The United States House of Representatives is one of the two Houses of the United States Congress, the bicameral legislature which also includes the Senate.
The composition and powers of the House are established in Article One of the Constitution. The major power of the House is to pass federal legislation that affects the entire country although its bills must also be passed by the Senate and further agreed to by the President before becoming law (unless both the House and Senate re-pass the legislation with a two-thirds majority in each chamber). Each state receives representation in the House in proportion to its population but is entitled to at least one representative. The most populous state, California, currently has 53 representatives. The total number of voting representatives is fixed by law at 435.[1] Each representative serves for a two-year term. The Speaker of the United States House of Representatives, traditionally the leader of the majority party is the presiding officer of the chamber, elected by the members of the House.
The Constitution grants the House several exclusive powers: the power to initiate revenue bills, to impeach officials, and to elect the President in case of an Electoral College deadlock.[2] The House meets in the south wing of the United States Capitol, with the Senate meeting in the north wing of the same building.
Under the Articles of Confederation, Congress was a unicameral body in which each state held one vote. After eight years of a more limited federal government under the Articles, numerous political leaders, such as James Madison and Alexander Hamilton, initiated the Constitutional Convention in 1787, which received the Confederation Congress's permission to "amend the Articles of Confederation". All states except Rhode Island agreed to send delegates.
The issue of how Congress was to be structured was one of the most divisive among the founders during the Convention. Edmund Randolph's Virginia Plan called for a bicameral Congress: the lower house would be "of the people," elected directly by the people of the United States and representing public opinion, and a more deliberative upper house that would represent the individual states, and would be less susceptible to variations of mass sentiment, would be elected by the lower house.
The House is referred to as the lower house, with the Senate being the upper house, although the United States Constitution does not use that terminology. Both houses' approval is necessary for the passage of legislation. The Virginia Plan drew the support of delegates from large states such as Virginia, Massachusetts, and Pennsylvania, as it called for representation based on population. The smaller states, however, favored the New Jersey Plan, which called for a unicameral Congress with equal representation for the states.
Eventually, the Convention reached the Connecticut Compromise, or the Great Compromise, under which one house of Congress (the House of Representatives) would provide representation proportional to each state's population, whereas the other (the Senate) would provide equal representation amongst the states. The Constitution was ratified by the requisite number of states (nine out of the 13) in 1788, but its implementation was set for March 4, 1789. The House began work on April 1, 1789, when it achieved a quorum for the first time.
During the first half of the 19th century, the House was frequently in conflict with the Senate over regionally divisive issues, including slavery. The North was much more populous than the South, and therefore dominated the House of Representatives. However, the North held no such advantage in the Senate, where the equal representation of states prevailed.
Regional conflict was most pronounced over the issue of slavery. One example of a provision repeatedly supported by the House but blocked by the Senate was the Wilmot Proviso, which sought to ban slavery in the land gained during the Mexican-American War. Conflict over slavery and other issues persisted until the Civil War (1861–1865), which began soon after several southern states attempted to secede from the Union. The war culminated in the South's defeat and in the abolition of slavery. Because all southern senators except Andrew Johnson resigned their seats at the beginning of the war, the Senate did not have the balance of power between North and South during the war.
The years of Reconstruction that followed witnessed large majorities for the Republican Party, which many Americans associated with the Union's victory in the Civil War and the ending of slavery. The Reconstruction period ended in about 1877; the ensuing era, known as the Gilded Age, was marked by sharp political divisions in the electorate. The Democratic and the Republican Party held majorities in the House at various times.
The late 19th and early 20th centuries also saw a dramatic increase in the power of the Speaker of the House. The rise of the Speaker's influence began in the 1890s, during tenure of Republican Thomas Brackett Reed. "Czar Reed," as he was nicknamed, attempted to put into effect his view that "The best system is to have one party govern and the other party watch." The leadership structure of the House also developed during approximately the same period, with the positions of Majority Leader and Minority Leader being created in 1899. While the Minority Leader was the head of the minority party, the Majority Leader remained subordinate to the Speaker. The Speakership reached its zenith during the term of Republican Joseph Gurney Cannon, 1903 to 1911. The powers of the Speaker included chairmanship of the influential Rules Committee and the ability to appoint members of other House committees. These powers, however, were curtailed in the "Revolution of 1910" because of the efforts of Democrats and dissatisfied Republicans who opposed Cannon's arguably heavy-handed tactics.
The Democratic Party dominated the House of Representatives during the administration of President Franklin D. Roosevelt (1933–1945), often winning over two-thirds of the seats. Both Democrats and Republicans were in power at various times during the next decade. The Democratic Party maintained control of the House from 1954 until 1995. In the mid-1970s, there were major reforms of the House, strengthening the power of sub-committees at the expense of committee chairs and allowing party leaders to nominate committee chairs. These actions were taken to undermine the seniority system, and to reduce the ability of a small number of senior members to obstruct legislation they did not favor. There was also a shift from the 1970s to greater control of the legislative program by the majority party; the power of party leaders (especially the Speaker) grew considerably.
The Republicans took control of the House in 1995, under the leadership of Speaker Newt Gingrich. Gingrich attempted to pass a major legislative program, the Contract with America on which the House Republicans had been elected, and made major reforms of the House, notably reducing the tenure of committee chairs to three two-year terms. Many elements of the Contract did not pass Congress, were vetoed by President Bill Clinton, or were substantially altered in negotiations with Clinton. The Republicans held on to the House until the 2006 Congressional elections, during which the Democrats won control of the House of Representatives and Nancy Pelosi was subsequently elected by the House as the first female Speaker. In the 2010 House elections Republicans retook the House in the largest shift of power since the 1930s.[3]
File:Pop per rep.png
Population per U.S. Representative allocated to each of the 50 states and DC, ranked by population. Since DC (ranked 50) receives no seats in the House, its bar is absent.
Under Article I, Section 2 of the Constitution, seats in the House of Representatives are apportioned among the states by population, as determined by the census conducted every ten years. Each state, however, is entitled to at least one Representative.
The only constitutional rule relating to the size of the House says: "The Number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty Thousand."[4] Congress regularly increased the size of the House to account for population growth until it fixed the number of voting House members at 435 in 1911.[1] The number was temporarily increased to 437 in 1959 upon the admission of Alaska and Hawaii (seating one representative from each of those states without changing existing apportionment), and returned to 435 four years later, after the reapportionment consequent to the 1960 census.
The Constitution does not provide for the representation of the District of Columbia or of territories. The District of Columbia and the territories of American Samoa, Guam, the Northern Mariana Islands, and the U.S. Virgin Islands are represented by one non-voting delegate each. Puerto Rico elects a Resident Commissioner, but other than having a four-year term, the Resident Commissioner's role is identical to the delegates from the other territories. The six Delegates and Resident Commissioner may participate in debates; prior to 2011,[5] they were also allowed to vote in committees and the Committee of the Whole when their votes would not be decisive.[6]
States that are entitled to more than one Representative are divided into single-member districts. This has been a federal statutory requirement since 1967.[7] Prior to that law, general ticket representation was used by some states. Typically, states redraw these district lines (see redistricting) after each census, though they may do so at other times (see 2003 Texas redistricting). Each state determines its own district boundaries, either through legislation or through non-partisan panels. "Malapportionment" is unconstitutional and districts must be approximately equal in population (see Wesberry v. Sanders). The Voting Rights Act prohibits states from "gerrymandering" districts to reduce racial minorities' voting power.
Article I, Section 2 of the Constitution sets three qualifications for representatives. Each representative must: (1) be at least twenty-five years old; (2) have been a citizen of the United States for the past seven years; and (3) be (at the time of the election) an inhabitant of the state they represent. Members are not required to live in the district they represent, but they traditionally do. The age and citizenship qualifications for representatives are less than those for senators. The constitutional requirements of Article I, Section 2 for election to Congress are the maximum requirements that can be imposed on a candidate.[8] Therefore, Article I, Section 5, which permits each House to be the judge of the qualifications of its own members does not permit either House to establish additional qualifications. Likewise a State could not establish additional qualifications.
Disqualification: under the Fourteenth Amendment, a federal or state officer who takes the requisite oath to support the Constitution, but later engages in rebellion or aids the enemies of the United States, is disqualified from becoming a representative. This post-Civil War provision was intended to prevent those who sided with the Confederacy from serving. However, disqualified individuals may serve if they gain the consent of two-thirds of both houses of Congress.
Elections for representatives are held in every even-numbered year, on Election Day the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November. By law, Representatives must be elected from single-member districts by plurality voting.
In most states, major party candidates for each district are nominated in partisan primary elections, typically held in spring to late summer. In some states, the Republican and Democratic parties choose their respective candidates for each district in their political conventions in spring or early summer, which often use unanimous voice votes to reflect either confidence in the incumbent or the result of bargaining in earlier private discussions. Exceptions can result in so-called floor fight—convention votes by delegates, with outcomes that can be hard to predict. Especially if a convention is closely divided, a losing candidate may contend further by meeting the conditions for a primary election.
The courts generally do not consider ballot access rules for independent and third party candidates to be additional qualifications for holding office and there are no federal regulations regarding ballot access. As a result, the process to gain ballot access varies greatly from state to state, and, in the case of a third party may be affected by results of previous years' elections.
Since 1967, Federal law has required that House Members be elected from single-member-districts, thereby not permitting the use of proportional representation.[9] Louisiana is unique in that it holds an all-party "primary election" on the general Election Day with a subsequent runoff election between the top two finishers (regardless of party) if no candidate received a majority in the primary. The state of Washington now uses a similar (though not identical) system to that used by Louisiana. Seats vacated during a term are filled through special elections, unless the vacancy occurs closer to the next general election date than a pre-established deadline. The term of a member chosen in a special election usually begins the next day, or as soon as the results are certified.
Representatives and Delegates serve for two-year terms, while the Resident Commissioner serves for four years. The Constitution permits the House to expel a member with a two-thirds vote. In the history of the United States, only five members have been expelled from the House; in 1861, three were removed for supporting the Confederate states' secession, John Bullock Clark (D-MO), John William Reid (D-MO), and Henry Cornelius Burnett (D-KY). Michael Myers (D-PA) was expelled after his criminal conviction for accepting bribes in 1980, and James Traficant (D-OH) was expelled in 2002 following his conviction for corruption.[10] The House also has the power to formally censure or reprimand its members; censure or reprimand requires only a simple majority, but does not remove a member from office.
As a check on the popularly elected House, the Senate has several distinct powers. For example, the "advice and consent" powers (such as the power to approve treaties) is a sole Senate privilege.[11] The House, however, can initiate spending bills and has exclusive authority to impeach officials and choose the President in an Electoral College deadlock.[12] The Senate and House are further differentiated by term lengths and the number of districts represented. With longer terms, fewer members and (in all but seven delegations) larger constituencies, senators may receive greater prestige. Additionally, the Senate has traditionally been considered a less partisan chamber because fewer members gives the Senate a greater potential to broker compromises and act more unilaterally.[citation needed]
As of January 2010[update], the annual salary of each Representative is $174,000.[13] The Speaker of the House and the Majority and Minority Leaders earn more: $223,500 for the Speaker and $193,400 for their party leaders (the same as Senate leaders). A cost-of-living-adjustment (COLA) increase takes effect annually unless Congress votes to not accept it. Congress sets members' salaries; however, the Twenty-seventh Amendment to the United States Constitution prohibits a change in salary (but not COLA[14]) from taking effect until after the next general election. Representatives are eligible for retirement benefits after serving for five years.[15]
Representatives use the prefix "The Honorable" before their names. A member of the House is referred to as a "Representative," "Congressman," or "Congresswoman." While Senators are technically "Congressmen" or "Congresswomen," that term is generally used to refer to Members of the House of Representatives exclusively. The Delegates and the Resident Commissioner use those titles or "Congressman/Congresswoman."
The party with a majority of seats in the House is known as the majority party. The next-largest party is the minority party. The Speaker, committee chairs, and some other officials are generally from the majority party; they have counterparts (for instance, the "ranking members" of committees) in the minority party.
The Constitution provides that the House may choose its own Speaker.[16] Although not explicitly required by the Constitution, every Speaker has been a member of the House. The Constitution does not specify the duties and powers of the Speaker, which are instead regulated by the rules and customs of the House. Speakers have a role both as a leader of the House and the leader of their party (which need not be the majority party; theoretically, a member of the minority party could be elected as Speaker with the support of a fraction of members of the majority party). Under the Presidential Succession Act (1947), the Speaker is second in the line of presidential succession behind the Vice President.
The Speaker is the presiding officer of the House but does not preside over every debate. Instead, he or she delegates the responsibility of presiding to other members in most cases. The presiding officer sits in a chair in the front of the House chamber. The powers of the presiding officer are extensive; one important power is that of controlling the order in which members of the House speak. No member may make a speech or a motion unless he or she has first been recognized by the presiding officer. Moreover, the presiding officer may rule on a "point of order" (a member's objection that a rule has been breached); the decision is subject to appeal to the whole House.
Speakers serve as chairs of their party's steering committee, which is responsible for assigning party members to other House committees. The Speaker chooses the chairs of standing committees, appoints most of the members of the Rules Committee, appoints all members of conference committees, and determines which committees consider bills.
Each party elects a floor leader, who is known as the Majority Leader or Minority Leader. The Minority Leader heads his or her party in the House, and the Majority Leader is his or her party's second-highest ranking official, behind the Speaker. Party leaders decide what legislation members of their party should either support or oppose.
Each party also elects a whip, who works to ensure that the party's members vote as the party leadership desires. The current majority whip in the House of Representatives is Kevin McCarthy, who is a member of the Republican Party. The current minority whip is Steny Hoyer, who is a member of the Democratic Party. The whip is supported by chief deputy whips.
In the 112th Congress, the Democratic Party has an additional Assistant Minority Leader, Jim Clyburn, who ranks between the whips and the caucus/conference chair.
After the whips, the next ranking official in the House party's leadership is the Party Conference Chair (styled as the Republican Conference Chair and Democratic Caucus Chair).
After the Conference Chair, there are differences between each party's subsequent leadership ranks. After the Democratic Caucus Chair is the Campaign Committee Chair (Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee), then the co-chairs of the Steering Committee. For the Republicans it is the Chair of the House Republican Policy Committee, followed by the Campaign Committee Chairman (styled as the National Republican Congressional Committee).
The chairs of House committees, particularly influential standing committees such as Appropriations, Ways and Means, and Rules, are powerful but not officially part of House leadership hierarchy. Until the post of Majority Leader was created, the Chair of Ways and Means was the de facto majority leader.
Representatives are generally less independent of party leaders than senators, and usually vote as the leadership directs. Incentives to cooperate include the leadership's power to select committee chairs, determine committee assignments, and provide re-election support in the primary and general elections. As a result, the leadership plays a much greater role in the House than in the Senate, an example of why the atmosphere of the House is regarded by many as more partisan.
When the Presidency and Senate are controlled by a different party from the one controlling the House, the Speaker can become the de facto "leader of the opposition." Since the Speaker is a partisan officer with substantial power to control the business of the House, the position is often used for partisan advantage.
In the instance when the Presidency and both Houses of Congress are controlled by one party, the Speaker normally takes a low profile and defers to the President. For that situation the House Minority Leader can play the role of a de facto "leader of the opposition", often more so than the Senate Minority Leader, due to the more partisan nature of the House and the greater role of leadership.
The House is also served by several officials who are not members. The House's chief officer is the Clerk, who maintains public records, prepares documents, and oversees junior officials, including pages. The Clerk also presides over the House at the beginning of each new Congress pending the election of a Speaker. Another officer is the Chief Administrative Officer, responsible for the day-to-day administrative support to the House of Representatives. This includes everything from payroll to foodservice.
The position of Chief Administrative Officer (CAO) was created by the 104th Congress following the 1994 mid-term elections, replacing the positions of Doorkeeper and Director of Non-Legislative and Financial Services (created by the previous congress to administer the non-partisan functions of the House). The CAO also assumed some of the responsibilities of the House Information Services, which previously had been controlled directly by the Committee on House Administration, then headed by Representative Charlie Rose of North Carolina, along with the House "Folding Room."
The Chaplain leads the House in prayer at the opening of the day. There is also a Sergeant at Arms, who as the House's chief law enforcement officer maintains order and security on House premises. Finally, routine police work is handled by the United States Capitol Police, which is supervised by the Capitol Police Board, a body to which the Sergeant at Arms belongs.
Like the Senate, the House of Representatives meets in the United States Capitol in Washington, D.C. At one end of the chamber of the House is a rostrum from which the Speaker presides. The lower tier of the rostrum is used by clerks and other officials. Members' seats are arranged in the chamber in a semicircular pattern and are divided by a wide central aisle. By tradition, Democrats sit on the left of the center aisle, while Republicans sit on the right, as viewed from the presiding officer's chair. Sittings are normally held on weekdays; meetings on Saturdays and Sundays are rare. Sittings of the House are generally open to the public; visitors must obtain a House Gallery pass from a congressional office. Sittings are broadcast live on television and streamed online by C-SPAN.
The procedure of the House depends not only on the rules, but also on a variety of customs, precedents, and traditions. In many cases, the House waives some of its stricter rules (including time limits on debates) by unanimous consent. A member may block a unanimous consent agreement; in practice, objections are rare. The presiding officer enforces the rules of the House, and may warn members who deviate from them. The presiding officer uses a gavel to maintain order. The box in which legislation is placed to be considered by the House is called the hopper.
In one of its first resolutions, the U.S. House of Representatives established the Office of the Sergeant at Arms. In an American tradition adopted from English custom in 1789 by the first Speaker of the House, Frederick Muhlenberg of Pennsylvania, the House of Representatives mace is used to open all sessions of the House. It is also used during the inaugural ceremonies for all Presidents of the United States. For daily sessions of the House, the sergeant at Arms carries the mace in front of the Speaker in procession to the rostrum. It is placed on a green marble pedestal to the Speaker's right. When the House is in committee, the mace is moved to a pedestal next to the desk of the Sergeant at Arms.
The Constitution provides that a majority of the House constitutes a quorum to do business. Under the rules and customs of the House, a quorum is always assumed present unless a quorum call explicitly demonstrates otherwise. House rules prevent a member from making a point of order that a quorum is not present unless a question is being voted upon; the presiding officer will not accept a point of order of no quorum during general debate or when a question is not before the House.
During debates, a member may only speak if called upon by the presiding officer. The presiding officer may determine which members to recognize, and may therefore control the course of debate. All speeches must be addressed to the presiding officer, using the words "Mr. Speaker" or "Madam Speaker." Only the presiding officer may be directly addressed in speeches; other members must be referred to in the third person. In most cases, members do not refer to each other by name, but by state, using forms such as "the gentleman from Virginia", "the distinguished gentlewoman from California", or "my distinguished friend from Alabama". Unlike the practice in the Parliament of the United Kingdom, members refer to each other as friends regardless of whether they are members of the same party.
There are 448 permanent seats on the House Floor and four tables, two on each side. These tables are occupied by members of the committee that have brought a bill to the floor for consideration and by the respective party leadership. Members address the House from microphones at any table or "the well," the area immediately in front of the rostrum.[17]
Per the constitution, the House determines the rules according to which it passes legislation. The rules are in principle open to change with each new Congress, but in practice each new session amends a standing set of rules built up over the history of the body in an early resolution published for public inspection.[18] Before legislation reaches the floor of the House, the Rules Committee normally passes a rule to govern debate on that measure. For instance, the committee determines if amendments to the bill are permitted. An "open rule" permits all germane amendments, but a "closed rule" restricts or even prohibits amendment. Debate on a bill is generally restricted to one hour, equally divided between the majority and minority parties. Each side is led during the debate by a "floor manager," who allocates debate time to members who wish to speak. On contentious matters, many members may wish to speak; thus, a member may receive as little as one minute, or even thirty seconds, to make his/her point.
When debate concludes, the motion in question is put to a vote. In many cases, the House votes by voice vote; the presiding officer puts the question, and members respond either "yea" (in favor of the motion) or "nay" (against the motion). The presiding officer then announces the result of the voice vote. A member may however challenge the presiding officer's assessment and "request the yeas and nays" or "request a recorded vote". The request may be granted only if it is seconded by one-fifth of the members present. In practice, however, members of congress second requests for recorded votes as a matter of courtesy. Some votes are always recorded, such as those on the annual budget.
The House may vote in three manners. First, the House may vote by electronic device; members use a personal identification card to record their votes at one of 46 voting stations in the chamber. Votes are usually held by electronic device. Secondly, the House may conduct a teller vote. Members hand in colored cards to indicate their votes: green for "yea," red for "nay," and orange for "present" (i.e., to abstain). Teller votes are normally held only when the computer system breaks down. Finally, the House may conduct a roll call vote. The Clerk reads the list of members of the House, each of whom announces their vote when their name is called. This procedure is reserved for formal votes (such as the election of a Speaker) because of the time consumed by calling over four hundred names.
Voting traditionally lasts for fifteen minutes, but it may be extended if the leadership needs to "whip" more members into alignment. The 2003 vote on the prescription drug benefit was open for three hours, from 3:00 to 6:00 a.m., to receive four additional votes, three of which were necessary to pass the legislation. The 2005 vote on the Central American Free Trade Agreement was open for one hour, from 11:00 p.m. to midnight. An October 2005 vote on facilitating refinery construction was kept open for forty minutes.
Presiding officers may vote like other members. They may not, however, vote twice in the event of a tie. Instead, motions are decided in the negative when ties arise.
The House uses committees and their subcommittees for a variety of purposes, including the review of bills and the oversight of the executive branch. The appointment of committee members is formally made by the whole House, but the choice of members is actually made by the political parties. Generally, each party honors the preferences of individual members, giving priority on the basis of seniority. Historically, membership on committees has been in rough proportion to the party's strength in the House as a whole, with two exceptions: on the Rules Committee, the majority party fills nine of the thirteen seats;[19] and on the Ethics Committee, each party has an equal number of seats.[20] However, when party control in the House is closely divided, extra seats on committees are sometimes allocated to the majority party. In the 109th Congress, for example, the Republicans controlled about 53% of the House as a whole, but had 54% of the Appropriations Committee members, 55% of the members on the Energy and Commerce Committee, 58% of the members on the Judiciary Committee, and 69% of the members on the Rules Committee).
The largest committee of the House is the Committee of the Whole, which, as its name suggests, consists of all members of the House. The Committee meets in the House chamber; it may consider and amend bills, but may not grant them final passage. Generally, the debate procedures of the Committee of the Whole are more flexible than those of the House itself. One advantage of the Committee of the Whole is its ability to include otherwise non-voting members of Congress.
Most committee work is performed by twenty standing committees, each of which has jurisdiction over a specific set of issues, such as Agriculture or Foreign Affairs. Each standing committee considers, amends, and reports bills that fall under its jurisdiction. Committees have extensive powers with regard to bills; they may block legislation from reaching the floor of the House. Standing committees also oversee the departments and agencies of the executive branch. In discharging their duties, standing committees have the power to hold hearings and to subpoena witnesses and evidence.
The House also has one permanent committee that is not a standing committee, the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, and from time to time may establish committees that are temporary and advisory in nature, such as the Select Committee on Energy Independence and Global Warming. This latter committee, created in the 110th Congress and reauthorized for the 111th, has no jurisdiction over legislation and must be chartered anew at the start of every Congress. The House also appoints members to serve on joint committees, which include members of the Senate and House. Some joint committees oversee independent government bodies; for instance, the Joint Committee on the Library oversees the Library of Congress. Other joint committees serve to make advisory reports; for example, there exists a Joint Committee on Taxation. Bills and nominees are not referred to joint committees. Hence, the power of joint committees is considerably lower than those of standing committees.
Each House committee and subcommittee is led by a chairman (always a member of the majority party). From 1910 to the 1970s, committee chairs were powerful. Woodrow Wilson in his classic study,[21] suggested:
Power is nowhere concentrated; it is rather deliberately and of set policy scattered amongst many small chiefs. It is divided up, as it were, into forty-seven seigniories, in each of which a Standing Committee is the court-baron and its chairman lord-proprietor. These petty barons, some of them not a little powerful, but none of them within the reach of the full powers of rule, may at will exercise almost despotic sway within their own shires, and may sometimes threaten to convulse even the realm itself.
From 1910 to 1975 committee and subcommittee chairmanship was determined purely by seniority; congressmembers sometimes had to wait 30 years to get one, but their chairship was independent of party leadership. The rules were changed in 1975 to permit party caucuses to elect chairs, shifting power upward to the party leaders. In 1995, Republicans under Newt Gingrich set a limit of three two-year terms for committee chairs. The Democrats who took over in 2007 have not decided whether to continue the Gingrich rules. The chair's powers are extensive; they control the committee/subcommittee agenda, and may prevent the committee from dealing with a bill. The senior member of the minority party is known as the Ranking Member. In some committees like Appropriations, partisan disputes are few.
Most bills may be introduced in either House of Congress. However, the Constitution provides that "All bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives." As a result, the Senate cannot initiate bills imposing taxes. Furthermore, the House of Representatives holds that the Senate cannot originate appropriation bills, or bills authorizing the expenditure of federal funds. Historically, the Senate has disputed the interpretation advocated by the House. However, when the Senate originates an appropriations bill, the House simply refuses to consider it, thereby settling the dispute in practice. The constitutional provision barring the Senate from introducing revenue bills is based on the practice of the British Parliament, in which only the House of Commons may originate such measures.
Although it cannot originate revenue bills, the Senate retains the power to amend or reject them. As Woodrow Wilson wrote:
[T]he Senate's right to amend [revenue bills] has been allowed the widest possible scope. The upper house may add to them what it pleases; may go altogether outside of their original provisions and tack to them entirely new features of legislation, altering not only the amounts but even the objects of expenditure, and making out of the materials sent them by the popular chamber measures of an almost totally new character.
The approval of the Senate and the House of Representatives is required for a bill to become law. Both Houses must pass the same version of the bill; if there are differences, they may be resolved by a conference committee, which includes members of both bodies. For the stages through which bills pass in the Senate, see Act of Congress.
The President may veto a bill passed by the House and Senate. If he does, the bill does not become law unless a two-thirds supermajority in each chamber votes to override the veto.
The Constitution provides that the Senate's "advice and consent" is necessary for the President to make appointments and to ratify treaties, while the House must confirm the nomination of a new Vice President under the 25th Amendment. Thus, with its potential to frustrate Presidential appointments, the Senate is more powerful than the House.
The Constitution empowers the House of Representatives to impeach federal officials for "Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors" and empowers the Senate to try such impeachments. The House may approve "articles of impeachment" by a simple majority vote; however, a two-thirds vote is required for conviction in the Senate. A convicted official is automatically removed from office; in addition, the Senate may stipulate that the defendant be banned from holding future office. No further punishment is permitted during the impeachment proceedings; however, the party may face criminal penalties in a normal court of law.
In the history of the United States, the House of Representatives has impeached sixteen officials, of whom seven were convicted. (Another, Richard Nixon, resigned after the House Judiciary Committee passed articles of impeachment but before a formal impeachment vote by the full House.) Only two Presidents of the United States have ever been impeached: Andrew Johnson in 1868 and Bill Clinton in 1998. Both trials ended in acquittal; in Johnson's case, the Senate fell one vote short of the two-thirds majority required for conviction.
Under the Twelfth Amendment, the House has the power to elect the President if no presidential candidate receives a majority of votes in the Electoral College. The Twelfth Amendment requires the House to choose from the three candidates with the highest numbers of electoral votes. The Constitution provides that "the votes shall be taken by states, the representation from each state having one vote." Electoral College deadlocks are rare; in the history of the United States, the House has only had to break a deadlock twice. In 1800, it elected Thomas Jefferson over Aaron Burr; in 1824, it elected John Quincy Adams over Andrew Jackson and William H. Crawford. The Senate elects the Vice President if the Electoral College deadlocks.
| Affiliation |
Members |
Delegates
/ Resident
Commissioner
(non-voting) |
Number of
state majorities |
| |
Republican Party |
242 |
0 |
33 |
| |
Democratic Party |
193 |
6 |
16 |
| |
Vacancy |
0 |
0 |
| Total |
435 |
6 |
| Majority |
49 |
| Affiliation |
Members |
Delegates
/ Resident
Commissioner
(non-voting) |
Number of
state majorities |
| |
Republican Party |
242 |
0 |
33 |
| |
Democratic Party |
190 |
6 |
16 |
| |
Vacancy |
3 |
0 |
| Total |
435 |
6 |
| Majority |
50 |
There are also individual Houses of Representatives for most states in the USA, sometimes called by a different name; see List of United States state legislatures.
- ^ a b See Public Law 62-5 of 1911, though Congress has the authority to change that number. The Reapportionment Act of 1929 capped the size of the House at 435.
- ^ Exclusive revenue bill initiation in Section 7, Article 1 of the Constitution; and "sole power of impeachment" in Section 2, Article 1; and the power to elect President if no candidate receives a majority of electoral votes in Article 1, Section 2, and in the 12th Amendment.
- ^ Neuman, Scott (2010-11-03). "Obama, GOP Grapple With Power Shift". NPR. http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=130983833. Retrieved 2011-07-02.
- ^ Article I, Section 2.
- ^ "New House Majority Introduces Rules Changes". NPR. 2011-01-05. http://www.npr.org/2011/01/05/132685281/House-Weighs-Rules-Changes. Retrieved 2011-07-02.
- ^ See H.Res. 78, passed January 24, 2007. On April 19, 2007, the House of Representatives passed the DC House Voting Rights Act of 2007, a bill "to provide for the treatment of the District of Columbia as a Congressional district for purposes of representation in the House of Representatives, and for other purposes" by a vote of 241–177. That bill proposes to increase the House membership by two, making 437 members, by converting the District of Columbia delegate into a member, and (until the 2010 census) grant one membership to Utah, which is the state next in line to receive an additional district based on its population after the 2000 Census. The bill was under consideration in the U.S. Senate during the 2007 session.
- ^ 2 U.S.C. § 2c "no district to elect more than one Representative"
- ^ See Powell v. McCormack, a U.S. Supreme Court case from 1969
- ^ 2 U.S.C. § 2c
- ^ "Expulsion, Censure, Reprimand, and Fine: Legislative Discipline in the House of Representatives" (PDF). http://www.rules.house.gov/Archives/rl31382.pdf. Retrieved 2010-08-23. [dead link]
- ^ Senate Legislative Process, U.S. Senate . Retrieved February 3, 2010.
- ^ The Legislative Branch, The White House . Retrieved February 3, 2010.
- ^ "Salaries and Benefits of U.S. Congress Members". http://usgovinfo.about.com/library/weekly/aa031200a.htm. Retrieved 2009-04-17.
- ^ Schaffer v. Clinton
- ^ Congressional Salaries and Allowances, Ida A. Brudnick, June 28, 2011.[1] . Retrieved 2011-11-22.
- ^ Article I, Legal Information Institute, Cornell University Law School . Retrieved February 3, 2010.
- ^ "Office of the Clerk of the U.S. House of Representatives The House Floor". Clerk.house.gov. http://clerk.house.gov/art_history/art_artifacts/virtual_tours/house_chamber/index.html. Retrieved 2010-08-23.
- ^ "The House Explained". House.gov. http://www.house.gov/content/learn/. Retrieved 2011-07-02.
- ^ http://rules.house.gov/110/comm_history.html[dead link]
- ^ "Rules - Committee on Standards of Official Conduct" (PDF). http://ethics.house.gov/Media/PDF/110th%20Committee%20Rules.pdf. Retrieved 2010-08-23.
- ^ Congressional Government: A Study in American Politics (1885, Boston: Houghton, Mifflin)
- MacNeil, Neil (1963). Forge of Democracy: The House of Representatives. New York, New York: D. McKay.
- Peters, Ronald M., Jr (1997). The American Speakership: The Office in Historical Perspective (2nd edition ed.). Baltimore, Maryland: Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 0-8018-5758-9.
- Polsby, Nelson W. (2004). How Congress Evolves: Social Bases of Institutional Change. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-516195-5.
- Poole, Keith T.; Howard Rosenthal (1997). Congress: A Political-Economic History of Roll Call Voting. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-514242-X.
- Remini, Robert V. (2006). The House: The History of the House of Representatives. New York, NY: HarperCollins. ISBN 0-06-088434-7.
- Sinclair, Barbara (1983). Majority Leadership in the U.S. House. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 0-8018-2933-X.
- Julian E. Zelizer, ed. (2004). The American Congress: The Building of Democracy. New York, NY: Houghton Mifflin. ISBN 0-618-17906-2.
- David W. Brady and Mathew D. McCubbins. Party, Process, and Political Change in Congress: New Perspectives on the History of Congress (2002)
- Brady, David W. Congressional Voting in a Partisan Era: A Study of the McKinley Houses and a Comparison to the Modern House of Representatives. U. Pr. of Kansas, 1973. 273 pp.
- Cooper, Joseph. The Origins of the Standing Committees and the Development of the Modern House. Rice U. Press, 1970. 167 pp.
- Linda Grant de Pauw, Charlene Bangs Bickford, and Kenneth R. Bowling, eds. Documentary History of the First Federal Congress of the United States of America, March 4, 1789-March 3, 1791 (1992–2006) 14 volumes of primary documents
- Ronald L. Hatzenbuehler, "Party Unity and the Decision for War in the House of Representatives in 1812," William and Mary Quarterly 29 (1972): 367–90;
- Henig, Gerald S. Henry Winter Davis: Antebellum and Civil War Congressman from Maryland. 1973. 332 pp. Radical leader in Civil War era
- Klingman, Peter D. Josiah Walls: Florida's Black Congressman of Reconstruction. U. Press of Florida, 1976. 157 pp.
- Lowitt, Richard. George W. Norris: The Making of a Progressive, 1861-1912 Vol. 1. Syracuse U. Press, 1963. leader of Republican insurgents in 1910
- Margulies, Herbert F. Reconciliation and Revival: James R. Mann and the House Republicans in the Wilson Era. Greenwood, 1996. 242 pp.
- Patterson, James. Congressional Conservatism and the New Deal: The Growth of the Conservative Coalition in Congress, 1933-39 (1967)
- Robert V. Remini. Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union (1992) . Speaker for most of 1811–1825
- Strahan, Randall; Moscardelli, Vincent G.; Haspel, Moshe; and Wike, Richard S. "The Clay Speakership Revisited" Polity 2000 32(4): 561–593. ISSN 0032-3497 uses roll call analysis
- Stewart, Charles H., III. Budget Reform Politics: The Design of the Appropriations Process in the House of Representatives, 1865-1921. Cambridge U. Press, 1989. 254 pp.
- Story, Joseph. (1891). Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States. (2 vols). Boston: Brown & Little.
- Trefousse, Hans L. Thaddeus Stevens: Nineteenth-Century Egalitarian (1997) majority leader in 1860s
- Waller, Robert A. Rainey of Illinois: A Political Biography, 1903-34. U. of Illinois Press, 1977. 260 pp. Democratic Speaker 1932–34
- Wilson, Woodrow. (1885). Congressional Government. New York: Houghton Mifflin.
- Abramowitz, Alan I. and Kyle L. Saunders. 1998. Ideological Realignment in the US Electorate. Journal of Politics 60(3):634–652.
- Adler, E. Scott. Why Congressional Reforms Fail: Reelection and the House Committee System. Univ. of Chicago Press, 2002.
- Albert, Carl and Goble, Danney. Little Giant: The Life and Times of Speaker Carl Albert. U. of Oklahoma Press, 1990. 388 pp. Speaker in 1970s
- Barone, Michael, and Grant Ujifusa, The Almanac of American Politics 2006: The Senators, the Representatives and the Governors: Their Records and Election Results, Their States and Districts (2005). Published every two years since 1975; enormous detail on every state and district and member.
- Barry, John M. The Ambition and the Power: The Fall of Jim Wright. A True Story of Washington. Viking, 1989. 768 pp. Speaker in 1980s
- Berard, Stanley P. Southern Democrats in the U.S. House of Representatives. U. of Oklahoma Press, 2001. 250 pp.
- Berman, Daniel M. (1964). In Congress Assembled: The Legislative Process in the National Government. London: The Macmillan Company.
- "Biographical Directory of the United States Congress, 1774-2005." Washington: Government Printing Office, 2005. Prepared by the Office of the Clerk, Office of History and Preservation, United States House of Representatives. Contains biographical entries for every Member of Congress. Also online at Biographical Directory.
- Congressional Quarterly Congress and the Nation: 2001-2004: A Review of Government and Politics: 107th and 108th Congresses (2005); massive, highly detailed summary of Congressional activity, and major executive and judicial decisions; based on Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report and the annual CQ almanac.
- Congressional Quarterly, Congress and the Nation: 1997-2001 (2002)
- Congressional Quarterly, Congress and the Nation: 1993-1996 (1998)
- Congressional Quarterly, Congress and the Nation: 1989-1992 (1993)
- Congressional Quarterly, Congress and the Nation: 1985-1988 (1989)
- Congressional Quarterly, Congress and the Nation: 1981-1984 (1985)
- Congressional Quarterly, Congress and the Nation: 1977-1980 (1981)
- Congressional Quarterly, Congress and the Nation: 1973-1976 (1977)
- Congressional Quarterly, Congress and the Nation: 1969-1972 (1973)
- Congressional Quarterly, Congress and the Nation: 1965-1968 (1969)
- Congressional Quarterly, Congress and the Nation: 1945-1964 (1965), the first of the series
- Congressional Quarterly's Guide to Congress, 5th ed. (2000). Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly Press.
- Cox, Gary W. and McCubbins, Mathew D. Legislative Leviathan: Party Government in the House. U. of California Press, 1993. 324 pp.
- Currie, James T. The United States House of Representatives. Krieger, 1988. 239 pp short survey
- DeGregorio, Christine A. Networks of Champions: Leadership, Access, and Advocacy in the U.S. House of Representatives. U. of Michigan Press, 1997. 185 pp.
- Dierenfield, Bruce J. Keeper of the Rules: Congressman Howard W. Smith of Virginia U. Press of Virginia, 1987. 306 pp. leader of Conservative coalition 1940–66
- Farrell, John A. Tip O'Neill and the Democratic Century Little, Brown, 2001. 776 pp. Democratic Speaker in 1980s
- Gertzog, Irwin J. Congressional Women: Their Recruitment, Treatment, and Behavior Praeger, 1984. 291 pp.
- Hardeman, D. B. and Bacon, Donald C. Rayburn: A Biography. Texas Monthly Press, 1987. 554 pp.
- Hechler, Ken. Toward the Endless Frontier: History of the Committee on Science and Technology, 1959-79. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1980. 1073 pp.
- Hibbing, John R. Congressional Careers: Contours of Life in the U.S. House of Representatives. U. of North Carolina Press, 1991. 213 pp.
- Jacobs, John. A Rage for Justice: The Passion and Politics of Phillip Burton. U. of California Press., 1995. 578 pp. leader of liberal Democrats in 1970s
- Jacobson, Gary C. The Electoral Origins of Divided Government: Competition in U.S. House Elections, 1946-1988. Westview, 1990. 152 pp.
- Kiewiet, D. Roderick and McCubbins, Mathew D. The Logic of Delegation: Congressional Parties and the Appropriations Process. U. of Chicago Press, 1991. 286 pp.
- Merriner, James L. Mr. Chairman: Power in Dan Rostenkowski's America. Southern Illinois U. Pr., 1999. 333 pp.
- Price, David E. The Congressional Experience: A View from the Hill. Westview, 1992. 194 pp. Political scientist who served in House.
- Rohde, David W. Parties and Leaders in the Postreform House. U. of Chicago Press, 1991. 232 pp.
- Rohde, David W. and Kenneth A. Shepsle, "Leaders and Followers in the House of Representatives: Reflections on Woodrow Wilson's Congressional Government," Congress & the Presidency 14 (1987): 111–33
- Schooley, C. Herschel. Missouri's Cannon in the House. Marceline, Mo.: Walsworth, 1977. 282 pp. Chaired Appropriations in 1960s
- Schickler, Eric. Disjointed Pluralism: Institutional Innovation and the Development of the U.S. Congress (2001)
- Shelley II, Mack C. The Permanent Majority: The Conservative Coalition in the United States Congress (1983)
- Sinclair, Barbara. Legislators, Leaders, and Lawmaking: The U.S. House of Representatives in the Postreform Era. Johns Hopkins U. Press, 1995. 329 pp.
- Sinclair, Barbara. Congressional Realignment, 1925-1978. U. of Texas Press, 1982. 201 pp.
- Steinberg, Alfred. Sam Rayburn: A Biography. Hawthorn, 1975. 391 pp. popular biography
- Strahan, Randall. New Ways and Means: Reform and Change in a Congressional Committee. U. of North Carolina Press, 1990. 218 pp.
- VanBeek, Stephen D. Post-Passage Politics: Bicameral Resolution in Congress. U. of Pittsburgh Press, 1995. 227 pp.
- Zelizer, Julian E. On Capitol Hill : The Struggle to Reform Congress and its Consequences, 1948-2000 (2006)
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