Traditional definition of the Middle East

  G8 definition of the Greater Middle East

  Areas sometimes associated with the Middle East (socio-political connections)

The Greater Middle East is a political geographic term used since at least 1980 ^[1] to refer to the traditional Middle East with the addition of several nearby countries, specifically Iran, Turkey, Afghanistan.^[2] Various North African and Central Asian countries are sometimes also included. Some speakers may use the term to denote areas with significant Muslim majorities, but this usage is not universal. The Greater Middle East is sometimes referred to as "The New Middle East",^[3]

Former U.S. National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski, alluded to the modern Middle East as a control lever on an area he calls the Eurasian Balkans.^[4] The Eurasian Balkans consists of the Caucasus (Georgia, the Republic of Azerbaijan, and Armenia) and Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, and Tajikistan) and Turkey. Turkey forms the northernmost part of the Middle East.^[5]

Criticism[link]

The concept of a "Greater Middle East" that puts together different regions has been criticized by several people. According to the Al-Ahram Weekly, it is unclear whether widening the Middle East facilitates the control of its numerous conflicts. "The question is, however, whether there is such a thing as a Greater Middle East extending beyond the traditional geographical boundaries of the region. And, if so, what are the common features shared by the different countries now identified as parts of a body that would extend from Pakistan in the east to Morocco in the west? Take, for example, the call for the creation of an independent Arab state in Palestine. Does it follow that there should be a similar call for an independent Kurdish state or for an independent state in Kashmir? If all these countries are parts of one entity, should there not exist similar solutions for similar problems?"^[6] Dominique de Villepin has said "One has also to avoid a uniform approach, as one can not treat the Maghreb with the same pattern as the Middle East or the Persian Gulf states, nor can one concentrate everything on the security issue. To be successful, our approach must be global, taking into consideration all the political, economic, social, cultural, educational aspects."^[7]

See also[link]

• Middle East
• Caliphate
• The Grand Chessboard

References[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Greater Middle East

External links[link]

• Achcar, Gilbert (2004-04-04) Greater Middle East: The US plan, Le Monde Diplomatique
• Greater Middle East Partnership

This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (December 2011)

Middle East
The Middle East is often centered on the Arabian peninsula.
Countries	18–38 (varying definitions)
Languages	Middle East: Arabic, Aramaic, Azerbaijani, French, Greek, Hebrew, Kurdish, Persian, Turkish Greater Middle East: Arabic, Armenian, Azerbaijani, Balochi, Dari, French, Greek, Georgian, Hebrew, Kurdish, Pashto, Persian, Somali, Berber, Tigrinya, Turkish, Urdu
Time Zones	UTC +3:30 (Iran) to UTC +2:00 (Egypt) (traditional definition)
Largest Cities	In rank order: Cairo, Tehran, Baghdad, Riyadh, Jeddah

The Middle East or Mideast is a region that encompasses Western Asia and all of or part of Northern Africa, depending on the context. The term is considered to be Eurocentric and used as a synonym for Near East, in opposition to Far East. The corresponding adjective is Middle-Eastern and the derived noun is Middle-Easterner.

The history of the Middle East dates back to ancient times, and throughout its history, the Middle East has been a major centre of world affairs. When discussing ancient history, however, the term Near East is more commonly used. The Middle East is also the historical origin of major religions such as Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. The Middle East generally has an arid and hot climate, with several major rivers providing for irrigation to support agriculture in limited areas. Many countries located around the Persian Gulf have large quantities of crude oil. In modern times the Middle East remains a strategically, economically, politically, culturally and religiously sensitive region.^{[clarification needed]} The Middle East's expected economic growth rate is at about 4.1% for 2010 and 5.1% in 2011.^[1]

Etymology[link]

The term "Middle East" may have originated in the 1850s in the British India Office.^[2] However, it became more widely known when American naval strategist Alfred Thayer Mahan used the term in 1902^[3] to 'designate the area between Arabia and India'.^[4][5] During this time the British and Russian Empires were vying for influence in Central Asia, a rivalry which would become known as The Great Game. Mahan realized not only the strategic importance of the region, but also of its center, the Persian Gulf.^[6][7] He labeled the area surrounding the Persian Gulf as the Middle East, and said that after the Suez Canal, it was the most important passage for Britain to control in order to keep the Russians from advancing towards British India.^[8] Mahan first used the term in his article "The Persian Gulf and International Relations," published in September 1902 in the National Review, a British journal.

The Middle East, if I may adopt a term which I have not seen, will some day need its Malta, as well as its Gibraltar; it does not follow that either will be in the Persian Gulf. Naval force has the quality of mobility which carries with it the privilege of temporary absences; but it needs to find on every scene of operation established bases of refit, of supply, and in case of disaster, of security. The British Navy should have the facility to concentrate in force if occasion arise, about Aden, India, and the Persian Gulf.^[9]

Mahan's article was reprinted in The Times and followed in October by a 20 article series entitled "The Middle Eastern Question," written by Sir Ignatius Valentine Chirol. During this series, Sir Ignatius expanded the definition of Middle East to include "those regions of Asia which extend to the borders of India or command the approaches to India."^[10] After the series ended in 1903, The Times removed quotation marks from subsequent uses of the term.^[11]

Until World War II, it was customary to refer to areas centered around Turkey and the eastern shore of the Mediterranean as the "Near East", while the "Far East" centered on China,^[12] and the Middle East then meant the area from Mesopotamia to Burma, namely the area between the Near East and the Far East.^{[citation needed]} In the late 1930s, the British established the Middle East Command, which was based in Cairo, for its military forces in the region. After that time, the term "Middle East" gained broader usage in Europe and the United States, with the Middle East Institute founded in Washington, D.C. in 1946, among other usage.^[13]

Criticism and usage[link]

1957 American film about the Middle East

Many^[who?] have criticized the term Middle East because of its implicit Eurocentrism.^[14][15] In contemporary English-language academic & media venues, the term is used by both Europeans and non-Europeans.

The description Middle has also led to some confusion over changing definitions. Before the First World War, "Near East" was used in English to refer to the Balkans and the Ottoman Empire, while "Middle East" referred to Iran, Afghanistan, and Central Asia, and the Caucasus. In contrast, "Far East" referred to the countries of East Asia (e.g. China, Japan, Formosa, Korea, Hong Kong, etc.) Some critics usually advise using an alternative term, such as "Western Asia", which is the official designation used by the UN.

With the disappearance of the Ottoman Empire in 1918, "Near East" largely fell out of common use in English, while "Middle East" came to be applied to the re-emerging countries of the Islamic world. However, the usage of "Near East" was retained by a variety of academic disciplines, including archaeology and ancient history, where it describes an area identical to the term Middle East, which is not used by these disciplines (see Ancient Near East).

The first official use of the term "Middle East" by the United States government was in the 1957 Eisenhower Doctrine, which pertained to the Suez Crisis. Secretary of State John Foster Dulles defined the Middle East as "the area lying between and including Libya on the west and Pakistan on the east, Syria and Iraq on the North and the Arabian peninsula to the south, plus the Sudan and Ethiopia."^[12] In 1958, the State Department explained that the terms "Near East" and "Middle East" were interchangeable, and defined the region as including only Egypt, Syria, Israel, Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, and Qatar.^[16]

The Associated Press Stylebook says that Near East formerly referred to the farther west countries while Middle East referred to the eastern ones, but that now they are synonymous. It instructs:

Use Middle East unless Near East is used by a source in a story. Mideast is also acceptable, but Middle East is preferred.^[17]

At the United Nations, the numerous documents and resolutions about the Middle East are in fact concerned with the Arab–Israeli conflict, in particular the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and, therefore, with the four states of the Levant. The term Near East is occasionally heard at the UN when referring to this region.^{[citation needed]}

Translations[link]

There are terms similar to Near East and Middle East in other European languages, but since it is a relative description, the meanings depend on the country and are different from the English terms generally. In German the term Naher Osten (Near East) is still in common use (nowadays the term Mittlerer Osten is more and more common in press texts translated from English sources, albeit having a distinct meaning) and in Russian Ближний Восток or Blizhniy Vostok, Bulgarian Близкия Изток, Polish Bliski Wschód or Croatian Bliski istok (meaning Near East in all the four Slavic languages) remains as the only appropriate term for the region. However, some languages do have "Middle East" equivalents, such as the French Moyen-Orient, Swedish Mellanöstern, Spanish Oriente Medio or Medio Oriente, and the Italian Medio Oriente.^[18]

Perhaps because of the influence of the Western press, the Arabic equivalent of Middle East (Arabic: الشرق الأوسط ash-Sharq al-Awsaṭ), has become standard usage in the mainstream Arabic press, comprehending the same meaning as the term “Middle East” in North American and Western European usage. The designation, Mashriq, also from the Arabic root for east, also denotes a variously defined region around the Levant, the eastern part of the Arabic-speaking world (as opposed to the Maghreb, the western part).^[19] The Persian equivalent for Middle East is خاورمیانه (Khāvar-e miyāneh).

Territories and regions[link]

Traditional definition of the Middle East[link]

Country, with flag	Area		Population	Density		Capital	GDP nominal	Per capita	Currency	Government	Official languages
	km	sq mi		/km	/sq mi
Bahrain	665	257	656,397	987	2,560	Manama	$26.970 billion (2008)	$34,605 (2008)	Bahraini Dinar	Constitutional monarchy	Arabic
Cyprus	5,936	2,2922	838,897 (2011)2	90	230	Nicosia	$24.949 billion (2011)	$30,570 (2011)	Euro	Presidential republic	Greek, Turkish
Gaza Strip (not recognized)	360	140	1,376,289	3,823	9,900	Gaza	$770 million (2009)	$3,100 (2009)	Egyptian pound, Israeli new sheqel	Autonomous republic (officially); Theocratic dictatorship (de facto)	Arabic
Egypt	1,002,450	387,050	77,498,000	74	190	Cairo	$442.640 billion (2008)	$5,898 (2008)	Egyptian pound	Military junta	Arabic
Iran	1,648,195	636,372	71,208,000	42	110	Tehran	$819.799 billion (2008)	$11,250 (2008)	Iranian rial	Islamic republic	Persian
Iraq	437,072	168,754	31,001,816	70.93	183.7	Baghdad	$202.3 billion (2008)	$6,500 (2008)	Iraqi dinar	Parliamentary republic	Arabic, Kurdish
Iraqi Kurdistan (not fully sovereign)	40,643	15,692	4,690,939 (2010)	115	300	Arbil	NA	NA	Iraqi dinar	Parliamentary democracy	Kurdish, Arabic, Neo-Aramaic
Israel	20,770	8,020	7,465,000	290	750	Jerusalem	$200.630 billion (2008)	$28,206 (2008)	Israeli new sheqel	Parliamentary democracy	Hebrew, Arabic
Jordan	92,300	35,600	6,407,085	58	150	Amman	$32.112 billion (2008)	$5,314 (2008)	Jordanian dinar	Constitutional monarchy	Arabic
Kuwait	17,820	6,880	3,100,000	119	310	Kuwait City	$137.190 billion (2008)	$39,849 (2008)	Kuwaiti dinar	Constitutional monarchy	Arabic
Lebanon	10,452	4,036	4,224,000	354	920	Beirut	$58.576 billion (2010)	$14,988 (2010)	Lebanese pound	Republic	Arabic (official), French
Northern Cyprus (not recognized)	3,355	1,295	294,906	86	220	Nicosia	$3.9 billion (2008)	$16,158 (2008)	Turkish lira	Republic	Turkish
Oman	212,460	82,030	3,200,000	13	34	Muscat	$66.889 billion (2008)	$24,153 (2008)	Omani Rial	Absolute monarchy	Arabic
Palestinian Authority (not fully sovereign)	5,860	2,260	2,235,000	432	1,120	Ramallah	$12.95 billion (2009)	$2,900 (2009)	Israeli new sheqel	Autonomous republic (elections not held since 2006)	Arabic
Qatar	11,437	4,416	793,341	69	180	Doha	$94.249 billion (2008)	$85,867 (2008)	Qatari Riyal	Absolute monarchy	Arabic
Saudi Arabia	1,960,582	756,985	23,513,330	12	31	Riyadh	$593.385 billion (2008)	$23,834 (2008)	Riyal	Absolute monarchy	Arabic
Syria	185,180	71,500	22,505,000	93	240	Damascus	$105.238 billion (2010)	$5,043 (2010)	Syrian pound	Presidential republic	Arabic
Turkey1	783,562	302,535	78,785,548	91	240	Ankara	$1.028 trillion[20] (2008)	$13,920[20][21] (2008)	Turkish lira	Parliamentary democracy	Turkish
United Arab Emirates	82,880	32,000	5,432,746	30	78	Abu Dhabi	$184.984 billion (2008)	$38,830 (2008)	UAE dirham	Federal Constitutional monarchy	Arabic
Yemen	527,970	203,850	23,701,257	35	91	Sanaá	$55.433 billion (2008)	$2,412 (2008)	Yemeni rial	Semi-presidential republic	Arabic
Source: International Monetary Fund, April 24, 2009, PPP GDP 2008 World Bank, July 1, 2009, PPP GDP 2008 Notes: 1 The figures for Turkey includes Eastern Thrace, which is not a part of Anatolia. 2 Cyprus figures do not include Northern Cyprus.

Greater Middle East[link]

Country, with flag	Area (km²)		Population	Density (per km²)		Capital	GDP (Total)	Per capita	Currency	Government	Official and national languages
	km2	sq mi		/km2	/sq mi
Afghanistan1	647,500	250,000	31,889,923	46	120	Kabul	$21.340 billion (2008)	$758 (2008)	Afghan afghani	Islamic republic	Persian, Pashto
Algeria	2,381,740	919,590	33,333,216	14	36	Algiers	$233.098 billion (2008)	$6,698 (2008)	Algerian dinar	Semi-presidential republic	Arabic (official), Berber (national)
Armenia	29,800	11,500	3,262,200	111.7	289	Yerevan	$18.715 billion (2008)	$5,272 (2008)	Armenian dram	Semi-presidential republic	Armenian
Azerbaijan	86,600	33,400	8,621,000	97	250	Baku	$74.734 billion (2008)	$8,620 (2008)	Azerbaijani manat	Semi-presidential republic	Azerbaijani
Comoros	2,235	863	798,000	275	710	Moroni	$772 million (2009)	$1,159 (2009)	Comorian franc	Federal republic	Comorian, Arabic, French
Djibouti	23,200	9,000	496,374	34	88	Djibouti	$1.877 billion (2008)	$2,392 (2008)	Djiboutian franc	Parliamentary republic	Arabic, French, Somali, Afar
Eritrea	117,600	45,400	4,401,009	37	96	Asmara	$3.739 billion (2008)	$747 (2008)	Nakfa	Provisional government	Tigrinya, Arabic
Georgia	20,460	7,900	4,630,841	99.3	257	Tbilisi	$21.812 billion (2008)	$4,957 (2008)	Georgian lari	Semi-presidential republic	Georgian
Kazakhstan	2,724,900	1,052,100	15,217,711	5.4	14	Astana	$177.545 billion (2008)	$11,416 (2008)	Kazakhstani tenge	Semi-presidential republic	Kazakh, Russian
Kyrgyzstan	199,900	77,200	5,356,869	26	67	Bishkek	$11.580 billion (2008)	$2,180 (2008)	Kyrgyzstani som	Semi-presidential republic	Kyrgyz, Russian
Libya	1,759,540	679,360	6,036,914	3	7.8	Tripoli	$90.251 billion (2008)	$14,533 (2008)	Libyan dinar	Provisional: National Transitional Council	Arabic (official), Berber (national)
Mauritania	1,030,700	398,000	3,291,000	70	180	Nouakchott	$6.221 billion (2008)	$2,052 (2008)	Ouguiya	Islamic republic	Arabic (official), Berber, Wolof
Morocco	710,850	274,460	33,757,175	70	180	Rabat	$136.728 billion (2008)	$4,349 (2008)	Moroccan dirham	Constitutional monarchy	Berber, Arabic (both official)
Pakistan	880,940	340,130	169,300,000	206	530	Islamabad	$439.558 billion (2008)	$2,738 (2008)	Pakistani rupee	Islamic republic	Urdu, English
Somalia	637,661	246,202	9,925,640 [22]	13	34	Mogadishu	$7.890 billion	$795[23]	Somali shilling	Semi-presidential republic	Somali (official), Arabic
Sudan	1,886,068	728,215	30,894,000	14	36	Khartoum	$87.885 billion (2008)	$2,305 (2008)	Sudanese pound	Presidential republic	Arabic, English
Tajikistan	143,100	55,300	7,215,700	45	120	Dushanbe	$13.041 billion (2008)	$2,019 (2008)	Somoni	Semi-presidential republic	Tajik
Tunisia	163,610	63,170	10,102,000	62	160	Tunis	$82.226 billion (2008)	$7,962 (2008)	Tunisian dinar	Semi-presidential republic	Arabic
Turkmenistan	488,100	188,500	5,110,023	9.9	26	Ashgabat	$30.091 billion (2008)	$5,710 (2008)	Turkmenistani manat	Presidential republic	Turkmen
Uzbekistan	447,400	172,700	27,372,000	59	150	Tashkent	$71.501 billion (2008)	$2,629 (2008)	Uzbekistani som	Semi-presidential republic	Uzbek
Western Sahara  Morocco	266,000	103,000	513,000	1.9	4.9	El Aaiun (controlled by Morocco)			Moroccan dirham		Arabic and Berber (both official under Morocco's cosntitution), Hassaniya (recognized by Morocco's constitution)
Source: International Monetary Fund, April 24, 2009, PPP GDP 2008 World Bank, July 1, 2009, PPP GDP 2008 Notes: 1 Afghanistan is often considered Central Asian[24][25]

History[link]

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The Temple Mount in Jerusalem

The Kaaba, located in Mecca

The Middle East lies at the juncture of Eurasia and Africa and of the Mediterranean Sea and the Indian Ocean. It is the birthplace and spiritual center of religions such as Christianity, Islam, Judaism, Manichaeism, Yezidi, Druze, Yarsan and Mandeanism, and in Iran, Mithraism, Zoroastrianism, Manicheanism, and the Bahá'í Faith. Throughout its history the Middle East has been a major center of world affairs; a strategically, economically, politically, culturally, and religiously sensitive area.

The worlds earliest civilizations, Mesopotamia (Sumer, Akkad, Assyria and Babylonia) and ancient Egypt, originated in the Fertile Crescent and Nile Valley regions of the ancient Near East. These were followed by the Hittite, Greek and Urartian civilisations of Asia Minor, Elam in pre Iranian Persia, as well as the civilizations of the Levant (such as Ebla, Ugarit, Canaan, Aramea, Phoenicia and Israel), Persian and Median civilizations in Iran, North Africa (Carthage/Phonecia) and the Arabian Peninsula (Magan, Sheba, Ubar). The Near East was first largely unified under the Neo Assyrian Empire, then the Achaemenid Empire followed later by the Macedonian Empire and after this to some degree by the Iranian empires (namely the Parthian and Sassanid Empires), the Roman Empire and Byzantine Empire. However, it would be the later Arab Caliphates of the Middle Ages, or Islamic Golden Age which began with the Arab conquest of the region in the 7th century AD, that would first unify the entire Middle East as a distinct region and create the dominant Islamic ethnic identity that largely (but not exclusively) persists today. The Mongols, the Turkish Seljuk and Ottoman empires, the Safavids and the British Empire would also later dominate the region.

The modern Middle East began after World War I, when the Ottoman Empire, which was allied with the Central Powers, was defeated by the British Empire and their allies and partitioned into a number of separate nations, initially under British and French Mandates. Other defining events in this transformation included the establishment of Israel in 1948 and the eventual departure of European powers, notably Britain and France by the end of the 1960s. They were supplanted in some part by the rising influence of the United States from the 1970s onwards.

In the 20th century, the region's significant stocks of crude oil gave it new strategic and economic importance. Mass production of oil began around 1945, with Saudi Arabia, Iran, Kuwait, Iraq, and the United Arab Emirates having large quantities of oil.^[26] Estimated oil reserves, especially in Saudi Arabia and Iran, are some of the highest in the world, and the international oil cartel OPEC is dominated by Middle Eastern countries.

During the Cold War, the Middle East was a theater of ideological struggle between the two superpowers and their allies: NATO and the United States on one side, and the Soviet Union and Warsaw Pact on the other, as they competed to influence regional allies. Of course, besides the political reasons there was also the "ideological conflict" between the two systems. Moreover, as Louise Fawcett argues, among many important areas of contention, or perhaps more accurately of anxiety, were, first, the desires of the superpowers to gain strategic advantage in the region, second, the fact that the region contained some two thirds of the world's oil reserves in a context where oil was becoming increasingly vital to the economy of the Western world [...]^[27] Within this contextual framework, the United States sought to divert the Arab world from Soviet influence. Throughout the 20th and into the 21st century, the region has experienced both periods of relative peace and tolerance and periods of conflict and war.

Demographics[link]

Ethnic groups[link]

Various ethnic and religious types present in the Middle East, 19th century

The Middle East is today home to numerous long established ethnic groups, including; Arabs, Turks, Persians, Jews/Israelis, Kurds, Assyrians (Chaldo-Assyrians), Arameans-Syriacs, Egyptian Copts, Armenians, Azeris, Maltese, Circassians, Greeks, Turcomans, Shabaks, Yazidis, Mandeans, Georgians, Roma, Gagauz, Berbers, Mhallami and Samaritans.

Migration[link]

According to the International Organization for Migration, there are 13 million first-generation migrants from Arab nations in the world, of which 5.8 reside in other Arab countries. Expatriates from Arab countries contribute to the circulation of financial and human capital in the region and thus significantly promote regional development. In 2009 Arab countries received a total of 35.1 billion USD in remittance in-flows and remittances sent to Jordan, Egypt and Lebanon from other Arab countries are 40 to 190 per cent higher than trade revenues between these and other Arab countries.^[28]

Non-Arab Middle Eastern countries such as Turkey, Israel and Iran are also subject to important migration dynamics.

A fair proportion of those migrating from Arab nations are from ethnic and religious minorities facing racial and or religious persecution and are not necessarily ethnic Arabs, Iranians or Turks. Large numbers of Kurds, Jews, Assyrians, Greeks and Armenians as well as many Mandeans have left nations such as Iraq, Iran, Syria and Turkey for these reasons during the last century. In Iran, many religious minorities such as Christians, Baha'i and Zoroastrians have left since the Islamic Revolution of 1979.

Religions[link]

The Middle East is very diverse when it comes to religions, many of which originated there. Islam in its many forms is by far the largest religion in the Middle East, but other faiths that originated there, such as Judaism and Christianity, are also well represented. There are also important minority religions like Bahá'í, Yazdânism, Zoroastrianism, Mandeanism, Druze, Yarsan, Yazidism and Shabakism, and in ancient times the region was home to Mesopotamian Religion, Canaanite Religion, Manicheanism, Mithraism and various Monotheist Gnostic sects.

Languages[link]

The five top languages, in terms of numbers of speakers, are Arabic, Persian, Turkish, Berber, and Kurdish. Arabic and Berber represent the Afro-Asiatic language family. Persian and Kurdish belong to the Indo-European language family. And Turkish belongs to Turkic language family. About 20 minority languages are also spoken in the Middle East.

Arabic (with all its dialects) is the most widely spoken and/or written language in the Middle East, being official in all North African and in most West Asian countries. It is also spoken in some adjacent areas in neighbouring Middle Eastern non-Arab countries. It is a member of the Semitic branch of the Afro-Asiatic languages.

Persian is the second most popular. While it is confined to Iran and some border areas in neghbouring countries, the country is one of the region's largest and most populous. It belongs to the Indo-Iranian branch of the family of Indo-European languages.

The third-most widely spoken language, Turkish, is largely confined to Turkey, which is also one of the region's largest and most populous countries, but it is present in areas in neighboring countries. It is a member of the Turkic languages, which have their origins in Central Asia.

Other languages spoken in the region include Semitic languages such as Hebrew and Mesopotamian Aramaic dialects spoken mainly by Assyrians and Mandeans. Also to be found are Armenian, Azerbaijani, Berber which is spoken across North Africa, Circassian, smaller Iranian languages, Kurdish, smaller Turkic languages (such as Gagauz), Shabaki, Yazidi, Roma, Georgian, Greek, and several Modern South Arabian languages such as Geez. Maltese is also linguistically and geographically a Middle Eastern language.

English is commonly taught and used as a second language, especially among the middle and upper classes, in countries such as Egypt, Jordan, Israel, Iran, Iraq, Qatar, Bahrain, United Arab Emirates and Kuwait.^[29][30] It is also a main language in some of the Emirates of the United Arab Emirates.

French is taught and used in many government facilities and media in Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, and Lebanon. It is taught in some primary and secondary schools of Egypt, Israel and Syria. Urdu is widely spoken by migrant communities in many Middle Eastern countries, such as Saudi Arabia (where 20-25% of the population is South Asian), the United Arab Emirates (where 50-55% of the population is South Asian), Israel, and Qatar, which have large numbers of Pakistani immigrants. The largest Romanian-speaking community in the Middle East is found in Israel, where as of 1995^[update] Romanian is spoken by 5% of the population.^[31][32][33] Russian is also spoken by a large portion of the Israeli population, because of emigration in the late 1990s.

Economy[link]

Middle Eastern economies range from being very poor (such as Gaza and Yemen) to extremely wealthy nations (such as Qatar, UAE and Saudi Arabia). Overall, as of 2007^[update], according to the CIA World Factbook, all nations in the Middle East are maintaining a positive rate of growth.

According to the World Bank's World Development Indicators database published on July 1, 2009, the three largest Middle Eastern economies in 2008 were Turkey ($ 794,228,000,000), Saudi Arabia ($ 467,601,000,000) and Iran ($ 385,143,000,000) in terms of Nominal GDP.^[34] In regards to nominal GDP per capita, the highest ranking countries are Qatar ($93,204), the UAE ($55,028), Kuwait ($45,920) and Cyprus ($32,745).^[35] Turkey ($ 1,028,897,000,000), Iran ($ 839,438,000,000) and Saudi Arabia ($ 589,531,000,000) had the largest economies in terms of GDP-PPP.^[20] When it comes to per capita (PPP)-based income, the highest-ranking countries are Qatar ($86,008), Kuwait ($39,915), the UAE ($38,894), Bahrain ($34,662) and Cyprus ($29,853). The lowest-ranking country in the Middle East, in terms of per capita income (PPP), is the autonomous Palestinian Authority of Gaza and the West Bank ($1,100).

The economic structure of Middle Eastern nations are different in the sense that while some nations are heavily dependent on export of only oil and oil-related products (such as Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Kuwait), others have a highly diverse economic base (such as Cyprus, Israel, Turkey and Egypt). Industries of the Middle Eastern region include oil and oil-related products, agriculture, cotton, cattle, dairy, textiles, leather products, surgical instruments, defence equipment (guns, ammunition, tanks, submarines, fighter jets, UAVs, and missiles). Banking is also an important sector of the economies, especially in the case of UAE and Bahrain.

With the exception of Cyprus, Turkey, Egypt, Lebanon and Israel, tourism has been a relatively undeveloped area of the economy, in part because of the socially conservative nature of the region as well as political turmoil in certain regions of the Middle East. In recent years, however, countries such as the UAE, Bahrain, and Jordan have begun attracting greater number of tourists because of improving tourist facilities and the relaxing of tourism-related restrictive policies.

Unemployment is notably high in the Middle East and North Africa region, particularly among young people aged 15–29, a demographic representing 30% of the region’s total population. The total regional unemployment rate in 2005, according to the International Labor Organization, was 13.2%,^[36] and among youth is as high as 25%,^[37] up to 37% in Morocco and 73% in Syria.^[38]

Gallery[link]

This video over Central Africa and the Middle East was taken by the crew of Expedition 29 on board the International Space Station.

This video over the Sahara Desert and the Middle East was taken by the crew of Expedition 29 on board the International Space Station.

A pass beginning over Turkmenistan, east of the Caspian Sea to south-eastern China, just north-west of Hong Kong.

See also[link]

History List of conflicts in the Middle East History of the Middle East Timeline of Middle Eastern History

Regions Greater Middle East Near East Fertile Crescent Central Asia

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Organizations, programs, and media

• Middle East Institute
• Middle East Studies Association of North America
• Middle East Youth Initiative
• Maayan Middle East poetry magazine
• Strategic Foresight Group

Notes[link]

References[link]

• Adelson, Roger (1995). London and the Invention of the Middle East: Money, Power, and War, 1902-1922.. Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-06094-7. 
• Anderson, R., Seibert, R., & Wagner, J. (2006). Politics and Change in the Middle East (8th ed.). Prentice-Hall. 
• Barzilai, Gad.,Klieman Aharon.,Shidlo Gil (1993). The Gulf Crisis and its Global Aftermath. Routledge. ISBN 0-415-08002. 
• Barzilai, Gad. (1996). Wars, Internal Conflicts and Political Order. State University of New York Press. ISBN 0-7914-2943-1. 
• Beaumont, Peter, Gerald H. Blake, J. Malcolm Wagstaff (1988). The Middle East: A Geographical Study. David Fulton. ISBN 0-470-21040-0. 
• Goldschmidt Jr., Arthur (1999). A Concise History of the Middle East. Westview Press. ISBN 0-8133-0471-7. 

External links[link]

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Bernard Lewis

Bernard Lewis, FBA (born May 31, 1916) is a British-American historian, scholar in Oriental studies, and political commentator. He is the Cleveland E. Dodge Professor Emeritus of Near Eastern Studies at Princeton University. He specializes in the history of Islam and the interaction between Islam and the West, and is especially famous in academic circles for his works on the history of the Ottoman Empire.^[1]

Lewis served in the British Army in the Royal Armoured Corps and Intelligence Corps during the Second World War before being seconded to the Foreign Office. After the war, he returned to the School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London and was appointed to the new chair in Near and Middle Eastern History.

Lewis is a widely read expert on the Middle East, and is regarded as one of the West’s leading scholars of that region.^[2] His advice has been frequently sought by policymakers, including the George W. Bush administration.^[3] In the Encyclopedia of Historians and Historical Writing Martin Kramer, whose Ph.D. thesis was directed by Lewis, considered that, over a 60-year career, he has emerged as "the most influential postwar historian of Islam and the Middle East."^[1] Lewis is known for his Armenian genocide denial.^[4][5][6] He is also famous for his public debates with the late Edward Said concerning the latter's book Orientalism (1978), which criticized Lewis.

Biography[link]

Bernard Lewis was born to middle-class Jewish parents in Stoke Newington, London. He became interested in languages and history while preparing for his bar mitzvah.^[7]

Lewis graduated in 1936 from the School of Oriental Studies (now SOAS, School of Oriental and African Studies) at the University of London with a B.A. in history with special reference to the Near and Middle East; and earned his Ph.D. three years later, also from SOAS, specializing in the history of Islam.^[8] Lewis also studied law, going part of the way toward becoming a solicitor, but returned to study Middle Eastern history. He undertook post-graduate studies at the University of Paris, where he studied with the orientalist Louis Massignon and earned the "Diplôme des Études Sémitiques" in 1937.^[1] He returned to SOAS in 1938 as an assistant lecturer in Islamic History.

During the Second World War, Lewis served in the British Army in the Royal Armoured Corps and Intelligence Corps in 1940–41, before being seconded to the Foreign Office. After the war, he returned to SOAS, and in 1949, at the age of 33, he was appointed to the new chair in Near and Middle Eastern History.^[9]

In 1974, aged 57, Lewis accepted a joint position at Princeton University and the Institute for Advanced Study, also located in Princeton, New Jersey. The terms of his appointment were such that Lewis taught only one semester per year, and being free from administrative responsibilities, he could devote more time to research than previously. Consequently, Lewis's arrival at Princeton marked the beginning of the most prolific period in his research career during which he published numerous books and articles based on the previously accumulated materials.^[10] In addition, it was in the U.S. that Lewis became a public intellectual. Upon his retirement from Princeton in 1986, Lewis served at Cornell University until 1990.^[1]

Lewis has been a naturalized citizen of the United States since 1982. He married Ruth Hélène Oppenhejm in 1947 with whom he had a daughter and a son before the marriage was dissolved in 1974.^[1]

In 1966, Lewis was a founding member of the learned society, Middle East Studies Association of North America (MESA), but in 2007, he broke away and founded Association for the Study of the Middle East and Africa (ASMEA) to challenge MESA, which the New York Sun noted as "dominated by academics who have been critical of Israel and of America's role in the Middle East."^[11] The organization was formed as an academic society dedicated to promoting the highest standards of research and teaching in Middle Eastern and African studies, and related fields,^[12] with Lewis as Chairman of its academic council.

In 1990 the National Endowment for the Humanities selected Lewis for the Jefferson Lecture, the U.S. federal government's highest honor for achievement in the humanities. His lecture, entitled "Western Civilization: A View from the East,"^[13] was revised and reprinted in The Atlantic Monthly under the title "The Roots of Muslim Rage."^[14] His 2007 Irving Kristol Lecture, given to the American Enterprise Institute, was published as Europe and Islam.

Research[link]

Lewis' influence extends beyond the academe to the general public. He is a pioneer of the social and economic history of the Middle East and is famous for his extensive research of the Ottoman archives.^[1] He began his research career with the study of medieval Arab, especially Syrian, history.^[1] His first article, dedicated to professional guilds of medieval Islam, had been widely regarded as the most authoritative work on the subject for about thirty years.^[15] However, after the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948, scholars of Jewish origin found it more and more difficult to conduct archival and field research in the Arab countries, where they were suspected of espionage. Therefore, Lewis switched to the study of the Ottoman Empire, while continuing to research Arab history through the Ottoman archives,^[1] which had only recently been opened to Western researchers. A series of articles that Lewis published over the next several years revolutionized the history of the Middle East by giving a broad picture of Islamic society, including its government, economy, and demographics.^[15]

Lewis argues that the Middle East is currently backward and its decline was a largely self-inflicted condition resulting from both culture and religion, as opposed to the post-colonialist view which posits the problems of the region as economic and political maldevelopment mainly due to the 19th century European colonization.^{[citation needed]} In his 1982 work Muslim Discovery of Europe, Lewis argues that Muslim societies could not keep pace with the West and that "Crusader successes were due in no small part to Muslim weakness."^[16] Further, he suggested that as early as the 11th century Islamic societies were decaying, primarily the byproduct of internal problems like "cultural arrogance," which was a barrier to creative borrowing, rather than external pressures like the Crusades.^[1]

In the wake of Soviet and Arab attempts to delegitimize Israel as a racist country, Lewis wrote a study of anti-Semitism, Semites and Anti-Semites (1986).^[1] In other works he argued Arab rage against Israel was disproportionate to other tragedies or injustices in the Muslim world: the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and control of Muslim-majority land in Central Asia, the bloody and destructive fighting during the Hama uprising in Syria (1982), the Algerian civil war (1992–98), and the Iran-Iraq War (1980–88).^[17]

In addition to his scholarly works, Lewis wrote several influential books accessible to the general public: The Arabs in History (1950), The Middle East and the West (1964), and The Middle East (1995).^[1] In the wake of the September 11, 2001 attacks, the interest in Lewis's work surged, especially his 1990 essay The Roots of Muslim Rage. Three of his books were published after 9/11: What Went Wrong? (written before the attacks), which explored the reasons of the Muslim world's apprehension (and sometimes outright hostility) to the modernization, and The Crisis of Islam, and Islam: The Religion and the People (published in 2009).

Armenian Genocide[link]

The first two editions of Lewis' The Emergence of Modern Turkey (1961 and 1968) describe the Armenian massacres of World War I as "the terrible holocaust of 1915, when a million and a half Armenians perished".^[18] In later editions, this text is altered to: "the terrible slaughter of 1915, when, according to estimates, more than a million Armenians perished, as well as an unknown number of Turks."^[19] Lewis was later one of 69 scholars to co-sign a 1985 petition asking the US Congress to avoid a resolution condemning the events as "genocide".

The change in Lewis' textual description of the Armenian massacres, and his signing of the petition against the Congressional resolution, was controversial among some historians and journalists, who suggested that Lewis was engaging in historical revisionism to serve his own political and personal interests.^[20][21] The original text had already drawn criticism for what some historians believe to be its exaggeration of unity and strength among Armenians:^[22] "[Lewis] implies that both had equal military and political force at their disposal to defend their interests. The fact is that the Armenians had neither a police force nor an army".^[23]

Lewis later called the label "genocide" the "Armenian version of this history" in a November 1993 Le Monde article, for which he faced a civil proceeding in a French court. He was ordered to pay one franc as damages for his statements on the Armenian Genocide in Ottoman Turkey. Lewis has stated that while mass murders did occur, he did not believe there was sufficient evidence to conclude it was government-sponsored, ordered or controlled and therefore did not constitute genocide. The court stated that "by concealing elements contrary to his opinion, he neglected his duties of objectivity and prudence".^[24] Three other court cases against Bernard Lewis failed in Paris tribunal, including one filed by the Armenian National Committee of France and two filed by Jacques Trémollet de Villers.^[25]

When Lewis received the National Humanities Medal from US President George W. Bush in November 2006, the Armenian National Committee of America objected: "The President's decision to honor the work of a known genocide denier — an academic mercenary whose politically motivated efforts to cover up the truth run counter to the very principles this award was established to honor — represents a true betrayal of the public trust."^[26]

Lewis' views on the Armenian Genocide were criticized by a number of historians and sociologists, among them Alain Finkielkraut, Yves Ternon, Richard G. Hovannisian, Albert Memmi, Pierre Vidal-Naquet,^{[4][5][6][27][28]} Stephen Zunes described Lewis as a "notorious genocide-denier",^[29] and Yair Auron suggested that "Lewis’ stature provided a lofty cover for the Turkish national agenda of obfuscating academic research on the Armenian Genocide".^[30] Israel Charny wrote that Lewis' "seemingly scholarly concern... of Armenians constituting a threat to the Turks as a rebellious force who together with the Russians threatened the Ottoman Empire, and the insistence that only a policy of deportations was executed, barely conceal the fact that the organized deportations constituted systematic mass murder".^[31] Charny compares the "logical structures" employed by Lewis in his denial of the genocide to those employed by Ernst Nolte in his Holocaust negationism.^[32]

In response, Lewis argued that:

There is no evidence of a decision to massacre. On the contrary, there is considerable evidence of attempts to prevent it, which were not very successful. Yes there were tremendous massacres, the numbers are very uncertain but a million may well be likely,^[33] ...[and] the issue is not whether the massacres happened or not, but rather if these massacres were as a result of a deliberate preconceived decision of the Turkish government... there is no evidence for such a decision.^[34]

Lewis stated that he believed "to make [the Armenian Genocide], a parallel with the Holocaust in Germany" was "rather absurd."^[33] In an interview with Ha'aretz he stated:

The deniers of Holocaust have a purpose: to prolong Nazism and to return to Nazi legislation. Nobody wants the 'Young Turks' back, and nobody wants to have back the Ottoman Law. What do the Armenians want? The Armenians want to benefit from both worlds. On the one hand, they speak with pride of their struggle against the Ottoman despotism, while on the other hand, they compare their tragedy to the Jewish Holocaust. I do not accept this. I do not say that the Armenians did not suffer terribly. But I find enough cause for me to contain their attempts to use the Armenian massacres to diminish the worth of the Jewish Holocaust and to relate to it instead as an ethnic dispute.^[35]

Views and influence on contemporary politics[link]

In the mid-1960s, Lewis emerged as a commentator on the issues of the modern Middle East, and his analysis of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the rise of militant Islam brought him publicity and aroused significant controversy. American historian Joel Beinin has called him "perhaps the most articulate and learned Zionist advocate in the North American Middle East academic community ..."^[36] Lewis's policy advice has particular weight thanks to this scholarly authority.^[15] U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney remarked: "...in this new century, his wisdom is sought daily by policymakers, diplomats, fellow academics, and the news media."^[37]

A harsh critic of the Soviet Union, Lewis continues the liberal tradition in Islamic historical studies. Although his early Marxist views had a bearing on his first book The Origins of Ismailism, Lewis subsequently discarded Marxism. His later works are a reaction against the left-wing current of Third-worldism, which came to be a significant current in Middle Eastern studies.^[1]

Lewis advocates closer Western ties with Israel and Turkey, which he saw as especially important in light of the extension of the Soviet influence in the Middle East. Modern Turkey holds a special place in Lewis's view of the region due to the country's efforts to become a part of the West.^[1] He is an Honorary Fellow of the Institute of Turkish Studies, an honor which is given "on the basis of generally recognized scholarly distinction and... long and devoted service to the field of Turkish Studies."^[38]

Lewis views Christendom and Islam as civilizations that have been in perpetual collision since the advent of Islam in the 7th century. In his essay The Roots of Muslim Rage (1990), he argued that the struggle between the West and Islam was gathering strength. According to one source, this essay (and Lewis' 1990 Jefferson Lecture on which the article was based) first introduced the term "Islamic fundamentalism" to North America.^[39] This essay has been credited with coining the phrase "clash of civilizations", which received prominence in the eponymous book by Samuel Huntington.^[40] However, another source indicates that Lewis first used the phrase "clash of civilizations" at a meeting in Washington in 1957 where it is recorded in the transcript.^[41]

In 1998, Lewis read in a London-based newspaper Al-Quds Al-Arabi a declaration of war on the United States by Osama bin Laden. In his essay "A License to Kill", Lewis indicated he considered bin Laden's language as the "ideology of jihad" and warned that bin Laden would be a danger to the West.^[40] The essay was published after the Clinton administration and the US intelligence community had begun its hunt for bin Laden in Sudan and then in Afghanistan.

Views on Islam[link]

Lewis presents some of his conclusions about Islamic culture, Shari'a Law, jihad, and the modern day phenomenon of terrorism in his text, Islam: The Religion and the People.^[42] He writes of jihad as a distinct "religious obligation", but suggests that "it is a pity" that people engaging in terrorist activities are not more aware of their own religion:

Muslim fighters are commanded not to kill women, children, or the aged unless they attack first; not to torture or otherwise ill-treat prisoners; to give fair warning of the opening of hostilities or their resumption after a truce; and to honor agreements... At no time did the classical jurists offer any approval or legitimacy to what we nowadays call terrorism. Nor indeed is there any evidence of the use of terrorism as it is practiced nowadays."^[43]

In Lewis' view, the "by now widespread terrorism practice of suicide bombing is a development of the 20th century" with "no antecedents in Islamic history, and no justification in terms of Islamic theology, law, or tradition."^[44] He further comments that "the fanatical warrior offering his victims the choice of the Koran or the sword is not only untrue, it is impossible" and that "generally speaking, Muslim tolerance of unbelievers was far better than anything available in Christendom, until the rise of secularism in the 17th century."^[45]

Stance on the Iraq War[link]

Jacob Weisberg has described Lewis as "perhaps the most significant intellectual influence behind the invasion of Iraq".^[46] Michael Hirsh has attributed to him the view that regime change in Iraq would provide a jolt that would "modernize the Middle East" and suggested that Lewis' allegedly 'Orientalist' theories about "What Went Wrong" in the Middle East, and other writings, formed the intellectual basis of the push towards war in Iraq.^[47]

Writing in 2008, Lewis did not advocate imposing freedom and democracy on Islamic nations. "There are things you can't impose. Freedom, for example. Or democracy. Democracy is a very strong medicine which has to be administered to the patient in small, gradually increasing doses. Otherwise, you risk killing the patient. In the main, the Muslims have to do it themselves."^[48]

Ian Buruma, writing for The New Yorker in an article subtitled "The two minds of Bernard Lewis", finds Lewis's stance on the war difficult to reconcile with Lewis's past statements cautioning democracy's enforcement in the world at large. Buruma ultimately rejects suggestions by his peers that Lewis promotes war with Iraq to safeguard Israel, but instead concludes "perhaps he (Lewis) loves it (the Arab world) too much":

It is a common phenomenon among Western students of the Orient to fall in love with a civilization. Such love often ends in bitter impatience when reality fails to conform to the ideal. The rage, in this instance, is that of the Western scholar. His beloved civilization is sick. And what would be more heartwarming to an old Orientalist than to see the greatest Western democracy cure the benighted Muslim? It is either that or something less charitable: if a final showdown between the great religions is indeed the inevitable result of a millennial clash, then we had better make sure that we win.^[49]

Alleged nuclear threat from Iran[link]

In 2006, Lewis wrote that Iran had been working on a nuclear weapon for fifteen years. In August 2006, in an article about whether the world can rely on the concept of mutual assured destruction as a deterrent in its dealings with Iran, Lewis wrote in the Wall Street Journal about the significance of August 22, 2006 in the Islamic calendar. The Iranian president had indicated he would respond by that date to U.S. demands regarding Iran's development of nuclear power; Lewis wrote that the date corresponded to the 27th day of the month of Rajab of the year 1427, the day Muslims commemorate the night flight of the prophet Muhammad from Jerusalem to heaven and back. Lewis wrote that it would be "an appropriate date for the apocalyptic ending of Israel and, if necessary, of the world."^[50] According to Lewis, mutual assured destruction is not an effective deterrent in the case of Iran, because of what Lewis describes as the Iranian leadership's "apocalyptic worldview" and the "suicide or martyrdom complex that plagues parts of the Islamic world today".^[51] He then suggests the possibility of a nuclear strike on Israel on August 22, 2006:

What is the significance of Aug. 22? This year, Aug. 22 corresponds, in the Islamic calendar, to the 27th day of the month of Rajab of the year 1427. This, by tradition, is the night when many Muslims commemorate the night flight of the prophet Muhammad on the winged horse Buraq, first to "the farthest mosque," usually identified with Jerusalem, and then to heaven and back^{[Quran 17:1]}. This might well be deemed an appropriate date for the apocalyptic ending of Israel and if necessary of the world. It is far from certain that Mr. Ahmadinejad plans any such cataclysmic events precisely for Aug. 22. But it would be wise to bear the possibility in mind.^[51]

The article received significant press coverage though the day passed without any incident.^[52]

In his 2009 book, Juan Cole responded that there was no evidence to suggest that Iran "had been working assiduously on a nuclear weapon for fifteen years". He also takes issue with Lewis' suggestion that Ahmedinejad "might deploy this weapon against Israel on August 22, 2006":

Lewis's beliefs about Iran are even more bizarre than Ahmadinejad's about Israel, but unfortunately he had the ear of the Bush administration. Of course, nothing came of his ridiculous prophecy, which said more about the irrational anxieties of Western ultra-Zionists than about Iranian political reality.^[53]

Debates with Edward Said[link]

Lewis is known for his literary sparrings with Edward W. Said, the Palestinian-American literary theorist whose aim was to deconstruct what he called Orientalist scholarship. Said, a professor at Columbia University, characterised Lewis's work as a prime example of Orientalism in his 1978 book Orientalism. Said asserted that the field of Orientalism was political intellectualism bent on self-affirmation rather than objective study,^[54] a form of racism, and a tool of imperialist domination.^[55] He further questioned the scientific neutrality of some leading Middle East scholars such as Bernard Lewis on the Arab World. In an interview with Al-Ahram Weekly, Said suggested that Lewis' knowledge of the Middle East was so biased it could not be taken seriously, and claimed "Bernard Lewis hasn't set foot in the Middle East, in the Arab world, for at least 40 years. He knows something about Turkey, I'm told, but he knows nothing about the Arab world." ^[56]