Leonel Brizola
23rd Mayor of Porto Alegre
In office January 1, 1956 – December 29, 1958
Preceded by	Martin Aranha
Succeeded by	Tristão Sucupira Viana
23rd Governor of Rio Grande do Sul
In office March 25, 1959 – March 25, 1963
Preceded by	Ildo Meneghetti
Succeeded by	Ildo Meneghetti
53rd Governor of Rio de Janeiro
In office March 15, 1983 – March 15, 1987
Preceded by	Chagas Freitas
Succeeded by	Moreira Franco
55th Governor of Rio de Janeiro
In office March 15, 1991 – April 2, 1994
Preceded by	Moreira Franco
Succeeded by	Nilo Batista
Personal details
Born	Leonel de Moura Brizola January 22, 1922 Carazinho, Rio Grande do Sul
Died	June 21, 2004(2004-06-21) (aged 82) Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro
Political party	Democratic Labour Party
Other political affiliations	Brazilian Labour Party
Spouse(s)	Neusa Goulart Brizola
Relations	João Goulart (brother-in-law)
Children	Neusinha, José Vicente, and João Otávio
Profession	Civil engineer

Leonel de Moura Brizola (January 22, 1922 – June 21, 2004) was a Brazilian politician. Launched in politics by Getúlio Vargas, Brizola was the only politician to serve as governor of two different states in the whole history of Brazil. In 1959 he was elected governor of Rio Grande do Sul, and in 1982 and 1990 he was elected governor of Rio de Janeiro. He was also vice-president of the Socialist International, as well as Honorary President of that organization for a few months, from October 2003 until his death. Brizola and his party (Democratic Labour Party) preached and practiced a kind of social democratic left-wing^[1] policy.

Early Life and Rise Unto Preeminence (1922-1964)[link]

The son of a small farmer who was killed when fighting as a volunteer in the 1923 local civil war for the rebel leader Assis Brasil against Rio Grande's dictator Borges de Medeiros, Brizola was christened Itagiba, but early in life adopted the alias of Leonel, for the rebel warlord Leonel Rocha, known as "The Muleteer of Freedom". He left his mother's house at eleven, working in Porto Alegre as a paperboy, shoeshiner and other occasional jobs until completing high school and entering college, where he graduated in engineering, a trade in which he never worked, as he entered professional politics in his early twenties, being elected to the Rio Grande State Assembly in 1946.^[2] By his marriage to Neusa Goulart, João Goulart's sister, in which he had former President Getúlio Vargas as best man, Brizola became not only a wealthy landowner but also a regional leadership of the Brazilian Labour Party (Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro or PTB). After Vargas's death, he inherited the undisputed regional leadership of his party, while his brother-in-law ruled the PTB national caucus.^[3] Both perpetuated Vargas' populist tradition, specially, in Brizola's case, the practice of a direct personal link between charismatic leader and the broad masses. During the presidency of Goulart (1961–1964) Brizola was an important supporter of his brother-in-law, first as governor and later as a deputy in the National Congress of Brazil.

As governor of Rio Grande do Sul, Brizola raised himself to preeminence for his social policies, expressed in the speedy building of public schools in poor neighbourhoods across the state (brizoletas)^[4] as well as for his nationalist policies, specially his nationalization of American public utilities trusts' assets in the state, such as ITT and Electric Bond & Share.^[5] He gained nationwide visibility mostly by acting in defense of democracy and Goulart's rights as president. When Jânio Quadros resigned from the presidency in August 1961, the Brazilian military ministers in the Cabinet attempted to prevent Vice-President Goulart from becoming president for his allegedly ties with the Communist movement.^[6] After winning support from the local army commander, General Machado Lopes, Brizola forged a pool of radio stations in Rio Grande do Sul, the so-called "cadeia da legalidade" (legality chain), issuing a nationwide call from Palácio Piratini denouncing the intentions behind the Cabinet ministers' actions and conclaimimg common citizens to go into the streets protesting. Also, Brizola toyed with handing out firearms to civilians, surrendered the State Police Force to the regional army command and began organizing paramilitary Committees of Democratic Resistance.^[7] After twelve days of impending civil war, the attempted coup failed, and Goulart was inaugurated as president.^[8]

Brizola, however, had developed presidential aspirations of his own, which he could not legally fulfill, as Brazilian law didn't allow close relatives of the acting President to present themselves as candidates for the following term of office; therefore, between 1961 and 1964, Brizola acted as the radical wing of the independent left, pressuring for an agenda of radical social and political reforms in general as well as for a specific change in the electoral legislation that allowed for his presidential candidacy in 1965. Seem as personally authoritarian and quarrelsome, and not above dealing with his enemies by means of physical aggression - as in a famous case when he hit the maverick rightwing journalist David Nasser in public at the middle of the Rio de janeiro airport^[9] - Brizola acted in the political game around the Goulart government - specially after his landslide 1962 election to Congress as a representative for the State of Guanabara - as a freebooter, being feared and hated by both the moderate Left and the Right.

In early 1963, Brizola took control of a radio broadcast, Rádio Mayrink Veiga, which he used as a means to propagate his fiery rhetorics, at the same time toying with constituting a grassroots network of political cells composed of small groups of armed men, the so-called "elevensome" (Grupos de Onze - paramilitary parties modelled on a soccer team).^[10] In a classification developed by Goulart's Foreign Minister and leader of the moderate left, Santiago Dantas, Brizola was the epitome of the "negative left"^[11] - a definition somewhat obscure, given the notorious absence, in Brizola's case, of clear ideological commitments. Generally, he stood for an extreme Left Nationalism (land reform, extension of the franchise for illiterates and NCOs)and for tight controls over foreign investment, something that earned him the hatred of the American ambassador to Brazil, Lincoln Gordon, who went so far as to compare Brizola's propaganda techniques with those of Joseph Goebbels^[12] - a mood partaken by most of contemporary American midia^[13] In late 1963, after a conservative plan of economic adjustment (Plano Trienal) devised by the Ministry of Planning Celso Furtado had failed, Brizola involved himself in a bid for power by means of an attempt to topple Goulart's economically conservative Minister of Finance Carvalho Pinto in order to take the post himself, an attempt that failed—the post was given to a nonentity—but made much to radicalize Brazilian political life at the time.^[14]

Exile and Return (1964-1979)[link]

In April 1964, when a coup d'état overthrew Goulart, Brizola one of the few political leaders to offer active support for the president, sheltering him in Porto Alegre, capital of Rio Grande do Sul with the hope that democracy would be restored. (Governor Miguel Arraes of Pernambuco also supported Goulart, but Arraes was detained as soon as the coup was declared.) Because of his connection with Goulart, the military regime exiled Brizola in 1964; he went to Uruguay, where Goulart had gone into exile earlier that year.

Excepted for a botched attempt by his sympathizers at the articulation of a theater for guerrila warfare in the mountains of Caparaó, which was suppressed without a single fire being shot and raised suspicions about his mismanaging of funds offered him by Fidel Castro^[15] - Brizola spent the first ten-odd years of the Brazilian military dictatorship generally left on his own in Uruguay, where he managed his wife's landed property and kept aloof from various opposition movements in Brazil. In the late 1970s, however, the emergence of a military dictatorship in Uruguay itself allowed the Brazilian government to pressure the authorities of Uruguay to seize Brizola, into the framework of Operation Condor, the cooperation between Latin American dictatorships for hounding leftist opponents. Brizola may have owned his physical survival to the efforts of the Jimmy Carter administration to curb Human Right abuses in Latin America,^[16] as in 1977 he was deported from Uruguay for alleged "violations of norms of political asylum", and was given immediate asylum in the United States.^[17]

According to recent declassified Brazilian diplomatic documents, on the 20th. of September 1977, Brizola and his wife went to Buenos Aires - from whence they would take a plane to the USA, and at the time a very dangerous place for Latin American exiles - followed by American CIA agents, staying overnight in a CIA safe house at the Argentinian capital, from where they boarded a nonstop flight to New York on September 22.^[18] Afterwards, Brizola moved from the USA to live in Portugal.

In the late 1970s the Brazilian military dictatorship was in the wane; in 1978, as passports were quietly being given to prominent political exiles, however, Brizola remained blacklisted, alongside with a core group of supposedly "radicals" as "public enemy number one", and was refused the right of return.^[19] It was only in 1979, after a general amnesty, that his exile came to an end.

[edit] Late Brizolismo (1979-1989)

President Dilma Rousseff, then a founding member of PDT, with Brizola.

Brizola returned to Brazil with the avowed intention of restoring the Brazilian Labour Party as a radical nationalist Left mass movement and as a confederacy of historical Vargoist bigwigs. However he was hampered in that by the emergence of news grassroots movements such as the new trade unionism centered around the São Paulo metalworkers and their leader Luis Inacio Lula da Silva, as well as the Catholic grassroots organizations of the rural poor spawned by the National Conference of Catholic Bishops, CNBB. Eventually, he was denied the right to use the historical name of the Brazilian Labour Party, previously conceded to a rival group centered around a military dictatorship-friendly figure, the Congresswoman Ivete Vargas, Getúlio Vargas' grandniece.^[20] Instead, Brizola had to found an entirely new party, the Democratic Labour Party (Partido Democrático Trabalhista, PDT).^[21] The party joined the Socialist International in 1986, and since then the party symbol contains a hand with a red flower (symbol of SI).

Brizola quickly restored his position of political prominence in his home state of Rio Grande do Sul, at the same time acquiring political preeminence in the State of Rio de Janeiro, where, en lieu of associating with official trade unionism, he searched a basis of support among the unorganized urban poor, by means of an ideological tie-in between traditional radical nationalism and a charismatic lumpen-friendly populism, in what a scholar called "the aesthetics of the ugly"^[22]: for his accusers, Brizola and his Brizolismo stood for shady deals with the dangerous classes; for its supporters, they stood for the empowerment (although in a paternalistic fashion) of the destitute, the lowest, least organized and poorest layers of the working classes ("Politics, from a Brizolista viewpoint, is above all to assume a radical option for the poor and the meek"^[23]). In short, the late Brizola shunned the class-based, corporatist character of his early populism, adopting instead a Christian rhetorics of friendship to the "people" in general, more akin to the Russian narodniks^[24] than to classical Latin American populism.^[25] Such radical populism, however, required the charismatic and highly personal leadership of Brizola's in order to function effectively; in his absence - or without the presence, at least, of his persona^[26] - the PDT could never become a contender to power, something that hampered its development on the national level.

In 1982, Brizola entered the race for governor of the State of Rio de Janeiro, in the first free and direct gubernatorial elections in that state since 1965. He ran a ticket of candidates for Congress that tried to compensate his party's lack of cadres by offering a rooster of people with no previous ties to professional politics, such as the Native Brazilian leader Mário Juruna and the singer Agnaldo Timóteo. At the same time, he centered his personal campaign on burning issues such as education and public security, offering a candidacy that had clear oppositional overtones and proposed to upheld the Vargoist legacy. By developing a nucleus of combative militants around himself - the so-called Brizolândia - Brizola led a campaign that melded violent confrontations and street brawls with a paradoxically festive mood.^[27] Brizola kept and expanded his nationwide political visibility during his controversial first term (1983–1987) as governor of Rio, during which he developed his early education policies in a grander scale, by means of an ambitious programme of construction of huge fundamental and high school buildings, the so-called CIEPs(" Integrated Centers for Public Education") whose architectural project had been made by Oscar Niemeyer and were supposed to function on a day long base, providing for feeding as well as for recreational activities to students. At the same time, he developed policies for providing public services and recognized housing property for dwellers in shantytowns. In a nutshell, Brizola opposed policies for shantytowns based on forcible resettlement to housing projects, proposing instead, in the words of his chief adviser Darcy Ribeiro,that "slums are not part of the problem, but part of the solution" - once property rights were acknowledged and basic infrastructure provided, it was up to the shantytown dwellers themselves to find their own solutions as far as house-building was concerned.^[28]

Also, Brizola adopted a radically new policy for police action in the poor suburbs and slums (favelas) within the Rio de Janeiro metropolitan area. Alleging old relations and modus operandi were founded on repression, conflict and disrespect, he ordered the state police to be refrain from random criminal-searching raids at favelas and also repressed the activities of vigilante death squads, which included policemen on leave.^[29] These policies were opposed by the Right, who contended that it made slums an open territory for organized crime, represented by huge gangs like Comando Vermelho (Red Command), by means of a conflation between common criminality and leftism: it was alleged that gangs had been born through the association of common convicted prisoners and leftist political prisoners in the 1970s.

Brizola's policies, which included a no small amount of porkbarrel^[30] poor management and wild spending of public funds, nevertheless procured for him the political clout required for running for president in 1989.

It was during the 1989 election that Brizola's charismatic leadership would expose its shortcomings, as he finished the first run third, losing the second position, which would have qualified him for a runoff, by a very narrow margin to Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, whose Workers' Party had exactly the cadres, the professional activism and the deep penetration in the organized social movements that Brizola's lacked. Eventually, Fernando Collor de Mello was elected in the runoff. Brizola carried the elections regionally, winning huge majorities in both his home state of Rio Grande do Sul and in his adopted home state of Rio de Janeiro, but never got more than 2% of the votes from São Paulo state.

Brizola, however, was a staunch supporter of Lula's candidacy in the 1989 run-off elections, something he justified by an humorous declaration before PDT cronies the was to remain to this day in Brazilian political lore: "I will be candid: a politician from the old school, Senator Pinheiro Machado, once said that politics is the art of swallowing toads (engolir sapo). Wouldn't that be fascinating to forcefeed Brazilian élites and having them to swallow the Bearded Toad, Lula?"^[31]

Political Decline and Death (1989-2004)[link]

After the 1989 election, there were still chances that Brizola could achieve his dream of winning the Presidency if only he could overcome his party's absence of national penetration. Therefore, some of his advisers proposed him a candidacy to the Senate in the ensuing 1990 elections, something that could offer him national highlights. Brizola, however, refused, preferring to present himself as a candidate to the gubernatorial elections in the same year, winning a second term as Governor of Rio de Janeiro by a first-round majority of 60.88% of all valid ballots.^[32] The second term of Brizola as Rio's governor was a political failure, whose hallmark were the various instances of disorganized management caused by Brizola's ultra centralism and distaste for proper bureaucratic procedure, being further marred by the support eventually offered by Brizola to the Collor administration in exchange for funds for public works, something that made Brizola to be charged with collaborating with the embezzlement schemes that would lead to Collor's 1992 impeachment.^[33]

Clearly emptied of national support and forsaken by close associates such as Cesar Maia and Anthony Garotinho, who decided to abandon Brizola's ship for the sake of their personal careers, Brizola nevertheless ran again for president on the PDT's ticket, amid the success of Minister of Finance and presidential candidate Fernando Henrique Cardoso's anti-inflation Plano Real. The 1994 presidential elections were a huge failure for Brizola, who scored a poor fifth place on an election in which Cardoso was elected in the first round by an absolute majority.^[34] It was the end of Brizolismo as a national political force, as expressed by the fact that, some weeks before actual elections, the kiosk in downtown Rio de Janeiro, around which Brizolandia cronies met, was torn down by City Hall officers, never to be rebuilt.^[35] Four years later, Brizola contented himself with a Vice Presidential candidacy on Lula's ticket: both lost to Cardoso.

In his latest years, however, Brizola took still another shift in his jagged relationship with Lula and the Workers' Party, refusing to support them in the first round of the 2002 presidential elections, supporting instead the candidacy of Ciro Gomes for president, while personally entering the race for a seat in the Senate. Gomes finished third, while Lula was elected president and Brizola lost his bid for the Senate, in what was his end even as a regional force. The PDT had a weak showing against new parties in Brazil's political scene^{[citation needed]}, so Brizola became a secondary figure in his last two years. Despite supporting Lula at some periods during his career, Brizola's last public acts were criticizing Lula for what he termed neoliberalist policies and for neglecting traditional left-wing and workers' struggles.

Brizola died in 2004, after a heart attack.

References[link]

v t e Governors of Rio Grande do Sul (1889–2012) José Antônio Correia Câmara Júlio Anacleto Falcão da Frota Francisco da Silva Tavares Carlos Machado de Bittencourt Cândido José da Costa Fernando Abbot Júlio Prates de Castilhos José Antônio Correia Câmara Vitoriano Ribeiro Carneiro Monteiro Fernando Abbot Júlio Prates de Castilhos Borges de Medeiros Carlos Barbosa Gonçalves Borges de Medeiros Getúlio Vargas Oswaldo Aranha Sinval Saldanha José Antônio Flores da Cunha Manuel de Cerqueira Daltro Filho Joaquim Maurício Cardoso Cordeiro de Farias Ernesto Dornelles Samuel Figueiredo da Silva Pompílio Cylon Fernandes Rosa Walter Só Jobim Ernesto Dornelles Ildo Meneghetti Leonel Brizola Ildo Meneghetti Walter Peracchi Barcelos Euclides Triches Sinval Guazzelli José Augusto Amaral de Souza Jair Soares Pedro Simon Sinval Guazzelli Alceu Collares Antônio Britto Olívio Dutra Germano Rigotto Yeda Crusius Tarso Genro

v t e Governors of Rio de Janeiro (1889 — 2012) Quintino Bocaiúva Nilo Peçanha Chaves de Oliveira A. A. Guimarães Backer Chaves de Oliveira Nilo Peçanha F. Xavier da S. Guimarães Angelo Geraque Collet FRaul de Morais Veiga Feliciano P. Abreu Sodré Aurelino de Araújo Leal Feliciano P. Abreu Sodré Manuel de M. D. Silva Demécrito Barbosa Plínio de Castro Casado João Mena Barreto Pantaleão Pesoa Ari Parreiras Newton Cavalcanti Protógenes Guimarães Ernani do Amaral Peixoto Abel Sauerbronn Lucio Martins Meira Hugo Silva F. de Paula Lupério Santos Álvaro Rocha Pereira da Silva Edmundo Macedo e Silva Ernani do Amaral Peixoto Miguel Couto Filho Togo de Póvoa de Barros Roberto Silveira Celso Peçanha José de Carvalho Jannotti Luís Miguel Pinaud Badger Silveira Cordolino José Ambrósio Paulo Francisco Torres Teotônio Ferreira Mattos Fontes Raimundo Padilha Floriano P. Faria Lima Antônio Chagas Freitas Leonel Brizola Moreira Franco Leonel Brizola Nilo Batista Marcello Alencar Anthony Garotinho Benedita da Silva Rosângela Matheus Sérgio Cabral Filho

External links[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Leonel Brizola

• Socialista International honours the memory of Leonel Brizola

Paulo Salim Maluf
Governor of São Paulo (appointed)
In office March 15, 1979 – May 14, 1982
Preceded by	Paulo Egídio Martins
Succeeded by	José Maria Marin
Mayor of São Paulo
In office January 1, 1993 – December 31, 1996
Preceded by	Luiza Erundina de Souza
Succeeded by	Celso Pitta
Mayor of São Paulo (appointed)
In office April 8, 1969 – April 7, 1971
Preceded by	José Vicente Faria Lima
Succeeded by	José Carlos de Figueiredo Ferraz
Personal details
Born	(1931-09-03) September 3, 1931 (age 80) São Paulo, São Paulo, Brazil
Political party	PP, ARENA
Alma mater	University of São Paulo
Occupation	Civil engineer

Paulo Salim Maluf (Portuguese pronunciation: [ˈpawlu sɐˈʎĩ maˈlufi]; born September 3, 1931 in São Paulo) is a Brazilian politician with a career spanning over four decades and many functions, including those of State Governor of São Paulo, Mayor of the City of São Paulo, Congressman and Presidential candidate. As of 2011, Maluf is on a second consecutive term as Federal Deputy. His political base is founded on populism, conservatism and the provision of major public works.

His career has been plagued with substantial allegations of corruption, although he was never convicted on one charge by the Brazilian courts.He is the president of the local branch, in the state of São Paulo, of the right-wing Progressive Party of Brazil (PP), heir to the old National Renewal Alliance Party (ARENA).

Early life[link]

Paulo Salim Maluf, the son of Lebanese Christian immigrants Salim Farah Maluf and Maria Stephan Maluf, was born in São Paulo, and graduated 1954 in engineering at the University of São Paulo (USP), where coincidentally he was a colleague of the late Mário Covas, another important Brazilian politician who would later become one of his biggest political rivals.

At the time a self-acknowledged playboy with a taste for fast-racing sportscars,^[1] Maluf entered professional politics thanks to his family's friendship with the then military president Artur da Costa e Silva, with whom he shared a common interest in Horse racing bets.^[2] Banking on this friendship, he was to be appointed mayor of São Paulo in 1969, replacing the very popular Faria Lima. In a manner very similar to New York’s Robert Moses, he suspended the construction of the São Paulo Metro and built one of the most controversial constructions of Brazil: Costa e Silva elevated expressway, also known as Minhocão (“Big Earthworm” in Portuguese). This expressway is seen as responsible for the degradation of a great area of São Paulo´s downtown by placing a high-traffic elevated road in the middle of a residential area and is considered as the hallmark of the military dictatorship's – and Maluf's – authoritarian, road enhancement^[3] and private-car-friendly urban policies in São Paulo – its building being made possible only by the impossibility of a public reaction to it on the surrounding community's side.^[4]

Contender for the Presidency[link]

Maluf with President João Figueiredo in the 1980s.

In 1972, following his mayorship, he served as secretary of transport of the state of São Paulo. He would then dispute a convention of the dictatorship's ruling party, ARENA – which was supposed to be a rubber-stamping caucus aimed at choosing as official "candidate" to the state government the former governor Laudo Natel. Maluf, however, succeed in being appointed official candidate^[5] for the following indirect elections by the State Legislative – something he did by means of abundant personal (and generous) promises to the convention's members^[6] – being afterwards elected governor for the state of São Paulo in 1978.

During his ensuing term (1979–1983), Maluf used his position for advertising his prospective candidacy to the Presidency in the forthcoming 1985 indirect elections, by means mostly of schemes such as donation of ambulances to impoverished municipalities in Northeastern Brazil, as well as decorating influential people with the State's chief decoration – having them flown to São Paulo free of charge and lodged in luxury hotels before the official decoration ceremony. He also spent wildly in public works, including in some schemes of doubtful validity, such as in an eventually failed plan to move the state's capital city.^[7] It was because of such schemes that one of the most notable accusations of corruption against him emerged, concerning the oil company Paulipetro. This was a state company founded by Maluf during his tenure as governor with the purpose of digging the state for oil and which consumed around US$500 million whilst drilling 21 holes and finding nothing but a few pockets of natural gas and water.By then, Maluf had already fostered a reputation "for engaging in corrupt machine politics".^[8]

In 1982, he was elected federal deputy with a then national record 672 629 votes and came to stand as the military's preferred presidential candidate for the 1985 presidential elections- the last to be held by means of an Electoral College – where he stood a good chance of winning. His overweening strategy, however, stranged him from most of the party bosses – the civilian caucus which had provided political support to the military dictatorship in the last twenty years. That caused his PDS party (as the current PP was known at the time) to splinter into the PFL, a move that made good the mutual alienation between the ruling military scheme and its civilian base,^[9] something which resulted in the election of oppositional candidate Tancredo Neves.

Post-dictatorship career and political resilience[link]

Maluf and fellow Progressive Party Federal Deputy Simão Sessim in 2007.

Since then, Maluf only managed to get himself elected to the Executive once, in 1992, again as mayor of São Paulo, despite his participation in nearly every gubernatorial and mayoral election for São Paulo state and São Paulo city, with the exception of 1989 when he was a presidential candidate in the first direct presidential elections since 1960 – in what was a disastrous campaign, remembered in Brazilian political lore only because of Maluf's "antic", said at a speech made to Medical Faculty students in Belo Horizonte: declaring himself favourable to capital punishment in cases of rape followed by murder, he said jokingly that "if one has sexual urges, that's okay; rape, but do not kill!" (estupra mas não mata).^[10] Nevertheless, Maluf remained a regional political force in São Paulo, the election of Celso Pitta as São Paulo city mayor being directly attributed to his endorsement. When he ended his last mayoral term in 1996, he was considered the best mayor that São Paulo had already been with 80% approval. In 2011 a survey by the Datafolha research firm, after asking a sample of São Paulo locals about who would be the best mayor the city had ever had, obtained the result that Maluf stood first with 47% of the sample's preferences.

This high rate of local approval stands as a reflexion of the fact that Maluf was able to forge himself a successful career in post-dictatorship Brazil, despite his perennial reputation for shady deals and for an unsavory personality^[11] pointing directly to his former connections to the authoritarian régime.^[12] This has led various scholars to try to explain his political resilience. To some, this resilience is of an ideological nature: having his career nurtured in a right-wing military dictatorship, Maluf came to stand for a kind of reactionary activism, specially strong among small businesspeople and the self-employed,^[13] whose hallmark consisted "in the refusal to admit the social character of social problems", proposing instead a heavy-handed approach to them.^[14] In the words of the philosopher Marilena Chaui, writing in the mid-1980s, malufismo stood for the privatization of political power: "a fringe form of the [military] dictatorship as it turned from raw force into mob rule".^[15]

Later life and scandal mongering[link]

However, one of the consequences of Pitta's disastrous administration in São Paulo, was that it left the São Paulo municipality mired in debt, as such drawing attention to Maluf's and his former protegé's management practices: in the words of a Brazilian professor at the end of Pitta's term, "Sao Paulo's corruption has been transformed into a public horror from the whispered-about horror it always was". That called eventually for judicial scrutiny of Maluf's policies, specially his public works, his relentless extension of "the city's [São Paulo's] unmitigating concrete sprawl".^[16] One notable example of the allegations of corruption that surfaced around Maluf was the Ayrton Senna tunnel, which passes underneath Ibirapuera Park and cost more, per kilometer, than the Channel Tunnel (it is alleged that the tunnel cost over US$400 million more than it should). Under dispute is Maluf's personal wealth, which critics attribute to his involvement in corruption scandals; supporters, conversely, point to a legitimate origin of such wealth in his family's companies – namely the mamoooth plywood trust Eucatex.

Maluf was also part of an extensive investigation, by a Parliamentary Inquiry Committee set up in 2003, regarding money laundering involving bank accounts held by him and his family in Jersey (one of the Channel Islands). He has been convicted of corruption multiple times, but only in 2001 was the sentence final, with no possibility of appeal. At the time, he was forced to pay approximately R$500.000 to the state. Many of his alleged crimes cannot be prosecuted, due to the nature of the Brazilian statute of limitations. Even if he were to be convicted, there would be serious questions about whether he would serve jail time, as he is over 70 years of age.

In early September 2005, Paulo Maluf and his son Flávio Maluf were temporarily arrested by the Brazilian Federal police, under the charge of intimidating witnesses of an ongoing investigation. They were only incarcerated for a few weeks. So notorious is Maluf's reputation that in Brazil the verb malufar was created, meaning "to steal public money". This verb is also sometimes used outside Brazil, with one example being the French newspaper "Le Monde". [9]

In the 2006 elections, Maluf ran for a seat in the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies, being elected as the candidate for the federal legislature with a national record in terms of ballots cast personally for a candidate to the federal legislature in this particular election (739,837).^[17] He was reelected again in 2010, with something around 497,000 ballots cast for him.^[18] His 2010bid for reelection was frought with legal doubts, as a recent federal statute (Complementary Law 135/2010, commonly known as Lei Ficha Limpa or "Clean Record Act") allowed electoral courts to refuse to register the candidacies of people already found guilty by a higher, collegiate court (possibility of further appeals notwithstanding); however, as the Brazilian STF decided in March 2011 that the "Clean Record Act" didn't apply to the 2010 elections, according to the principle of anteriority (no offence being punished when defined by a non-previously existing law, and a Brazilian electoral law must be in force at least a year before the election is held),^[19] all charges against Maluf's registration and subsequent office-taking were eventually dropped.

Manwhile, on March 9, 2007, Robert M. Morgenthau of the Manhattan's District Attorney's office issued an ^[20] indictment against Paulo Maluf for Money Laundering in relation to a kickback & inflated invoice scheme that allegedly stole $11.6m from a Brazilian road contract project totalling $140 million. This indictment was maintained by a New York judge on April 25, 2012, who dismissed a petition from the Malufs, Paulo and Flávio, who sought a court order to toss the indictment.^[21]

Also refused by the same judge was the Malufs' bid for having lifted their March 2010 inclusion in the Red notice of Interpol, which makes them subject to arrest and extradition in 181 countries. As this arrest warrant is not valid in Brazil because the Brazilian Constitution does not allow for the extradition of Brazilian citizens,^[22] its practical meaning is that the Malufs are to be arrested if they travel outside Brazil.

References[link]

v t e Governors of São Paulo (1889 — 2012) Prudente de Morais Jorge Tibiriçá Américo Brasiliense Cerqueira César Bernardino de Campos Campos Sales Peixoto Gomide Fernando Prestes Rodrigues Alves Domingos de Morais Bernardino de Campos Jorge Tibiriçá Albuquerque Lins Rodrigues Alves Altino Arantes Washington Luís Carlos de Campos Júlio Prestes Heitor Penteado Lins de Barros Laudo Camargo Manuel Rabelo Pedro de Toledo Castilho de Lima Armando de Sales Oliveira Melo Neto Ademar de Barros Sousa Costa Macedo Soares Ademar de Barros Lucas Garcez Jânio Quadros Carvalho Pinto Laudo Natel Abreu Sodré Laudo Natel Paulo Egídio Martins Paulo Maluf José Maria Marin Franco Montoro Orestes Quércia Luiz Antônio Fleury Filho Mário Covas Geraldo Alckmin Cláudio Lembo José Serra Alberto Goldman Geraldo Alckmin

v t e Mayors of São Paulo Gomes Cardim Antonio Prado Raimundo Duprat Washington Luís Rocha Azevedo Firmiano de Morais Pinto José Pires do Rio Luís Inácio de Anhaia Melo Francisco Machado de Campos Henrique Jorge Guedes Gofredo da Silva Teles Teodoro Augusto Ramos Antônio Carlos de Assumpção Fábio Prado Francisco Prestes Maia Abraão Ribeiro Cristiano Stockler das Neves Paulo Lauro Milton Improta Asdrúbal da Cunha Lineu Prestes Armando de Arruda Pereira Jânio Quadros José Porfírio da Paz William Salem Juvenal Lino de Matos Vladimir de Toledo Piza Adhemar de Barros Francisco Prestes Maia Faria Lima Paulo Maluf José Carlos de Figueiredo Ferraz Miguel Colasuonno Olavo Egydio Setubal Reinaldo de Barros Antônio Salim Curiati Mário Covas Jânio Quadros Luiza Erundina Paulo Maluf Celso Pitta Régis de Oliveira Celso Pitta Marta Suplicy José Serra Gilberto Kassab

This article may be expanded with text translated from the corresponding article in the Portuguese Wikipedia. (January 2012) Don't speak Portuguese? Click here to read a machine-translated version of the Portuguese article. Click [show] on the right to review important translation instructions before translating. Google's machine translation is a useful starting point for translations, but translators must revise errors as necessary and confirm that the translation is accurate, rather than simply copy-pasting machine-translated text into English Wikipedia. Do not translate text that appears unreliable or low-quality. If possible, verify the text with references provided in the foreign-language article. After translating, {{Translated|pt|Eduardo Paes}} must be added to the talk page to ensure copyright compliance. For more guidance, see Wikipedia:Translation.

Rio de Janeiro mayor Eduardo Paes

Eduardo da Costa Paes (born November 14, 1969) is a Brazilian politician who is currently the mayor of the city of Rio de Janeiro, having defeated Fernando Gabeira in the 2008 Elections.^[1]

"Paes was a noted trenchant critic of the Lula administration, particularly during the Mensalão scandal in 2005 over alleged payments to congressmen for votes" ^[2]

“Favelas [slums] are not always a problem. Favelas can sometimes really be a solution.” ^[3]

References[link]

This article about a mayor in Brazil is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by expanding it. v t e

Waldo Vieira (born 12 April 1932) is a Brazilian dentist and physician who first proposed the theories of projectiology and conscientiology, two closely related nascent sciences which posit that human consciousness is a non-physical phenomenon. That is, Vieira argues that consciousness has an existence independent from the body, basing his claims on various accounts of out-of-body experiences and other psychical phenomena. He has written over twenty books on vital energy, parapsychical and personal development, and out-of-body experiences, including accounts of personal experiences.

Biography[link]

Waldo Vieira was born on 12 April 1932, in Monte Carmelo, Minas Gerais, Brazil. He is a physician and a dentist. He also holds a post-graduate degree in plastic surgery, earned in Tokyo, Japan. Vieira claims to have begun experiencing out-of-body experiences at the age of 9, and for the past 40 years he has explored the idea of consciousness as something other than the body.

Having written four 1000+ page treatises, a series of books and hundreds of articles, Vieira is among the most prolific authors on the subject. However, his work has been described as reflecting "the author's strong personal beliefs", which cause "many [of his] statements [to] seem strident, even dogmatic." Still, it has also been argued that his work has some value "as a phenomenological treatise with applications to the consensual world that necessitate verification or refutation by other researchers." ^[1]

He was the founder and president of the International Institute of Projectiology and Conscienciology (IIPC), and is also a long standing member of the American Society for Psychical Research (ASPR) in New York, USA, the Society for Psychical Research (SPR) in London, England, the Brazilian Association of Parapsychology in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, among others.

He has also assembled one of the largest libraries in the world on the subject of Consciousness, which includes works ranging from parapsychology to eastern mysticism. It is open to the public in CEAEC, Foz do Iguaçu, Brazil.

Recent work[link]

Waldo Vieira currectly lives in Foz do Iguaçu, Brazil, where he has founded the CEAEC - in Portuguese, Center of Higher Studies of the Consciousness - where he resides and works daily on the Encyclopedia of Conscienciology, to be completed in the year 2011. It is estimated to have 2000 terms related to the studies of consciousness.

The terms of the Encyclopedia are debated daily in the "Tertúlias" - a series of discussions led by Vieira and open to the public for free. These discussions are broadcast daily through the internet, from 12:30 PM to 14:30 PM (GMT -3), and can be viewed through the website Tertúlias da Conscienciologia.

References[link]

External links[link]

• International Academy of Consciousness
• International Institute of Projectiology and Conscientiology
• CEAEC - Center for Higher Studies of Conscientiology
• Journal of Parapsychology review of Projectiology: A Panorama of Experiences of the Consciousness Outside the Human Body
• Description of treatise Projectiology by publisher
• Realms of Consciousness (1999) Documentary featuring Dr. Waldo Vieira
• Trailer of "Out-of-Body Experience: Glimpse of Immortality" (2000) Docudrama featuring Dr. Waldo Vieira

This article relies largely or entirely upon a single source. Please help improve this article by introducing citations to additional sources. Discussion about the problems with the sole source used may be found on the talk page. (February 2012)

This article includes a list of references, related reading or external links, but its sources remain unclear because it lacks inline citations. Please improve this article by introducing more precise citations. (February 2012)

This article may be expanded with text translated from the corresponding article in the Portuguese Wikipedia. (February 2009) Don't speak Portuguese? Click here to read a machine-translated version of the Portuguese article. Click [show] on the right to review important translation instructions before translating. Google's machine translation is a useful starting point for translations, but translators must revise errors as necessary and confirm that the translation is accurate, rather than simply copy-pasting machine-translated text into English Wikipedia. Do not translate text that appears unreliable or low-quality. If possible, verify the text with references provided in the foreign-language article. After translating, {{Translated|pt|José Bonifácio de Andrada e Silva}} must be added to the talk page to ensure copyright compliance. For more guidance, see Wikipedia:Translation.

José Bonifácio de Andrada
Born	(1763-06-13)13 June 1763, Portuguese Colony of Brazil
Died	6 April 1838(1838-04-06) (aged 74), Empire of Brazil
Parents	Bonifácio José Ribeiro de Andrada Maria Bárbara da Silva

José Bonifácio de Andrada e Silva (June 13, 1763 – April 6, 1838), was a Brazilian statesman, naturalist, professor and poet, born in Santos, São Paulo, then part of the Portuguese Empire. He was one of the most important mentors of Brazilian independence, and his actions were decisive for the success of Emperor Pedro I. He supported public education, was an abolitionist and suggested that a new national capital be created in Brazil's underdeveloped interior (effected over a century later as Brasília). His career as naturalist was marked by the discovery of four new minerals.

In 1800, Andrada e Silva was appointed professor of geology at Coimbra, and soon after inspector-general of the Portuguese mines; and in 1812 he was made perpetual secretary of the Sciences Academy of Lisbon (Academia das Ciências de Lisboa). Returning to the colony in 1819, he urged Dom Pedro I to resist the recall of the Lisbon court, and was appointed one of his ministers in 1821. When the independence of Brazil was declared, Andrada e Silva was made minister of the interior and of foreign affairs; and when it was established, he was again elected by the Constituent Assembly, but his democratic principles resulted in his dismissal from office, July 1823.

On the dissolution of the Assembly in November, he was arrested and banished to France, where he lived in exile near Bordeaux till, in 1829, he was permitted to return to Brazil. But being again arrested in 1833, and tried for intriguing on behalf of Dom Pedro I, he passed the rest of his days in retirement at the city of Niterói. He was also the author of the abolition project in Brazil presented to the Constituent Assembly in 1823. José Bonifácio spent part of his life in Europe. Graduated in Law and Natural Philosophy in Coimbra, he joined the Academia das Ciências de Lisboa (Science Academy of Lisbon).

In his trips around Europe he studied chemistry and mineralogy with other scientists. He collected data, made scientific experiences and discovered 4 new minerals and 8 types of unknown species. The mineral andradite is named after him. Among his other discoveries was Petalite, a lithium-containing material, first discovered by Andrada toward the end of the 18th century on a trip to Sweden, and it was in this mineral Swedish chemists first discovered lithium. He also was the first to discover another important lithium-containing mineral spodumene from the same source, an island near Stockholm.

He taught Geognosy at the University of Coimbra in Portugal. Knowing twelve languages he could speak four.

In 1819, he travelled back to Brazil where he continued to conduct scientific research. A talented man having an unquiet temperament was also he was appointed to be the head of the Ministry for Kingdom and Overseas Affairs.

His relationship with the prince became incompatible and he decided to join the opposition. In 1823 he was exiled and went to live in Bordeaux where, in 1825, come out his "Poesias Avulsas" (Sundry Poetries). To publish them he used the pseudonym Américo Elísio. José Bonifácio came back to Brazil in 1829. In 1831 when Dom Pedro I abdicated from the throne, he was appointed by the former Emperor to be the tutor of the Emperor's sons. Since he did not agree with the Regent's government he tried to reestablish the Empire. In 1833 he lost his duties of tutor and was accused of being a traitor, but he was eventually pardoned. He died on April 6, 1838 in Niterói.

José Bonifácio had also been engaged in Literature. His work Poesias Avulsas that come out in Bordeaux were republished in Brazil, in 1861, by the publisher Laemmert. In Brazil it received the title "Poesias" (Poetries) and the publication had the coordination of Joaquim Norberto de Sousa. In 1942 Afrânio Peixoto prepared another issue through the Brazilian Academy of Letters. This work, prefaced with a text by Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, was also published in a collection, as Volume I, idealized by the "Instituto Nacional do Livro" (The National Book Institute), appearing in 1946 with the title Poesias de Américo Elísio [Américo Elísio's Poetry]. His poetry shows a naturalistic pantheism that expresses his intellectual character and scientific curiosity.

His Scientific, Political and Social works are published in Volume III, compiled and reproduced by Edgar Cerqueira Falcão with the title Obras científicas, politicas e sociais de José Bonifácio de Andrada e Silva. Its third edition came out in 1963 to celebrate the bicentennial of the Patriarch of the Independence.

In 1797, he was elected a foreign member of the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences.

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: José Bonifácio de Andrada e Silva

References[link]

•  This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. 

v t e Empire of Brazil General topics History Politics Economy Armed Forces Nobility Wars Independence of Brazil (1822–1824) Cisplatine War (1825–1828) Platine War (1851–1852) Uruguayan War (1864–1865) Paraguayan War (1864–1870) Emperors Pedro I Pedro II Statesmen José Bonifácio de Andrada Marquis of Paraná Viscount of Rio Branco Military Duke of Caxias Marquis of Erval Count of Porto Alegre Marquis of Tamandaré Count of Eu Abolitionists Isabel, Princess Imperial of Brazil André Rebouças Joaquim Nabuco