear as a cutting room which overlooked the garden; first floor as his personal flat during the week (his weekend home was on the Oxfordshire estate of client and friend Lord Hambleden,^[5] near Henley on Thames);^[1] and upper floor as a rented out flat of for use by assistants.^[3] Described by many as like a gentlemen's club, its acted as a hub for all of Hayward's clients when in London. Hayward's Jack Russell terrier would be seen molesting his collection of teddy bears, a gift from his client Ralph Lauren, who's later Purple Label line was inspired and advised by Hayward.^[3] Client Michael Parkinson said of the shop:^[2]

Hayward's client list included: actors Clint Eastwood, Sir John Gielgud, Michael Caine, Terence Stamp, Rex Harrison, Steve McQueen and John Osborne; actor Tommy Steele; singer Tony Bennett; newsreader Tom Brokaw; footballer and 1966 World Cup England captain Bobby Moore;^[3] Formula 1 world champion Sir Jackie Stewart; and businessmen Lord Hanson and Mark Birley.^[1] Female clients included Faye Dunaway, Mia Farrow, Jean Shrimpton and Sharon Tate. His design of suits for singer Mick Jagger lead him to designing the wedding dress for Bianca Jagger, and later many of her iconic white jumpsuits. His film credits included Caine's suits in The Italian Job, and Roger Moore in James Bond. Actor James Coburn called Hayward "the Rodin of tweed".^[3]

Hayward also sold hand-made shoes, and his own line of watches and leather luggage.^[5] He lectured at the Royal College of Art on tailoring, placing emphasis on cutting: "You can't do anything unless you can cut."^[5] Pragmatic and undemanding of his clients body, Hayward believed that any one could be made to look sleeker:^[3]

Every week until her death in 1984, he visited his mother, Winifred. Each time he would present her with a £1 note, to pay for her Meals on Wheels. He also gave her regular sums of money, always in cash. Convinced that her son was running either a brothel or a game of chemmy, she kept it all. After her death, the family found it beneath her bed in 15 empty ice cream boxes, with a note: "This money is to get Doug out of prison when they finally get him."^[3][4][5]

Influence on the media[link]

A lifelong womaniser and bon vivant, it was claimed by many that Hayward provided the real-life inspiration for his friend Michael Caine's most iconic screen role, serial philanderer Alfie Elkins.^[2] He was also the model for client John Le Carre's Harry Pendel, aka The Tailor of Panama.^[2][4]

Personal life[link]

Married twice, his first wife was Diana, sister-in-law of film director Basil Dearden. His second was journalist Glenys Roberts, with whom he had a daughter Polly, who later became his business partner.^[5] Roberts divorced Hayward in 1978. His lovers included Janet Street-Porter, for whom he made a full length double cashmere coat in 1973.^[3]

Hayward had a life long love for football and beer.^[2] A boyhood fan of both of Fulham and Arsenal,^[2] although on Saturdays after lunch on the King's Road he would head to Stamford Bridge to watch Chelsea.^[1] Hayward had his own team, the Mount Street Marchers and Social Club.^[3] The amateur team played in arranged matches on Hyde Park on Sunday mornings, whom he talked clients and actors Richard Harris and Tom Courtenay, and occasionally Bobby Moore, into appearing for.^[3] In 1970 he persuaded the Rank Organisation to pay for his team to fly to Mexico for the 1970 World Cup. Believing that they were going to get an exclusive documentary about the England team, Rank were presented with footage of Hayward enjoying himself against local park sides.^[1]

Every Thursday, he would lunch at Langhams Brasserie with friends: photographer Terry O'Neill, hair expert Philip Kingsley, the owner of Tramp nightclub Johnny Gold, Michael Cane. The four of them made up the Mayfair Orphans Club.^[2] His friendship with Queen Elizabeth 2's cousin Patrick Anson, 5th Earl of Lichfield, led to them founding dining club Burkes. Resultantly invited to Lichfield's home on the Caribbean island of Mustique, he struck up a friendship with Princess Margaret, where the pair performed Cole Porter songs.^[2][4]

Hayward suffered a mini-stroke in 1996, and then several in the years before his death had brought on vascular dementia.^[1] Hayward died at a hospice close to his flat in Mayfair, of issues relating to a lifelong neurological disorder.^[2] A lifelong agnostic, Hayward received the last rites from a Roman Catholic priest before his death, on which his daughter and business partner commented:^[2]

Filmography[link]

• 1966: The Spy with a Cold Nose - costumes for L. Harvey
• 1966: Modesty Blaise - costumes for Terence Stamp
• 1968: Salt and Pepper - wardrobe for Mr. Lawford
• 1968: Boom - suit for Noel Coward
• 1969: The Italian Job - suits for Michael Caine
• 1971: The Reckoning - costume designer
• 1971: One More Time - wardrobe for Mr. Lawford
• 1980: Dominique - costumes for all men

References[link]

External links[link]

• Doug Hayward at the Internet Movie Database

Simon Sinek
Sinek, TEDx Maastricht 2011
Born	(1973-10-09) October 9, 1973 (age 38) Wimbledon, England
Occupation	Author, motivational speaker
Notable work(s)	Start With Why: How Great Leaders Inspire Everyone to Take Action

Simon O. Sinek (born October 9, 1973) is an author and best known for developing "The Golden Circle" and popularizing a concept of human motivation.^[1][2][3] He joined the RAND Corporation in 2010 as an adjunct staff member, where he advises on matters of military innovation and planning. His first TEDx Talk on "How Great Leaders Inspire Action" is the 19th most viewed video on TED.com.^[4] His book on the same subject, "Start With Why: How Great Leaders Inspire Everyone to Take Action," (2009) delves into a naturally occurring pattern, grounded in the biology of human decision-making, that explains why we are inspired by some people, leaders, messages and organizations over others.

He writes for The New York Times, Wall Street Journal, The Washington Post, Houston Chronicle, FastCompany, CMO Magazine, NPR and BusinessWeek, and is a regular contributor to The Huffington Post, BrandWeek, IncBizNet. ^[1]

Early life and education[link]

A diagram of what Simon Sinek calls 'The Golden Circle' of human motivation

Sinek was born in Wimbledon, England; at a young age he moved to Johannesburg, South Africa, then to London, then to Hong Kong, before settling in New Jersey. He earned a BA degree in cultural anthropology from Brandeis University; he attended City University in London with the intention of becoming a barrister, but left law school to go into advertising.

Career[link]

He moved to New York and joined Euro/RSCG, an ad agency, where he worked on the MCI account. He then joined Ogilvy & Mather, and was later recruited back to Euro/RSCG, where he worked on accounts for Oppenheimer Funds, MCI, NASDAQ and DISH Network. In 2002, he started his own company, Sinek Partners. ^[2]

He has appeared on MSNBC^[5] and Marketplace.^[6]

In October 2009, he released his book “Start with Why: How Great Leaders Inspire Everyone to Take Action” , and in December 2011, the book topped the list of best sellers for corporate America according to 800-CEO-READ.^[7]

Community and civic affairs[link]

Active in the not-for-profit world, Sinek works with Count Me In, an organization committed to helping one million women-owned businesses reach a million dollars in revenues by 2012,^[8] and he serves on the Board of Directors for Danspace Project, an organization that fends for advancing art and dance.

He lives in New York and teaches a graduate-level class in strategic communications at Columbia University.^[1]

Books[link]

• Sinek, Simon (2009). Start With Why: How Great Leaders Inspire Everyone to Take Action. Penguin. http://books.google.com/books?id=iyw6ul1x_n8C&pg=PT113&dq=%22Ron+Bruder%22&hl=en&ei=GrH6TdKfG6rSiAL_-bWZBQ&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=2&ved=0CDYQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=%22Ron%20Bruder%22&f=false. 

References[link]

External links[link]

• Simon Sinek website
• Start with Why, website
• Sinek Partners