Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (Urdu: ذوالفقار علی بھٹو, Sindhi: ذوالفقار علي ڀُٽو, IPA: [zʊlfɪqɑːɾ ɑli bʱʊʈːoː]) (5 January 1928 – 4 April 1979) was 9th Prime Minister of Pakistan from 1973 to 1977, and prior to that, 4th President of Pakistan from 1971 to 1973. Bhutto was the founder of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) and served as its chairman until his execution in 1979.[1] His elder daughter, Benazir Bhutto, later also served as Prime Minister, while his son Murtaza Bhutto served as member of Parliament of Pakistan.[1]
Educated at the University of Southern California and University of California, Berkeley in the United States and the University of Oxford in the United Kingdom, Bhutto was noted for his progressive economic initiatives, industrialisation, education, and foreign policy, and his intellectualism.[2] In addition to national security issues, Bhutto promoted his policies on nationalisation, health care, and social reforms.[2] Under his premiership, Pakistan's Parliament gave approval and passed unanimously the 1973 Constitution of Pakistan, a supreme law that provides a parliamentary system to Pakistan, strengthened Sino-Pakistani and Saudi-Pakistani relations, recognised East-Pakistan as Bangladesh, and hosted the second Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC) in 1974 where he delegated and invited leaders from the Muslim world to Lahore, Punjab Province of Pakistan.[2] In July 1972, Bhutto successfully proceeded the Shimla treaty, signed with Indira Gandhi of India, brought 93,000 Prisoners of War back to Pakistan, and secured 5,000 sq mi (13,000 km2) held by India.[2][3] In 20 January 1972, weeks after the Indo-Pakistani 1971 winter war, Bhutto orchestrated, authorised, and administrated the scientific research on nuclear weapons; for this, he is colloquially known in the world as "Father of the Pakistan's nuclear deterrent programme".[4][5]
A serious secessionist rebellion occurred in Balochistan province in 1973.[6] In response, Bhutto ordered an armed intervention by the Pakistan Armed Forces, which eventually quelled the rebellion in 1978, as well as speeding up economic and political reform in the region.[6] Bhutto and his party won the parliamentary elections held in 1977. However, in a successful coup d'état led by General Zia-ul-Haq under codename Operation Fair Play; Bhutto was removed from the office and was held in Central Jail Rawalpindi (CJR) as General Zia-ul-Haq proclaimed himself as Chief Martial Law Administrator of Pakistan.[7] Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was executed in 1979 after the Supreme Court of Pakistan controversially sentenced him to death by hanging for authorising the murder of a political opponent,[3][8] in a move that many believe was done under the directives of General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq.[9][10]
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto came from prominent Sindhi arain family[11] to Khursheed Begum née Lakhi Bai and Sir Shah Nawaz Bhutto, being born in his parent's residence near Larkana. His mother converted from Hinduism to Islam before her marriage.[12] Bhutto's father was a prominent political figure in the Indian colonial government. He was their third child – their first one, Sikandar Ali, died from pneumonia at age seven in 1914 and the second child, Imdad Ali, died of cirrhosis at the age of 39 in 1953.[13] His father was the prime minister of Junagadh State, and enjoyed an influential relationship with the officials of the British Raj. As a young boy, Bhutto moved to Worli Seaface in Bombay (now Mumbai) to study at the Cathedral and John Connon School. During this period, he also became a student activist in the social movement and nationalist league, the Pakistan Movement. In 1943, his marriage was arranged with Shireen Amir Begum (died 19 January 2003 in Karachi). He later left her, however, in order to remarry. In 1947, Bhutto was admitted to the University of Southern California to study political science.[1]
In 1949, as college sophomore, Bhutto transferred to the University of California, Berkeley, where he earned a B.A. (honours) degree in Political science in 1950.[1] Here, Bhutto would become interested in the theories of socialism, delivering a series of lectures on the feasibility of socialism in Islamic countries. During this time, Bhutto's father, Sir Shahnawaz, played a controversial role in the affairs of the state of Junagadh (now in Gujarat). Coming to power in a palace coup as the dewan, he secured the accession of the state to Pakistan, which was ultimately negated by Indian intervention in December 1947.[14] In June 1950, Bhutto travelled to the United Kingdom to study law at Christ Church— a constituent college of the University of Oxford— and received an LLB, followed by another advanced LLM degree in Law and M.Sc. (honours) degree in Political science.[1] Upon finishing his studies, he was called to the bar at Lincoln's Inn in the year 1953 (the same school at which Muhammad Ali Jinnah studied law).[1]
Bhutto married his second wife, the Iranian-Kurdish Begum Nusrat Ispahani who was a Shi'a Muslim,[15] in Karachi on 8 September 1951. Their first child, his daughter Benazir, was born in 1953. She was followed by Murtaza in 1954, a second daughter, Sanam, in 1957, and the youngest child, Shahnawaz Bhutto, in 1958. He accepted the post of lecturer at the Sindh Muslim College, from where he was also awarded an honorary doctorate, —honoris causa— in law by the then college President, Hassanally Rahmann before establishing himself in a legal practice in Karachi. He also took over the management of his family's estate and business interests after his father's death.
In 1957, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto became the youngest member of Pakistan's delegation to the United Nations. He addressed the United Nations Sixth Committee on Aggression on 25 October 1957 and led Pakistan's delegation to the first United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea in 1958. That same year, Bhutto became the youngest Pakistan cabinet minister, on appointment to the Ministry of Water and Power by President Field Marshal Ayub Khan, who had seized power and declared martial law in a successful coup d'état.[1] In 1960, he was promoted to Minister of the Ministry of Commerce, the Ministry of Communications, and the Ministry of Industry. Bhutto became a close and trusted political advisor to Field Marshal Ayub Khan, rising in influence and power despite his youth and relative inexperience in politics. Bhutto aided Ayub Khan in negotiating the Indus Water Treaty in India in 1960. In 1961, Bhutto negotiated an oil exploration agreement with the Soviet Union, which agreed to provide economic and technical aid to Pakistan.
Bhutto was a Pakistani nationalist and a socialist,[16] with particular views on the type of democracy needed in Pakistan.[17] On becoming Foreign Minister in 1963, his socialist viewpoint influenced him to embark on a close relationship with the neighbouring People's Republic of China.[17] Bhutto adhered to the One-China policy.[17] At the time, many other countries accepted Taiwan as the legitimate single government of China, although two governments each claimed to be "China".[17] In 1964, the Soviet Union and its satellite states broke off relations with Beijing over ideological differences, and only Albania and Pakistan supported the People's Republic of China. Bhutto staunchly supported Beijing in the UN, and in the UNSC, while also continuing to build bridges to the United States.[17][18] Bhutto's was a strong advocate of developing ties with China,this policy came under severe criticism from the United States,President Johnson wrote a letter to President Khan calling on him to fire Mr Bhutto and to only maintain ties with the "free world".[19] As vibrant he was, Bhutto addresses the speeches in a demagogic style and headed Ministry of Foreign Affairs with an aggressive leadership. His style of leading the Foreign ministry swift to rise to power also brought him national prominence and popularity. Bhutto visited Beijing and, Bhutto and his staff was received by Chinese with warm welcome and Bhutto greeted Mao Zedong with great respect.[20] There, Bhutto helped Ayub negotiate trade and military agreements with the Chinese regime, which agreed to help Pakistan in a large number of military and industrial projects.[20] Bhutto also signed the Sino-Pakistan Boundary Agreement on 2 March 1963 that transferred 750 square kilometres of territory from Pakistan-administered Kashmir to Chinese control. Bhutto asserted his belief in non-alignment, making Pakistan an influential member in non-aligned organisations. Believing in Pan-Islamic unity, Bhutto developed closer relations with nations such as Indonesia, Saudi Arabia and other Arab states. Bhutto significantly transformed Pakistan's hitherto pro-Western foreign policy. While maintaining a prominent role for Pakistan within the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization and the Central Treaty Organization, Bhutto began asserting a foreign policy course for Pakistan that was independent of U.S. influence. Meanwhile, Bhutto visited both East and West-Germany and established a strong link between two countries.[21] Bhutto proceeded economical, technological, industrial and military agreements with Germany. Bhutto strengthened Pakistan's strategic alliance with Germany.[22] Bhutto addressed a farewell speech at the University of Munich where he sighted the importance of Pakistan and German relations.[23] Bhutto then also visited Poland and established diplomatic relationship with Poland in 1962.[24] Bhutto used Pakistan Air Force's Brigadier-General Władysław Józef Marian Turowicz to established the military and economical link between Pakistan and Poland.[25] Bhutto sought and reached to the Polish-Pakistan community in Pakistan and made a tremendous effort for a fresh avenues for mutual cooperation.
As Foreign minister, Bhutto is meeting with German officials in
Bonn (
West-Germany), 1965.
In 1962, a territorial differences increased between India and People's Republic of China, the Beijing was planning to stage an invasion in northern territories of India. Zhou Enlai, Chinese Premier and Mao Zedong invited Pakistan to join the raid and extricate the rest of Indian-held Kashmir from Indian control.[17] Bhutto advocated for the plan, but President Ayub Khan oppose to plan he was feared of retreat by Indian troops.[17] Instead Ayub Khan proposed a "joint defence union" with India,Bhutto was shocked by such statement and felt Ayub Khan was unlettered in international affairs . Bhutto was conscious that despite Pakistan's membership of anti-communist western alliances, China had refrained from criticising Pakistan. In 1962, the United States assured Pakistan that Kashmir will be resolved according to the wishes of Pakistanis and the Kashmiris. Therefore, Ayub Khan prevented Pakistan not took participate in Chinese plans.[17] Bhutto criticised the U.S. for providing military aid to India during and after the Sino-Indian War of 1962, which was seen as an abrogation of Pakistan's alliance with the United States[26] Meanwhile, Indian Prime minister Nehru reneged on his policies. When Ayub Khan recognised his mistake, Khan commenced the Gibraltar, a failed airborne operation. The operation brutally failed and Indian Armed Forces attacked West-Pakistan with a full-scale war.[17]
This war was an aftermath of brief skirmishes that took place between March and August 1965 on the international boundaries in the Rann of Kutch, Kashmir and Punjab. Bhutto joined Ayub in Tashkent to negotiate a peace treaty with the Indian Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri. Ayub and Shastri agreed to exchange prisoners of war and withdraw respective forces to pre-war boundaries. This agreement was deeply unpopular in Pakistan, causing major political unrest against Ayub's regime. Bhutto's criticism of the final agreement caused a major rift between him and Ayub Khan. Initially denying the rumours, Bhutto resigned in June 1966 and expressed strong opposition to Ayub's regime.[26] During his term, Bhutto was known to be formulating aggressive geostrategic and foreign policies towards India.[27] In 1965, Bhutto's friend Munir Ahmad Khan had notified the status of Indian nuclear programme and an ambitious intention to build a nuclear weapon, which it did in 1974 (see Operation Smiling Buddha), Bhutto, in 1965, reportedly saying, unofficially:
Pakistan will fight, fight for a thousand years. If..
India builds the (
Atom) bomb.... (
Pakistan) will eat grass or (leaves), even go hungry, but we (Pakistan) will get one of our own (
Atom bomb).... We (Pakistan) have no other Choice!...
—Zulfikar Ali Bhutto,
Foreign Minister of Pakistan, 1965, statement issued October 1965,
[27]
In his book, The Myth of Independence, published in 1969.[27] One of the notable thesis in the book was the necessity for Pakistan to acquire the fission weapon, and start a deterrence programme to be able to stand against the industrialised states, and against a nuclear armed India.[27] Bhutto obtained a manifesto and made a future policy on how the programme would be developed and which individual scientists would be carry upon the starting of the programme, Bhutto selected Munir Ahmad Khan and Abdus Salam as the first and main basis of the programme.[27][28]
Following his resignation, large crowds gathered to listen to Bhutto's speech upon his arrival in Lahore on 21 June 1967. Tapping a wave of anger and opposition against Ayub, Bhutto began travelling across the country to deliver political speeches. In a speech in October 1966 Bhutto declared the PPP's beliefs, "Islam is our faith, democracy is our policy, socialism is our economy. All power to the people."[29] On 30 November 1967, in a residence of Dr. Mubashir Hassan, Bhutto, along with Bengali communist J.A. Rahim and Dr. Mubashir Hassan, founded the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) in Lahore, establishing a strong base of political support in Punjab, Sindh and amongst the Muhajir communities.[30]
Dr. Hassan, a professor of civil engineering at the UET Lahore, was the main brain and hidden hand behind the success and the rise of Bhutto.[30] Under Hassan's guidance and Bhutto's leadership, Bhutto's People's Party became a part of the pro-democracy movement involving diverse political parties from all across Pakistan.[30] The PPP activists staged large protests and strikes in different parts of the country, increasing pressure on Ayub to resign.[30] Dr. Hassan and Bhutto's arrest on 12 November 1969, sparked greater political unrest.[30] After his release, Bhutto, joined by key leaders of PPP, attended the Round Table Conference called by Ayub Khan in Rawalpindi, but refused to accept Ayub's continuation in office and the East-Pakistani politician Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's Six point movement for regional autonomy.[30]
Following Ayub's resignation, his successor, General Yahya Khan promised to hold parliamentary elections on 7 December 1970.[30] Bhutto attracted the leftist and ultra-leftist forces, who gathered under his leadership, becoming the full sum of force.[30] The Socialist-Communist mass, under Bhutto's leadership, intensified its support in Muhajir and poor farming communities in West Pakistan, working through educating people to cast their vote for their better future.[30] Gathering and uniting the scattered socialist-marxist mass in one single center was considered Bhutto's greatest political achievements and as its result, the leftist and Bhutto's party won a large number of seats from constituencies in West-Pakistan.[29] However, Sheikh Mujib's Awami League won an absolute majority in the legislature, largely because an electoral reform had given East-Pakistan a substantial majority of the seats in the chamber. Bhutto refused to accept an Awami League government and famously promised to "break the legs" of any elected PPP member who dared to attend the inaugural session of the National Assembly.[30] Capitalising on West Pakistani fears of East Pakistani separatism, Bhutto demanded that Sheikh Mujib form a coalition with the PPP.[31] According to terrorism expert Hamid Mir, Bhutto sent his most trusted companion to East Pakistan to meet with Mujib and his inner circle, played a major role convincing Mujib to meet Bhutto.[30] After Dr. Hassan achieved this task, Bhutto and Mujib agreed upon a coalition government for the sake of keeping Pakistan united. Under the terms of the deal, Mujib would have become prime minister and Bhutto would have succeeded Yahya as president.[30][31] Yahya was unaware of these talks, and both Bhutto and Mujib kept substantial pressure on Yahya Khan.[31] After his own talks with Sheikh Mujib failed, Yahya postponed the opening session of the National Assembly and ordered an army action against Mujib.[29][31] Amidst popular outrage in East Pakistan, Sheikh Mujib declared the independence of "Bangladesh". According to historical references and a report published by leading newspaper, "Mujib no longer[32] believed in Pakistan and was determined to make Bangladesh", despite Bhutto's urged.[32] His daughter Hasina Wajid has not accepted Pakistan from the core of heart even today.[32] As long as she is the prime minister, relations between Bangladesh and Pakistan cannot normalise, The Nation noted.[32]
On 26 March 1971 after Mujib was arrested by the Pakistan Army, which had been ordered by Yahya to suppress political activities.[30][33] While supportive of the army's actions and working to rally international support, Bhutto distanced himself from the Yahya regime and began to criticised Khan for mishandling the situation.[31] He refused to accept Yahya's scheme to appoint Bengali politician Nurul Amin as Prime minister, with Bhutto as deputy prime minister.[31] Soon after his refusal and continuous resentment toward General Yahya Khan's mishandling of situation, General Yahya Khan ordered Military Police to arrest Bhutto for a treason charges, a quiet similar to Mujib.[31] Bhutto was situated at the Adiala Jail along with Mujib where he was set to face the charges.[31] The Indian intervention in East Pakistan led to the very bitter defeat of Pakistani forces, who surrendered on 16 December 1971. Bhutto and others condemned Yahya for failing to protect Pakistan's unity.[31] Isolated, Yahya resigned on 20 December and transferred power to Bhutto, who became president, commander-in-chief and the first civilian chief martial law administrator.[29]
Bhutto was the country's first civilian chief martial law administrator since 1958, as well as the country's first civilian president.[29] With Bhutto assuming the control, the leftists and democratic socialists entered in county's politics, later emerged as power players in country's politics. And, for the first time in country's history, the leftists and democratic socialists had a chance to administer the country with popular vote and wide approved exclusive mandate, given to them by the West's population in the 1970s elections.[29]
In a reference written by Kuldip Nayar in his book "Scoop! Inside Stories from the Partition to the Present", Nayar noted that "Bhutto's releasing of Mujib did not mean anything to Pakistan's policy as in if there was no liberation war.[34] Bhutto's policy, and even as of today, the policy of Pakistan continues to state that "she will continue to fight for the honor and integrity of Pakistan. East Pakistan is an inseparable and unseverable part of Pakistan".[34]
By the time Bhutto had assumed control of what remained of Pakistan, the nation was completely isolated, angered, and demoralized. As President, Bhutto addressed the nation via radio and television, saying:
My dear countrymen, my dear friends, my dear students, labourers, peasants... those who fought for Pakistan... We are facing the worst crisis in our country's life, a deadly crisis. We have to pick up the pieces, very small pieces, but we will make a new Pakistan, a prosperous and progressive Pakistan, a Pakistan free of exploitation, a Pakistan envisaged by the
Quaid-e-Azam.
—Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, 1971,
[35]
As President, Bhutto faced with mounted and eminent challenges in both internal and foreign fronts.[36] The trauma was severe in Pakistan, a psychological setback and emotional breakdown for Pakistan.[36] The Two-Nation Theory — the theoretical base in which Pakistan was found and established – was brutally failed, and Pakistan's foreign policy collapsed when no moral support was found anywhere, including from her own long standing allies, particularly the United States and the People's Republic of China.[36] Since her creation, the physical and moral existence of Pakistan was in great danger.[36] At an internal front, the Baloch, Sindhi, and the Pashtun nationalism was at its peak point, calling for their independence from Pakistan.[36] Founding as difficult as to keep remaining Pakistan as united, Bhutto launched full fledged intelligence and extensive military operations.[36] By the end of 1978, these nationalist organizations were brutally quelled by Pakistan Armed Forces.[36]
Bhutto immediately placed General Yahya Khan under house arrest, brokered a ceasefire and ordered the release of Sheikh Mujib, who was held prisoner by the Pakistan Army. To implement this, Bhutto reversed the verdict of Mujib's court-martial trial that had taken place earlier, in which the presiding by the JAG Branch's military judge Brigadier-General Rahimuddin Khan (later 4-star General) had sentenced Mujib to death. Appointing a new cabinet, Bhutto appointed Lieutenant-General Gul Hasan as Chief of Army Staff. On 2 January 1972 Bhutto announced the nationalisation of all major industries, including iron and steel, heavy engineering, heavy electricals, petrochemicals, cement and public utilities.[37] A new labour policy was announced increasing workers rights and the power of trade unions. Although he came from a feudal background himself, Bhutto announced reforms limiting land ownership and a government take-over of over a million acres (4,000 km²) to distribute to landless peasants. More than 2,000 civil servants were dismissed on charges of corruption.[37] Bhutto also dismissed the military chiefs on 3 March after they refused orders to suppress a major police strike in Punjab. He appointed General Tikka Khan as the new Chief of the Army Staff in March 1972 as he felt the General would not interfere in political matters and would concentrate on rehabilitating the Pakistan Army. Bhutto convened the National Assembly on 14 April, rescinded martial law on 21 April and charged the legislators with writing a new constitution.
Bhutto visited India to meet Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and negotiated a formal peace agreement and the release of 93,000 Pakistani prisoners of war. The two leaders signed the Shimla Agreement, which committed both nations to establish a new yet temporary Cease-fire Line in Kashmir and obligated them to resolve disputes peacefully through bilateral talks.[37][38] Bhutto also promised to hold a future summit for the peaceful resolution of the Kashmir dispute and pledged to recognise Bangladesh.[38] Although he secured the release of Pakistani soldiers held by India, Bhutto was criticised by many in Pakistan for allegedly making too many concessions to India. It is theorised that Bhutto feared his downfall if he could not secure the release of Pakistani soldiers and the return of territory occupied by Indian forces.[39] Bhutto established an atomic power development programme and inaugurated the first Pakistani atomic reactor, built in collaboration with Canada in Karachi on 28 November. On 30 March 59 military officers were arrested by army troops for allegedly plotting a coup against Bhutto, who appointed then-Brigadier Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq to head a military tribunal to investigate and try the suspects. The National Assembly approved the new constitution, which Bhutto signed into effect on 12 April. The constitution proclaimed an "Islamic Republic" in Pakistan with a parliamentary form of government.[40] On 10 August, Bhutto turned over the post of president to Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry, assuming the office of prime minister instead.[37]
Bhutto officially recognised Bangladesh in July. Making an official visit to Bangladesh, Bhutto was criticised in Pakistan for laying flowers at a memorial for Bangladeshi freedom fighters. Bhutto continued to develop closer relations with China as well as Saudi Arabia and other Muslim nations. Bhutto hosted the Second Islamic Summit of Muslim nations in Lahore between 22 and 24 February in 1974.
Bhutto, however, faced considerable pressure from Islamic religious leaders to declare the Ahmadiya communities as non-Muslims. Failing to restrain sectarian violence and rioting, Bhutto and the National Assembly amended the constitution to that effect. Bhutto intensified his nationalisation programme, extending government control over agricultural processing and consumer industries. Bhutto also started the planning of Port Qasim, designed to expand harbour and naval facilities near Karachi. However, the performance of the Pakistani economy declined amidst increasing bureaucracy and a decline in private sector confidence. Bhutto re-organized and re-established the Pakistan Armed Forces as he had promised to his nation to build a professional and well-trained military. Bhutto disbanded the ranks of Commander-in-Chief in the Pakistan Armed Forces as well as re-organized country's intelligence services. As part of this vision, Bhutto upgraded naval rank for Chief of Naval Staff, and appointed Admiral Mohammad Shariff as Navy's first 4-star admiral. Bhutto did the same for the Air Force, and appointed Zulfiqar Ali Khan as first 4-star general in the Air Force. In meantime, Bhutto also created the office of Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee and the chairmanship of this post was given to 4-star General Muhammad Shariff. In a surprise move in 1976, Bhutto appointed General Zia-ul-Haq to replace General Tikka Khan as Chief of Army Staff, surpassing five generals senior to Zia.[41]
A Pakistan International Airlines flight was sent to fetch Bhutto from New York, who at that time was presenting Pakistan's case before the United Nations Security Council on the East Pakistan Crises. Bhutto returned home on 18 December 1971. On 20 December, he was taken to the President House in Rawalpindi where he took over two positions from Yahya Khan, one as President and the other as first civilian Chief Martial Law Administrator, thus he was the first civilian Chief Martial Law Administrator of the dismembered Pakistan.
The new President inherited a disheartened war-weary nation. In this dark hour, he addressed the nation and promised to fight back. Bhutto's intentions to restore national confidence were in several shapes. He spoke about democracy, a new Constitution, and a modified federal and parliamentary system. He reached out to opposition leaders Abdul Wali Khan and Mufti Mahmud, signing an agreement regarding lifting the emergency and allowing opposition governments to be formed. He took steps to stabilise the situation by successfully negotiating the return of the 93,000 prisoners of war and a peaceful settlement with India. He took steps to ameliorate poverty and to revitalise the economy, industry and agriculture.
He gave the third Constitution to the country and established civilian authority over the armed forces in the political setup. In early 1972, Bhutto nationalised ten categories of major industries and withdrew Pakistan from the Commonwealth of Nations and S.E.A.T.O. On 1 March, he introduced extensive land reforms. On 2 July 1972, he signed the Simla Agreement with India outmanoeuvring the Indian Delegation and secured the exchange of the occupied territories and release of Prisoners of War.
After the 1973 Constitution was promulgated, Pakistan changed from a presidential system to a parliamentary one. Bhutto was duly elected by the House to be the Prime Minister, and he was sworn in on 14 August 1973.
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was the founder of Pakistan's atomic bomb programme, and due to his administrative and aggressive leadership to lead this nuclear deterrence programme, Bhutto is often known as Father of Nuclear deterrence programme.[4][42][43] Bhutto's interest in nuclear technology was said to be began during his college years in the United States when Bhutto attended the course of political science, discussing political impact of U.S.'s first nuclear test, Trinity, on Global politics.[44] While at Berkley, Bhutto witnessed the public panic when the Soviet Union first exploded the bomb, codename First Lightening in 1949, prompting the U.S. government to famously launch the research on Hydrogen bombs.[44] However, in 1958 when long before as Minister for Fuel, Power, and National Resources, Bhutto played a key role in setting up of the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC) administrative research bodies and institutes.[45] Soon, Bhutto offered a technical post to Munir Ahmad Khan in PAEC in 1958, and lobbied for Abdus Salam as being appointed as Science Adviser in 1960.[45] Before elevated as Foreign minister, Bhutto directed the funds for key research in nuclear weapons and its related science.[45]
In October 1965, as Foreign Minister, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto visited Vienna where nuclear engineer Munir Ahmad Khan working at a senior technical post at the IAEA, informed him of the status of Indian nuclear programme and the options Pakistan had to develop its own nuclear capability.[46] Both agreed on the need for Pakistan to develop a nuclear deterrent to meet India's nuclear capacity.[46] While, Munir Ahmad Khan had failed to convince Ayub Khan, Bhutto had said to Munir Ahmad Khan: Don't worry, our turn will come.[46] Shortly, after the 1965 war, Bhutto in a press conference, famously declared that "even if we have to eat grass, we will make nuclear bomb. We have no other choice." as he saw India was making its way to develop the bomb.[27] In 1965, Bhutto lobbied for Salam and succeeded him to appoint Salam as head of Pakistan's delegation at IAEA, and helped Salam to lobbied for acquiring the nuclear power plants.[45] In November 1972, Bhutto advised Salam to travelled to United States to evade the war, and advised him to returned with a key literature on nuclear history. By the end week of December 1972, Salam returned to Pakistan, with loaded literature on Manhattan Project, in his huge suit cases.
Shortly, roughly two weeks past after experiencing the 1971 winter war, on 20 January 1972, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto rallied a conference of nuclear scientists and engineers at Multan.[47] While at the Multan meeting, arranged by Bhutto's Science Advisor Abdus Salam, scientists were wondering why the President who had so much on his hands in those trying days was paying so much attention to the scientists and engineers in the nuclear field.[47] At the meeting Bhutto slowly talked about the recent war and country's future, pointing out the existence of the country was in great moral danger.[47] While the academicians listened to Bhutto carefully, Bhutto said: "Look, we're going to have the bomb". Bhutto asked them: "Can you give it to me? And how long will it take it to make a bomb?".[47] Many of senior scientists had witnessed the war, and were emotionally and psychologically disturbed, therefore, the response was positive when the senior academic scientists replied: "Oh...Yes.. Yes... You can have it."[47] There was a lively debate on the time needed to make the bomb, and finally one scientist dared to say that maybe it could be done in five years.[47] Prime Minister Bhutto smiled, lifted his hand, and dramatically thrust forward three fingers and said: "Three years, I want it in three years". The atmosphere suddenly became electric.[47] It was then that one of the junior scientist dr. S.A.Butt (a theoretical physicist), who under Munir Ahmad Khan's guiding hand would come to play a major role in making the fission weapon possible – jumped to his feet and clamoured for his leader's attention.[47] Dr. S.A Butt replied: "It can be done in three years". When Bhutto heard Butt's reply, Bhutto was very much amused and said: "Well.... Much as I appreciate your enthusiasm, this is a very serious political decision, which Pakistan must make, and perhaps all Third World countries must make one day, because it is coming. So can you boys do it?". Nearly all senior scientsits replied in one tone: Yes... We can do it, given the resources and given the facilities". Bhutto ended the meeting by simply saying: "I shall find you the resources and I shall find you the facilities".[48]
Before 1970s, the nuclear deterrence was long established under the government of Suhrawardy, but was completely peaceful and devoted for civil power. Bhutto, in his book The Myth of Independence in 1969 wrote that:
If Pakistan restricts or suspends her
nuclear deterrence, it would not only enable India to
blackmail Pakistan with her
nuclear advantage, but would impose a crippling limitation on the development of Pakistan's
science and technology.... Our problem in its essence, is how to obtain such a weapon in time before the crisis begin...
After India's nuclear test – codename Smiling Buddha — in May 1974, Bhutto sensed and saw this test as final anticipation for Pakistan's death.[42] In a press conference, held shortly after India's nuclear test, Bhutto said, "India's nuclear program is designed to intimidate Pakistan and establish "hegemony in the subcontinent".[50] Despite Pakistan limited financial resources, Bhutto was so enthusiastic about Pakistan nuclear energy project, that he is reported to have said "Pakistanis will eat grass but make a nuclear bomb."[51]
Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission's militarisation was initiated in 20 January of 1972 and, in its initial years, was implemented by Pakistan Army's Chief of Army Staff General Tikka Khan. The Karachi Nuclear Power Plant (KANUPP-I) was inaugurated by Bhutto during his role as President of Pakistan at the end of 1972[45] The nuclear weapons programme was set up loosely based on Manhattan Project of 1940s under the administrative control of Bhutto.[44] And, senior academic scientists had a direct access to Bhutto, who kept him informed about every inch of the development. Bhutto's Science Advisor, Abdus Salam's office was also sat up in Bhutto's Prime minister Secretariat.[44] On Bhutto's request, Salam had established and led the Theoretical Physics Group (TPG) that marked the beginning of the nuclear detterence programme. The TPG designed and developed the nuclear weapons as well as the entire programme.[44] Later, Munir Ahmad Khan had him personally approved the budget for the development of the programme.[44]
Wanting a capable administrator, Bhutto sought Lieutenant-General Rahimuddin Khan to chair the commission, which Rahimuddin declined, in 1971.[52] Instead, in January 1972, Bhutto chose a U.S. trained nuclear engineer Munir Ahmad Khan as chairman of Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC) as Bhutto realised that he would wanted an administrator who understood the scientific and economical needs of this such technologically giant and ambitious programme. Since 1965, Khan had developed extremely close and trusted relationship with Bhutto, and even after his death, Benazir and Murtaza Bhutto were instructed by their father to keep in touch with Munir Ahmed Khan. In spring of 1976, Kahuta Research Facility, then known as Engineering Research Laboratories (ERL), as part of codename Project-706, was also established by Bhutto, and brought under nuclear scientist dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan and the Pakistan Army Corps of Engineers' Lieutenant-General Zahid Ali Akbar.[44] As Bhutto was the main architect of Project-706, Lieutenant-General Zahid Ali Akbar Khan kept informed Bhutto about the progressed was made by dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan.[42] When dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan was made the scientific director of one-side uranium project, Bhutto had reportedly pounded his fist on his table and declared: "I will see the Hindu (bastards) now.!".[53]
| “ |
The People of (Pakistan) will eat grass.. for thousands of years... but make an [a]tom bomb.... |
” |
|
—Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, 1972.
|
Because Pakistan, under Bhutto, was not a signatory or party of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG), Commissariat à l'énergie atomique (CEA), and British Nuclear Fuels (BNFL) had immediately cancelled fuel reprocessing plant projects with PAEC. And, according to Causar Nyäzie, the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission officials had misled Bhutto and he sought on a long journey to try to get Nuclear fuel reprocessing plant from France.[54] It was on the advice of A.Q. Khan that no fuel existed to reprocess and urged Bhutto to follow his pursuit of uranium enrichment.[54] Bhutto tried to show he was still interested in that expensive route and was relieved when Kissinger persuaded the French to cancel the deal.[54] Bhutto had trusted Munir Ahmad Khan's plans to develop the programme ingeniously, and the mainstream goal of showing such interest in French reprocessing plant was to give time to PAEC scientists to gain expertise in building its own reprocessing plants. By the time France's CEA cancelled the project, the PAEC had acquired 95% of the detailed plans of the plant and materials.[42][55] And, Munir Ahmad Khan and Ishfaq Ahmad believed that since PAEC had acquired most of the detailed plans, work, plans, and materials; the PAEC, based on that 95% work, could build the plutonium reprocessing reactors on its own, Pakistan should stick to its original plan, the plutonium route.[42][55] Bhutto did not disagree but saw an advantage in establishing another parallel programme, the uranium enrichment programme under Abdul Qadeer Khan.[42] Both Munir Khan and Ahmed had shown their concern over on Abdul Qadeer Khan's suspected activities but Bhutto backed Khan when Bhutto maintained that: "No less than any other nation did what Abdul Qadeer Khan (is) doing; the Soviets and Chinese ; the British and the French; the Indians and the Israelis; stole the nuclear weapons designs previously in the past and no one questioned them but rather tend to be quiet. We are not stealing what they (illegally) stole in the past (as referring the nuclear weapon designs) but we're taking a small machine which is not useful for making the atomic bomb but for a fuel".[44] International pressure was difficult to counter at that time, and Bhutto, with the help of Munir Ahmad Khan and Aziz Ahmed, tackled the intense heated criticism and diplomatic war with the United States at numerous fronts— while the progress on nuclear weapons remained highly classified.[44][56] During this pressure, Aziz Ahmed played a significant role by convincing the consortium industries to sell and export sensitive electronic components before the United States could approach to them and try and prevent the consortium industries to export such equipments and components.[44] Bhutto slowly reversed and thwarted United States' any attempt to infiltrate the programme as he had expelled many of the American diplomatic officials in the country, under Operation Sun Rise, authorised by Bhutto under ISI.[44] On the other hand, Bhutto intensified his staunch support and eye-blindly backed Abdul Qadeer Khan to quietly bring the Urenco's weapon-grade technology to Pakistan, keeping the Kahuta Laboratories hidden from the outside world.[44] Regional rivals such as India and Soviet Union, had no basic intelligence on Pakistan's nuclear energy project during the 1970s, and Bhutto's intensified clandestine efforts seemed to be paid off in 1978 when the programme was fully matured.[44]
File:Viewer.png
Bhutto (sitting in middle) is seen chairing the Multan conference, 1972. Note:Abdus Salam is seen sitting on the right of Bhutto (in middle).
By the time Bhutto was ousted, this crash programme had fully matured in terms of technical development as well as scientific efforts.[44] By the 1977, PAEC and KRL had built their uranium enrichment and plutonium reprocessing plants, and selection for test sites, at Chagai Hills, was done by the PAEC.[6] The feasibility reports were submitted by both organisations on their works.[6] In 1977, the PAEC's Theoretical Physics Group had finished the designing of the first fission weapon, and KRL scientists succeeded in electromagnetic isotope separation of Uranium fissile isotopes.[6] In spite of this, still little had been done in the development of weapons, and Pakistan's nuclear arsenal were actually made by General Zia-ul-Haq's military regime, under the watchful eyes of several Naval admirals, Army and Air Force's generals including Ghulam Ishaq Khan.[54] In 1983, Bhutto's decision later proved to be right, when PAEC had conducted a cold test, near Kirana Hills, evidently made from non-fissioned plutonium. It has been speculated recently in the press that Dr. Khan's uranium enrichment designs were used by the Chinese in exchange for (UF6) and some highly enriched weapons grade uranium.[54] Later on this weapons grade uranium was offered back to the Chinese as the Pakistanis used their own materials.[54] In all, Bhutto knew that Pakistan had became nuclear weapon state in 1978 when his friend Munir Ahmad Khan paid a visit to him in his jail cell.[47] There, Munir Ahmad Khan told Bhutto that the process of weapon designing is finished and a milestone in the complex and difficult enrichment of weapon-grade fuel has been achieved by the PAEC and dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan of ERL.[47] Bhutto called for an immediate nuclear test to be conducted, no response was issued by General Zia or any member of his government.[47]
Furthermore, in a thesis written in The Myth of Independence, Bhutto argued that nuclear weapons would allow India to use its [Air Force] warplanes that with the use of small battlefield nuclear devices against the Pakistan Army cantonments, armoured and infantry columns and PAF bases and nuclear and military industrial facilities.[57] The Indian Air Force would not meet with an adverse reaction from the world community as long as civilian casualties could be kept to a minimum.[57] This way, India would defeat Pakistan, force its Armed Forces into a humiliating surrender and occupy and annexe the Northern Areas of Pakistan and Azad Kashmir. India would then carve up Pakistan into tiny states based on ethnic divisions and that would be the end of the “Pakistan problem” once and for all.[57]
We (Pakistan)..... know that (Israel) and (South Africa) have full nuclear capability— a
Christian,
Jewish and
Hindu civilization have this [nuclear] capability ... the Islamic civilization is without it, but the situation (is) about to change!...
—Zulfikar Ali Bhutto—
called for a test from his jail cell, 1978,
[58]
After the promulgation of the 1973 Constitution, the elections for the President, Prime Minister, Chairman of Senate of Senate—the upper house of Pakistan Parliament— Speaker, and Deputy Speaker of the National Assembly—the Lower house of Parliament of Pakistan—were to be undertaken.[59] The 1973 Constitution had adopted a federal parliamentary system for the country in which the President was only a figurehead and the administrative power lay with the Prime Minister.[59]
Bhutto was sworn in as the Prime Minister of the country on 14 August 1973, after he had secured 108 votes in a house of 146 members. Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry was elected as the President under the new Constitution.[59] During his five years of government, the Bhutto government made extensive reforms at every level of government.[60] Pakistan's capital and Western reforms that were began to take place and built in 1947 throughout the 1970s, were transformed and replaced with Socialist system.[60] His policies were seen people friendly, but it did not produce long lasting effects as the civil disorder against Bhutto began to take place in 1977.[60] Amid political distress and intensified law and order situation had badly shaken his reforms, and his credibility was diminished as his rivals both in Sindh and Punjab Provinces had tirelessly worked.
Bhutto is considered the main architect of 1973 constitution as part of his vision to put Pakistan to road to parliamentary democracy.[61] One of the major achievement in Bhutto's life was drafting of Pakistan's first ever consensus constitution to the country.[61] Bhutto supervised the promulgation of 1973 constitution that triggered an unstoppable constitutional revolution through his politics wedded to the emancipation of the downtrodden masses, by first giving people a voice in the Parliament, and introducing radical changes in the economic sphere for their benefit .[61]
During his period in office the Government carried out seven major amendments to the 1973 Constitution.[62] The First Amendment led to Pakistan's recognition of and diplomatic ties with Bangladesh.[59] The Second Amendment in the constitution declared the Ahmadis as non-Muslims, and defined the term non-Muslim.[59][63] The rights of the detained were limited under the Third Amendment while the powers and jurisdiction of the courts for providing relief to political opponents were curtailed under the Fourth Amendment.[59] The Fifth Amendment passed on 15 September 1976, focused on curtailing the power and jurisdiction of the Judiciary.[59] This amendment was highly criticised by lawyers and political leaders.[59] The main provision of the Sixth Amendment extended the term of the Chief Justices of the Supreme Court and the High Courts beyond the age of retirement.[59] This Amendment was made in the Constitution to favour the then Chief Justice of the Supreme Court who was supposed to be a friend of Bhutto.[59]
The Bhutto Government carried out a number of reforms in the industrial sector. His reforms were twofold; nationalisation, and the improvement of workers' rights.[64] In the first phase, basic industries like steel, chemical and cement were nationalised. This was done in 1972.[64] The next major step in nationalisation took place on 1 January 1974, when Bhutto nationalised all banks.[64] The last step in the series was the most shocking; it was the nationalisation of all flour, rice and cotton mills throughout the country.[64] This nationalisation process was not as successful as Bhutto expected.[64] Most of the nationalised units were small businesses that could not be described as industrial units, hence making no sense for the step that was taken.[64] Consequently, a considerable number of small businessmen and traders were ruined, displaced or rendered unemployed. In the concluding analysis, nationalisation caused colossal loss not only to the national treasury but also to the people of Pakistan.[64]
The Bhutto government established a large number of rural and urban schools, including around 6,500 elementary schools, 900 middle schools, 407 high schools, 51 Intermediate Colleges and 21 junior colleges.[60]
Bhutto also abandoned Western education system and most of the literature was sent back to Western world; instead his government encourage the local academicians to published their books on their respected fields. Though the local books were made cheaper to the public but these reforms came with a large surrounding of controversies. His government made the Islamic and Pakistan studies compulsory in schools, and according to the Sustainable Development Policy Institute, these reforms were highly controversial have systematically inculcated hatred towards India and Hindus through historical revisionism.[65] Although, the text books promoted the nationalism but it also increased the Anti-Indian and anti-Hindu sentiments on other hand.[65]
As his role as Foreign Minister, and in 1967 with the help of Abdus Salam, established the Institute of Theoretical Physics. As Prime Minister, Bhutto made revolutionary efforts to expand the web of education. Bhutto established the Allama Iqbal Medical College in 1975[66]]. In 1974, with the help of Abdus Salam, Bhutto gave authorisation of the International Nathiagali Summer College on Contemporary Physics (INSC) at the Nathiagali and as even as of today, INSC conference is still held on Pakistan where thousands of scientists from all over the world are delegated to Pakistan to interact with Pakistan's academic scientists. In 1976, Bhutto established the Engineering Council, Institute of Theoretical Physics, Pakistan Academy of Lettersand Cadet college Razmak in North waziristan.
During his period as the Prime Minister, a number of land reforms were also introduced.[64] The important land reforms included the reduction of land ceilings and introducing the security of tenancy to tenant farmers.[64] The land ceiling was fixed to 150 acres (0.61 km2) of irrigated land and 300 acres (1.2 km2) of non-irrigated land. Another step that Bhutto took was to democratise Pakistan's Civil Service.[64] In Baluchistan, the pernicious practice of Shishak and Sardari System was abolished. In 1976, the Bhutto government carried out the establishment of Federal Flood Commission (FFC), and was tasked to prepare national flood protection plans, and flood forecasting and research to harness floodwater.[67][68] Bhutto later went onto to upgrade numbers of dams and barrages built in Sindh Province.
Bhutto was a strong advocate of empowering small farmers, when Bhutto argued that if farmers were weak and demoralised then Pakistan's agricultural strength would fragile, believing that farmers would not feel psychologically safe unless the country achieved self-sufficiency in food.[69] Therefore, the Bhutto government launched the programs to make put the country on road self sufficient in ricing, sugar-milling, wheat husking, industries.[69] Bhutto government intensified the control of ricing, sugar-mills and wheat husking factories with initially believing that public sector involvement would reduce the influence of mega-corporations transforming into big monopoly sphere.[69] The Government initiated schemes for combating water logging and salinity.[69] The huge tax exceptions were also introduced for small landowners to encourage the growth of agriculture.[69] His nationalisation of Sindh based industries heavily benefited the poor mass, but badly upsets the influential Sindhi feudal lords and most notables were Pir Pagara, Ayaz Palijo, Qadir Magsi, and Rasul Bux Palejo. Although, the Sindhi feudal class were leftists as Bhutto but later allied with secular forces after Bhutto initiated more reforms for poor mass.
Bhutto introduced socialist economics policies while working to prevent any further division of the country.[70] Major heavy mechanical, chemical, and electrical engineering industries were immediately nationalised by Bhutto, and all of the industries came under direct control of government.[70] Industries, such as KESC were under complete government control with no private influence in KESC decision.[70] Bhutto abandoned Ayub Khan's state capitalism policies, and introduced socialist policies in a move to reduced the rich get richer and poor get poorer ratio.[70] Bhutto also established the Port Qasim, Pakistan Steel Mills, the Heavy Mechanical Complex (HMC) and several cement factories.[70][71] However, the growth rate of economy relative to that of 1960s when East Pakistan was still part of Pakistan and large generous aid from the United Statee declined, after the global oil crises in 1973, which also had a negative impact on the economy.[72] Despite the initiatives undertaken by Bhutto's government to boost the country's economy, the economical growth remained at equilibrium level.[70] But Bhutto's policy largely benefited the poor and working class when the level of absolute poverty was sharply reduced, with the percentage of the population estimated to be living in absolute poverty falling from 46.50% by the end of 1979–80, under the General Zia-ul-Haq's military rule, to 30.78%.[70][73] The land reform programme provided increased economic support to landless tenants, and development spending was substantially increased, particularly on health and education, in both rural and urban areas, and provided "material support" to rural wage workers, landless peasants, and urban wage workers.[70][74]
Bhutto's nationalisation policies were initiated with an aim to put workers in control of the tools of production and to protect workers and small businesses.[75] However, economical historians argued that the nationalisation program initially effected the small industries and had devastating effects on Pakistan's economy shrunk Bhutto's credibility.[75] Historians and economics policy makers also noted that the nationalisation policies had the investor's confidence damaged by the government, and government corruption in nationalised industries grew, although no serious corruption cases were ever proved against Bhutto by the military junta.[75]
When Bhutto realised the failure of nationalisation, Bhutto attempted to adopt the deregulation and denationalised the troubled industries by first establishing the National Development Finance Corporation— a government controlled financial institute tasked to coordinate the privatisation and investment process.[76] In 1974, Bhutto maintained that foreign companies and industries in Pakistan where except from nationalisation policies and his government would be willing to receive foreign investment to put up factories.[77] With National Development Finance Corporation established in 1973, Bhutto authorised to give a bail out plan to this institutes and allotted PKR 100million, it was aimed to finance public sector industrial enterprises but, later on, its charter was modified to provide finance to the private sector as well.[76] While commenting on his policies in 1973, Bhutto told the group of investors that belonged to the Lahore Chamber of Commerce and Industary (LCCI), that "activity of public sector or state sector prevents the concentration of economic power in few hands, and protects the small and medium entrepreneurs from the clutches of giant enterprises and vested interests".[72]
Bhutt's sudden shift to Centre-right policies had badly upsets his democratic socialist alliance and many in the Pakistan Peoples Party, many of his colleagues, most notable Malik Mirage left Bhutto and departed to Soviet Union after resigning from Law Minister.[78] Continuous disagreement led the government's socialist alliance to collapse and further uniting with secular Independence Movement led by Asghar Khan.[78]
Banking reforms were introduced to provide more opportunities to small farmers and business such as forcing banks to ensure 70% of institutional lending should be for small land holders of 12.5 acres or less, which was a revolutionary idea at a time when banks only clients where the privileged classes.[72] The number of bank branches rose by 75% from December 1971 to November 1976,from 3,295 to 5,727.[71] It was one of the most radical move made by Bhutto, and the Bank infrastructure was expanded covering all towns and villages with a population of 5,000 in accordance with targets set after the nationalisation of banks.[71]
By end of the Bhutto government concentration of wealth had declined compared to height of the Ayub Khan era when 22 families owned 66% of industrial capital, and also controlled banking and 97% of insurance.[72]
Measures taken in the first few months of 1972 set a new framework for the revival of the economy. The diversion of trade from East Pakistan to international markets was completed within a short period. By 1974, exports exceeded one billion dollars, showing a 60% increase over the combined exports of East and West Pakistan before separation, it was achieved and benefited with world was in the midst of the major 1973 oil crisis and in the middle of global recession the national income of Pakistan increased by 15% and industrial production by as much as 20% in four years. [60]
Following the secession of East Pakistan, calls for the independence of Balochistan by Baloch nationalists grew immensely. Surveying the political instability, Bhutto's central government sacked two provincial governments within six months, arrested the two chief ministers, two governors and forty-four MNAs and MPAs, obtained an order from the Supreme Court banning the National People's Party on the recommendation of Akbar Bugti, and charged everyone with high treason to be tried by a specially constituted Hyderabad tribunal of handpicked judges.
In January 1973, Bhutto ordered the Pakistan Armed Forces to suppress a rising insurgency in the province of Balochistan. He dismissed the governments in Balochistan and the North-West Frontier Province once more.[37] Following the alleged discovery of Iraqi arms in Islamabad in February 1973, Bhutto dissolved the Provincial Assembly of Balochistan. The operation, under General Tikka Khan, soon took shape in a five-year conflict with the Baloch separatists. The sporadic fighting between the insurgency and the army started in 1973 with the largest confrontation taking place in September 1974. Later on, Pakistan Navy, under Vice-Admiral Patrick Julius Simpson, also jumped in the conflict as it had applied naval blockades to Balochistan's port. The Navy began its separate operations to seized the shipments sent to aid Baloch separatists. Pakistan Air Force also launched air operations, and with the support of navy and army, the air force had pounded the mountainous hidden heavens of the Separatists. The Iranian military, also fearing a spread of the greater Baloch resistance in Iran, also aided the Pakistani military.[79] Among Iran's contribution were 30 Huey cobra attack helicopters and $200 million in aid.[80]
Iraq under Sunni President Saddam Hussain deliberately sent Iraqi made weapons through Pakistan's warm water ports.[81] The Pakistan Navy mounted an effective blockade.[82] Saddam Hussein's government provided support for Baluchi separatists in Pakistan, hoping that their conflict would spread into rival Iran.[81] In 1973, Iraq provided the Baluchis with conventional arms, and it opened an office for the Baluchistan Liberation Front (BLF) in Baghdad. This operation was supposed to be covert, but in 1973, the operation was exposed by M.I. when senior separatist leader Akbar Bugti defected to Bhutto, revealing series of arms stored in Iraqi Embassy.[81] On the midnight of 9 February 1973, Bhutto launched an operation to seized control of Iraqi Embassy, and preparation for siege was hastily prepared. This operation was highly risky and any wrong step during this operation would attempt to start a international diplomatic incident between two countries. The operation was carefully analysed and at 0:00hrs (12:00 am), the SSG Division, accompanied by Army Rangers stormed the Embassy, and the Military Police arrested the Iraqi Ambassador, his military attache, and his diplomatic staff.[81] Following this incident, authorities discovered 300 Soviet submachine guns with 50,000 rounds of ammunitions and large amount of money that was to be distributed amongst Baluchi separatist groups.[81] Bhutto was angered and frustrated, without demanding any explanations, Bhutto ordered the Military Police to immediately expel the Iraqi Ambassador and his staff as personae non gratae, with any given available flight.[81]
The Government announced the Iraqi plan to further dismember the country, and Bhutto's successful diplomatic war against Iraq had Saddam internationally isolated and was condemned.[81] It was this incident that forced Pakistan to support Iran during the Iran-Iraq war in 1980s, and further in 2003, Pakistan remained in support for the United States for commencing its invasion against Saddam Hussein.[81]
In order to avoid a replay of the East-Pakistan war, Bhutto launched economic and political reforms in the midst of the conflict. Bhutto government abolished the feudal system, the feudal lords continued to appropriate to themselves a generous share of government developmental funds whilst at the same time, they opposed and blackmailed the government whenever they could.[6] Gradually the tribesmen started coming out of the Sardars' quarantine.[6] Modern amenities, for instance medical aid, automobiles for passenger transport and schooling of children became available in the interior of Baluchistan for the first time, since 1947.[6] The Bhutto government also constructed 564 miles of new roads, including the key link between Sibi and Maiwand creating new trade and commerce centres.[6]
Bhutto government gave the right of a passport to every citizen of Pakistan and facilitated millions of skilled and non-skilled Pakistanis to seek employment in the Middle Eastern countries through a signing a number combination of bilateral agreements.[61] From Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, alone 35,000 workers where given the opportunity to work in the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia.[61] Bhutto used the Pakistani community of London to lobby and influence European governments to improve the rights of expatriate Pakistani communities in Europe.[83] The remittances from overseas Pakistanis, which are now in the vicinity of $25 billion per anum, constitute a dependable source of foreign exchange for Pakistan.[61]
The Labor policy was among one of the most important cornerstone of Bhutto's government and a comprehensive labour reforms initiated by the Bhutto government.[60] Shortly after assuming the control, the Bhutto's government imposed some conditions on the dismissal of the workers. In 1973, the government instituted Labor Courts for the speedy redress of workers’ grievances and the government also introduced a scheme for workers’ participation in management, though the nationalisation policy.[60] This scheme provided for 20% participation by workers in management committees set up at factory level. The Government abolished the workers’ contribution to the Social Security Fund; instead, the employers were made to increase their contribution from 4 to 6%. The government enhanced compensation rates under the Worker's Compensation Act.[60]
In 1972 the Bhutto government initially provided for some old age benefits for workers through group insurance, increased rates of compensation and higher rates of gratuity.[60] However, the policy did not benefited immediately, therefore, the government introduced a pension scheme of old age benefits which would provide a payment of Rs.75 a month to workers after retirement at the age of 55 for men and 50 for women, on condition that the worker had completed a minimum of 15 years insurable employment.[60] This applied to all factories, industries, and establishments employing ten or more workers drawing monthly wages up to Rs. 1,000.[60] Skill workers who become invalid after five years of insurable employment were also made entitled to benefits under this scheme.[60]
Bhutto did not want to go for the western model where workers generally contribute along with the employers towards their old age benefits.[60] In view of Pakistan's conditions, Bhutto government did not wish the financial burden of this scheme to fall even partly on the worker.[60] It was decided that the scheme be founded through a contribution from employers to the extent of 5% of the wage bill.[60]
After assuming power, Bhutto sought to diversify Pakistan's relations away from the United States and, soon Pakistan left CENTO and SEATO. Bhutto developed close and strengthened the Arab relations, and Sino-Pak relations.[84] Bhutto in believed an independent Foreign Policy which had hitherto been the hand maiden of the Western Power, particularly independent from the United States' sphere of influence.[85] With Bhutto as Foreign minister, and Prime minister, Pakistan and Iran had cemented a special relationship, as Iran had provided military assistance to Pakistan.[85] The Sino-Pak relations were immensely improved, and Pakistan, under Bhutto, had built a strategic relationship with People's Republic of China, when PRC was isolated.[84] In 1974, Bhutto hosted the second Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC) in 1974 where he delegated and invited leaders from the Muslim world to Lahore, Punjab Province of Pakistan.[2] Bhutto was a strong advocate of Afro-Asian Solidarity and had cemented ties with Afro-Asian and Islamic countries and by 1976 had emerged as the Leader of the Third World .[86]
Bhutto with
Nixon in a good mood, 1971.
Bhutto sought a peace agreement—Simla Agreement— with Indira Gandhi, Premier of India, and brought back 93,000 P.O.Ws to Pakistan and secured 5,000 sq mi (13,000 km2) held by India with out compromising on Kashmir stance or recognising Bangladesh which were the key Indian demands.[2] Negotiating with a power that has dismembered the country was an open-challenge to Bhutto who smoothly convinced India to return the territory and the POWs back to Pakistan.[87] Before this conference, Bhutto and his colleagues did the comprehensive homework as Bhutto had realised that Arabs have still not succeeded in regaining territory lost in the 1967 war with Israel.[87] Therefore, capturing of land does not cry out for international attention the same way as the prisoners do.[87] According to Benazir Bhutto, Bhutto demanded the control of the territory in the first stage of the Agreement which surprised and shocked the Indian delegation.[87] In Bhutto's point of view, the POW problem was more of a humanitarian problem that could be tackled at any time, but the territorial problem was something that could be integrated in India as time elapses.[87] Indian Premier Gandhi was stunned and astonished at Bhutto's demand and reacted immediately by refusing Bhutto's demand.[87] However, Bhutto calmed her and negotiated with economic packages dealed with Gandhi.[87] Bhutto's knowledge and his intellectualism impressed Gandhi personally that Gandhi agreed to give the territory back to Bhutto in a first stage of the agreement. Signing of this agreement with Pakistan paying small price is still considered Bhutto's one of the huge diplomatic success.[87]
His vast knowledge, intelligence, and keen awareness of post-world war II, and the nuclear history, enabled him to craft the foreign policy which brought unmatched undivideds in Pakistan's foreign policy history.[88] Elements of his policy were continued by the successive governments to play a vital role in world's politics.[88] In 1974, Bhutto and his Foreign minister Aziz Ahmed brought a U.N. resolution, recommending and calling for the establishment of nuclear-weapon free zone in South Asia, whilst he and Aziz Ahmed aggressively attacked the Indian nuclear programme.[88] While Abdul Qadeer Khan was tasked with bringing the gas-centrifuge technology through the means of atomic proliferation, the goal of the resolution was achieved when Bhutto put India on the defensive position and promoted Pakistan as a non-proliferationist.[88]
Since 1960s, Bhutto had been an anti-SEATO and preferred a non-aligned policy.[89] Soon after assuming the office, Bhutto took a lengthy foreign trip to South East Asia, seeking closer and tighter relations with Vietnam, Thailand, Laos, Burma, and North Korea.[89] His policy largely followed a tight and closer relations with China, normalised relationships with Soviet Union, built an Islamic bloc, and advocated a creation of new economical alliance largely benefiting the third and second world countries.[89]
All of these initiations and implications had disastrous effects on Japan, prompting Japan to oppose Bhutto, although Bhutto was a great admirer of Japan even though Japan was not a constituent part of Bhutto's foreign policy.[89] In 1970s, Japan made several attempts to get close to Bhutto, sending its military officials, scientists, and parliamentary delegations to Pakistan.[89] Hence Japan went far by condemning India for carrying out a nuclear test, Smiling Buddha, in 1974, and publicly supported Pakistan's non-nuclear weapon policy and pledged to built several new nuclear power plants.[89] In 1970, Bhutto advised Japan not to be party of NPT, but Japan signed it but later regretted for not being properly progressed.[90]
In Bhutto's view, Japan had been under the United States' influence, and much bigger role of Japan in Asia would only benefit American interests in the region.[89] By the 1970s, Japan completely lost its momentum in Pakistan as Pakistan followed a strict independent policy.[89] Bhutto envisioned Pakistan's new policy as benefiting the economic relations rather than the military alliance which also affected Japan's impact on Pakistan.[89] However, much of the foreign policy efforts were reverted by General Zia-ul-Haq and ties were finally restored after Bhutto's execution.[89]
Bhutto sought to improve Pakistan's ties with the Arab world, and sided with the Arab world during the Arab-Israeli conflict.[88] Colonel Gaddafi of former Socialist Libya considered Bhutto as one of his greatest inspirations and was said to be very fond of Bhutto's intellectualism.[88] In 1973, during the Yom Kippur War, Pakistan's relations with the Arab world represented a watershed.[88] In both Pakistan and the Arab world, Pakistan's swift, unconditional and forthright offer of assistance to the Arab states was deeply appreciated.[88]
In 1974, pressured by other Muslim nations, Pakistan eventually recognised Bangladesh as Mujib stated he would only go to the OIC conference in Lahore if Pakistan recognised Bangladesh.[88][91] Pakistan established full diplomatic relations with Bangladesh on 18 January 1976 and relations improved in the following decades.[85] Bhutto aided the Syrian and Egyptian Air Force by sending the PAF and Navy's top fighter pilots where they flew combat missions against Israel. However, Iraq was not benefited with Bhutto policies.
In spite of troubled relations with Israel, Bhutto had made it clear to Israel that his policy against Israel is not based on "antisemitism", but the issue of independent Palestine that prompted Pakistan to oppose Israel.[81] In early 1977, Bhutto decided to use ISI to provide the credible intelligence on Iraqi nuclear program that Pakistan and the ISI had secretly gained.[81] The government passed intel that identified Iraqi nuclear program and the Osirak Nuclear Reactor at Osirak to Israel's Mossad.[81] Helping Israel to infiltrate Iraqi nuclear program was also continued by General Zia-ul-Haq as their policy to teach Iraq and Saddam Hussain a lesson for supporting the Baloch liberation fronts and movements.[81]
In 1974, India carried out a nuclear test, codenamed Smiling Buddha, near Pakistan's eastern border. Bhutto unsuccessfully lobbied for the United States to impose economic sanctions on India.[92] However, at the request of Bhutto, Pakistan's Ambassador to the United States convened a meeting with Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. Kissinger told Pakistan’s ambassador to Washington that the test is “a fait accompli and that Pakistan would have to learn to live with it,” although he was aware this was a “little rough” on the Pakistanis.[92] In 1976, the ties were further severed with Bhutto as Bhutto had continued to administer the research on weapons. In 1976, Kissinger immediately travelled to Pakistan to hold a meeting with Bhutto, offering an expensive package of F-5 jets for PAF.[93] When Bhutto analysed its technology he was unconvinced of its combat performance, and refused the sale.[93] After learning this, Kissinger reportedly used an unorthodox language and threatened Bhutto while using a inhumane language with many witnessed and surprised with the language used by Kissinger.[93] In a meeting, Kissinger had told to Bhutto: "that if you [Bhutto] do not cancel, modify or postpone the Reprocessing Plant Agreement, we will make a horrible example from you".[93] Dr. Mubashir Hassan came forward to defend Bhutto and an extensive exchange of acrimonious words were made between dr. Hassan and Kissinger.[93] The meeting was ended by Bhutto as he had replied: "For my country’s sake, for the sake of people of Pakistan, I did not succumb to that black-mailing and threats".[93] Bhutto and his cabinet left Kissinger and his delegation alone in the room while Bhutto and his cabinet walk away from the room.[93]
After this meeting, Bhutto intensified Pakistan's foreign policy towards more onto Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, and sought to developed relations with both Soviet Union and the United States. Bhutto was keenly aware of Great Britain's policy of “divide and rule”, and American policy of “unite and rule”.[84] In 1974, Bhutto, as Prime minister, visited Soviet Union.[94] Prime Minister Bhutto deliberately undertook to improve relations with the Soviet Union and the Communist bloc.[94] Bhutto sought to developed and alleviated the Soviet-Pak Relations, with Soviet Union established Pakistan Steel Mills in 1972.[95] The foundation stone for this gigantic project was laid on 30 December 1973 by the then Prime minister Mr. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Facing inexperience for the erection work of the integrated steel mill, Bhutto requested Soviet Union to send its experts.[95] Soviet Union sends dozens of advisors and experts, under Russian scientist Mikhail Koltokof, who supervised the construction of this integrated Steel Mills, with a number of industrial and consortium companies financing this mega-project.[95]
For the first time in history of the country, the relationships with United States were at low point and severed as United States was opposing Pakistan's nuclear detterrence programme.[84] Although, Richard Nixon enjoyed firmly strong relations with Bhutto and was a close friend of Bhutto, the graph of relation significantly went down under the Presidency of Jimmy Carter.[96] Carter, ananti-socialist, tightened the embargo placed on Pakistan and placed a pressure through the United States Ambassador to Pakistan, Brigadier-General Henry Byroade.[96] The socialist orientation, and Bhutto's proposed left-wing theories, had badly upset the United States, further clinging the bell tolls in the United States as fearing Pakistan's loss as an ally in the Cold war.[96] The leftists and Bhutto's policy towards Soviet Union was seen sympathetic and had built a bridge for Soviet Union to have gain access in Pakistan's warm water ports, that something both United States and Soviet Union had lacked.[96] During the course of 1976 presidential election, Carter was elected as U.S. President, and his very inaugural speech Carter announced the determination to seek the ban of nuclear weapons.[96] With Carter's election, Bhutto lost all links to United States administration he had through President Nixon.[96]Bhutto had to face the embargo and pressure from the American President who was totally against the political objectives which Bhutto had set forth for his upcoming future plans. Carter indirectly announced his opposition to Bhutto, his ambition and the elections.[96]
Although, Carter placed an embargo on Pakistan, Bhutto under the technical guidance and diplomatic though Aziz Ahmed, succeeded to buy sensitive equipments, common metal materials, and electronic components, marked as "common items", hide the true nature of the intentions, greatly enhance the atomic bomb project, though a complete failure for Carter's embargo.[96] Bhutto tried to resolve the issue, but Carter intentionally sabotage the talks. In a thesis written by historian Abdul Ghafoor Buhgari, Carter keenly sabotaged Bhutto credibility, but did not wanted favoured his execution as Carter made a call to General Zia-ul-Haq to stop the act.[96] Therefore senior leadership of Pakistan Peoples Party reached out to different country's ambassadors and high commissioners but did not meet with the U.S. ambassador, as the leadership knew the "noble" part played by Carter and his administration.[96] When Carter administration discovered Bhutto's act, the programme was reached to a well advanced level, and furthermore, had disastrous effect on SALT I Treaty which was soon collapse, a failure of President Carter to stop theatomic proliferation and arm race between Soviet Union and United States heightened.[96]
In 1972, Bhutto initially tried to build friendly ties with Afghanistan but such attempts where rebuffed in 1973.[97] In 1974, Afghanistan's began covert involvement in Pakistan's North-West Frontier Province began increasingly disturbing for the Bhutto's government.[98] Afghan President Dawood Khan's controversial pashtunisation policies resulted in Pakistan with gruesome violence and civil disturbances.[98] The ISI quickly pointed out that President Daud was providing safe havens and training camps to anti-Pakistan militants and its intelligence agency had been a main arm of supporting the actions inside Pakistan.[99] Therefore, Bhutto's government decided to retaliate, and Bhutto launched a covert counter-operation in 1974 under the command of Major-General Naseerullah Babar, who was then Director-General of the M.I. Directorate-General for Western Fronts (DGWI).[98] According to General Baber, it was an excellent idea and it had hard-hitting impact on Afghanistan.[98] The aim of this operation was to arm the Islamic fundamentalists and to instigate an attack in different parts of Afghanistan.[98] In 1974, Bhutto authorised a covert operation in Kabul and the Pakistan Air Force and the members of AI and the ISI successfully extradited Burhanuddin Rabbani, Jan Mohammad Khan, Gulbadin Hekmatyar, and Ahmad Shah Massoud to Peshawar, in a amid fear that Rabbani may be assassinated.[100] This move was done in order to teach Dauod Khan a lesson after he continuously interfered in Pakistan's internal matter.[100] By the end of 1974, Bhutto gave final authorisation of covert operation to train Afghan mujaheddin to take on Daoud Khan's government. This operation was an ultimate success and it forced Daoud Khan to approached to Bhutto to solve the problems.[101]
In 1974, Bhutto held a meeting of senior military officials and strategists where he hold talks of possible war with Afghanistan, due to persistent aggressive acts by Afghanistan. By 1976 Daud had become concerned about his country over dependence on the Soviet Union and the rising insurgency, thereon on 7 June 1976, Bhutto paid a three-day state visit to Afghanistan, followed by five-day visit of Daud Khan to Pakistan on August's last week of 1976. On 2 March 1977, an agreement on the resumption of air communications between Afghanistan and Pakistan wasreached, as relations continue to improve.[102] Bhutto and Daud made an exchange of official visit to force Afghanistan to accept the Durand Line as the permanent border.[97][99] However, these development were interrupted as Bhutto was removed and Daud Khan was also overthrown in a military coup shortly after.[97] Western experts viewed Bhutto's policy as "astute policy" in regards to the border question clearly increased pressure of the Afghanistan and very likely helped stimulate Afghan governments move towards accommodation. Whilst the Deputy Afghan Foreign Minister Abdul Samad Ghaus also admitted before the compromise Afghanistan had been heavily involved inside Pakistan.[97]
Bhutto began facing considerable criticism and increasing unpopularity as his term progressed.[103] Initially targeting leader of the opposition Abdul Vali Khan and his opposition National People's Party (NAP), a democratic socialist party, the socialist and communist mass who gathered under Bhutto's leadership began to disintegrated from Bhutto's influence of sphere, dividing and allying with secular fronts. Despite the ideological similarity of the two parties the clash of egos both inside and outside the National Assembly became increasingly fierce and started with the Federal government's decision to oust the NAP provincial government in Balochistan for alleged secessionist activities[104] and culminating in the banning of the party and arrest of much of its leadership after the death of Hyatt Scherpaoi, a close confident and lieutenant of Bhutto, in a bomb blast in Peshawar, the capital of the then North-West Frontier Province, now Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa.[103] Another notable figure, Chief Justice Hamoodur Rahman died due to a cardiac arrest while in the office.[103] Between the 1974 and 1976, many of Bhutto's original members had left Bhutto due to political differences or natural death causes.[103] In 1974, Bhutto's trusted Science Advisor Abdus Salam also left Pakistan when Parliament declared Ahmadiyyah Muslims as non-Muslims.[103] With Salam's departure, the research on nuclear weapons slowed down the progress as Dr. Mubaschir Hassann, now a Bhutto's appointed Science Advisor, would focus on politics more than the science research.[103] Many civil bureaucrats and military officers loyal to Bhutto were replaced by new faces. Bhutto founded himself with new advisers and collaborators.[103]
Dissidence also increased within the PPP and the murder of dissident leader Ahmad Raza Casuri's father led to public outrage and intra-party hostility as Bhutto was accused of masterminding the crime. Powerful PPP leaders such as Ghulam Mustafa Khar, former Governor of Punjab, openly condemned Bhutto and called for protests against his regime.[103] The political crisis in the North-West Frontier Province and Balochistan Province intensified as civil liberties remained suspended and an estimated 100,000 troops deployed there were accused of human rights abuses and killing large numbers of civilians.[37]
On 8 January 1977, many opposition political parties grouped to form the Pakistan National Alliance (PNA).[37] It was a 9 party alliance against government of Bhutto and his colleagues. Bhutto called fresh elections and the PNA participated in those elections with full force and managed to contest the elections jointly even though they had grave differences in their opinions and views. The PNA faced defeat but did not accept the results, accusing their opponents of rigging the election. They first claimed rigging on 14 seats and finally on 40 seats in the national assembly and boycotted provisional elections turn out in national elections was of highest degree. Provincial elections were held amidst low voter turnout and an opposition boycott, violent PNA declare the newly-elected Bhutto government as illegitimate. Hard-line Islamist leaders such as Maulana Maududi called for the overthrow of Bhutto's regime.[103] Mubashir Hassan, Science Advisor of Bhutto, feared a possible coup against Bhutto.[105] Therefore, Hassan jumped in the conflict and attempted made a unsuccessful attempt to reach an agreement with PNA. The hard-line Islamist refused to meet with Hassan as they saw him as a main brain behind Bhutto's success. The same year, an intensive crackdown was initiated on Pakistan Muslim League, a conservative front.[106] The People's National Party's President and former Leader of the Opposition Khan Vali Khan saw Bhutto's actions as his last stand and power struggle between PNA, Pakistan Armed Forces and Bhutto, including his colleagues, was triggered.[107] In an open public seminar, Vali Khan quoted that "There is one possible grave for two people ... let us see who gets in first".[107] The Federal Security Force allegedly either arrested or extrajudicially killed members of the Muslim League.[106] Following this, amid protest and civil distress felt in the Lahore, and People's Party lost the administrative control over the Lahore.[106]
On 3 July 1977, then-Major-General K.M. Arif secretly met with Bhutto on emergence, revealing the planning of coup has been taking in the General Combatant Headquarters (GHQ).[78] At this secret meeting, General Arif stressed Bhutto to "rush the negotiation with the PNA, before its too late".[78] Intensifying political and civil disorder prompted Bhutto to hold talks with PNA leaders, which culminated in an agreement for the dissolution of the assemblies and fresh elections under a form of government of national unity.[108] However on 5 July 1977 Bhutto and members of his cabinet were arrested by troops under the order of General Zia.[37] It is generally believed that the coup took place on the pretext of unrest despite Bhutto having reached an agreement with the opposition.[106] Bhutto had a very good intelligence in the deep circles of Army, and many officers such as Major-General Tajamül Hussain Malik were loyal to Bhutto and supported him till the end.[106] However, General Zia-ul-Haq signed a training programme act with the officers from Special Air Service (SAS).[106]
General Zia-ul-Haq ordered many of Bhutto's loyal officers to attend the first course.[106] The teaching of senior officers were delayed until the midnight.[106] None of the officers were allowed to let away from classes till late in the evening before coup. During this time, arrangements for the coup was made.[106]
General Zia announced that martial law had been imposed, the constitution suspended and all assemblies dissolved and promised elections within ninety days. Zia also ordered the arrest of senior PPP and PNA leaders but promised elections in October. Bhutto was released on 29 July and was received by a large crowd of supporters in his hometown of Larkana. He immediately began touring across Pakistan, delivering speeches to very large crowds and planning his political comeback. Bhutto was arrested again on 3 September before being released on bail on 13 September. Fearing yet another arrest, Bhutto named his wife, Nusrat, president of the Pakistan People's Party. Bhutto was imprisoned on 16 September and a large number of PPP leaders, notably dr. Mubascher Hasan and activists arrested and disqualified from contesting in elections.
Bhutto's trial began on 24 October on charges of "conspiracy to murder" of Ahmed Raza Kasuri.[109] On 5 July 1977 the military, led by General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, staged a coup. Zia relieved prime minister Bhutto of power, holding him in detention for a month. Zia pledged that new elections would be held in 90 days. He kept postponing the elections and publicly retorted during successive press conferences that if the elections were held in the presence of Bhutto his party would not return to power again.
Upon his release, Bhutto travelled the country amid adulatory crowds of PPP supporters. He used to take the train travelling from the south to the north and on the way, would address public meetings at different stations. Several of these trains were late, some by days, in reaching their respective destinations and as a result Bhutto was banned from travelling by train. The last visit he made to the city of Multan in the province of Punjab marked the turning point in Bhutto's political career and ultimately, his life. In spite of the administration's efforts to block the gathering, the crowd was so large that it became disorderly, providing an opportunity for the administration to declare that Bhutto, along with Dr. Hassan, had been taken into custody because the people were against him and it had become necessary to protect him from the masses for his own safety.
On 3 September the Army arrested Bhutto again on charges of authorising the murder of a political opponent in March 1974. A 35-year-old politician Ahmed Raza Kasuri and his family had been ambushed, leaving Kasuri's father, Nawab Muhammad Ahmad Khan Kasuri, dead. Kasuri claimed that he was the actual target, accusing Bhutto of orchestrating the attack. Kasuri later claimed that he had been the target of 15 assassination attempts.
Bhutto's wife Nusrat Bhutto assembled a team of top Pakistani lawyers for Bhutto's defence, led by Fakhruddin G. Ebrahim, Yahya Bakhtiar and Abdulhafiz Pirzada.
Bhutto was released 10 days after his arrest after a judge, Justice KMA Samadani, found the evidence to be "contradictory and incomplete." As a result, Justice Samadani was immediately removed from the bench and placed at the disposal of the law ministry. Three days later Zia arrested Bhutto again on the same charges, this time under "martial law." When the PPP organised demonstrations among Bhutto's supporters, Zia cancelled the upcoming elections.
Bhutto was arraigned before the High Court of Lahore instead of in a lower court, thus depriving him of one level of appeal. The judge who had granted him bail had been removed. Five new judges were appointed, headed by Chief Justice of Lahore High Court Maulvi Mushtaq Hussain.[110] Hussain had previously served as Bhutto's Foreign secretary in 1965, and was alleged to have strongly disliked and distrusted Bhutto, and a conspiracy planned by him and Ayub Khan had removed Bhutto from his cabinet[when?].[110] Hussain was a known in public as detractor of Bhutto and made no secret of his dislike and enmity with the former Prime Minister, and as a result Hussain denied Bhutto bail.[110]
The trial lasted five months, and Bhutto appeared in court in a dock specially built for the trial.
Proceedings began on 24 October 1977. Masood Mahmood, the director general of the Federal Security Force (since renamed the Federal Investigation Agency), testified against Bhutto. Mahmood had been arrested immediately after Zia's coup and had been imprisoned for two months prior to taking the stand. In his testimony, he claimed Bhutto had ordered Kasuri's assassination and that four members of the Federal Security Force had organised the ambush on Bhutto's orders.
The four alleged assassins were arrested and later confessed. They were brought into court as "co-accused" but one of them recanted his testimony, declaring that it had been extracted from him under torture. The following day, the witness was not present in court and the prosecution claimed that he had suddenly "fallen ill".
Bhutto's defence team fought the case efficiently and challenged the prosecution with evidence from an army logbook the prosecution had submitted[citation needed]. It showed that the jeep allegedly driven during the attack on Kasuri was not even in Lahore at the time. The prosecution had the logbook disregarded as "incorrect". During the defence's cross-examination of witnesses, the bench often interrupted questioning. The 706-page official transcript contained none of the objections or inconsistencies in the evidence pointed out by the defence[citation needed]. Former U.S. Attorney General Ramsey Clark, who attended the trial, called the trial a mock trial fought in a Kangaroo court[citation needed]. Having witnessed the trial, Clark later wrote:
The prosecution's case was based entirely on several witnesses who were detained until they confessed, who changed and expanded their confessions and testimony with each reiteration, who contradicted themselves and each other, who, except for Masood Mahmood... were relating what others said, whose testimony led to four different theories of what happened, absolutely uncorroborated by an eyewitness, direct evidence, or physical evidence
.[111]
When Bhutto began his testimony on 25 January 1978, Chief Justice Maulvi Mushtaq closed the courtroom to all observers.[110] Bhutto responded by refusing to say any more. Bhutto demanded a retrial, accusing the Chief Justice of bias, after Mushtaq allegedly insulted Bhutto's home province. The court refused his demand.[110]
On 18 March 1978, Bhutto was not declared guilty of murder but was sentenced to death.[112] On 12 March 1978, Bhutto's former Legal Minister, A.H. Per-Zadah petitioned the Supreme Court for the release of Bhutto's Science Adviser Dr. Mubashir Hassan and to review the death sentence to Bhutto based on the split decision.[112] The Supreme Court denied Dr. Hassan's release as he was held by Military Police but agreed to listen to the arguments.[112] During 12 days of proceedings, the Supreme Court concluded that the President of Pakistan can change death sentence into life imprisonment.[112] Per-Zadah filed an application to then-Chief Martial Law Administrator.[112] However, General Zia-ul-Haq did not act immediately and claimed that the application had gone missing.[112]
Emotionally shattered, Perzafa informed Bhutto about the development and General Zia-ul-Haq's intention.[112] Therefore, Bhutto did not seek an appeal.[112] While he was transferred to a cell in Rawalpindi central jail, his family appealed on his behalf, and a hearing before the Supreme Court commenced in May. Bhutto was given one week to prepare. Bhutto issued a thorough rejoinder to the charges, although Zia blocked its publication. Chief Justice S. Anwarul Haq adjourned the court until the end of July 1978, supposedly because five of the nine appeal court judges were willing to overrule the Lahore verdict. One of the pro-Bhutto judges was due to retire in July.
Chief Justice S. Anwarul Haq presided over the trial, despite being close to Zia, even serving as Acting President when Zia was out of the country. Bhutto's lawyers managed to secure Bhutto the right to conduct his own defence before the Supreme Court. On 18 December 1978, Bhutto made his appearance in public before a packed courtroom in Rawalpindi. By this time he had been on death row for 9 months and had gone without fresh water for the previous 25 days[citation needed]. He addressed the court for four days, speaking without notes.
I did not kill that man. My God is aware of it. I am big enough to admit if I had done it, that admission would have been less of an ordeal and humiliation than this barbarous trial which no self respecting man can endure. I am a Muslim. A Muslim's fate is in the hands of God Almighty I can face Him with a clear conscience and tell Him that I rebuilt His Islamic State of Pakistan from ashes into a respectable Nation. I am entirely at peace with my conscience in this black whole of Kot Lakhpat. I am not afraid of death. You have seen what fires I have passed through.
—
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, My Dearest Dauther: A letter from Death Cell. ,
[113]
The appeal was completed on 23 December 1978. On 6 February 1979, the Supreme Court issued a guilty verdict, a decision reached by a bare 4-to-3 majority. The Bhutto family had seven days in which to appeal. The court granted a stay of execution while it studied the petition. By 24 February 1979 when the next court hearing began, appeals for clemency arrived from many heads of state. Zia said that the appeals amounted to "trade union activity" among politicians.
On 24 March 1979 the Supreme Court dismissed the appeal. Zia upheld the death sentence. Bhutto was hanged at Central jail, Rawalpindi, on 4 April 1979,[114] and is buried in Village Cemetery at Garhi Khuda Baksh.[115]
Bhutto's children Murtaza and Benazir worked on rallying the international support to release of their father.[116] Libya's Colonel Gaddafi sent his Prime minister Abdus Salam Jalloud on an emergency trip to Pakistan to hold talks with Pakistan's military establishment for the release of Bhutto.[116] In a press conference, Jalloud told the journalists that Gaddafi had offered General Zia to exile him in Libya, and Prime minister Jalloud stayed in the Islamabad International where the specially designated Presidential aircraft waited for Bhutto.[116] However, after a week of staying in the airport, General Zia rejected Prime minister Jalloud's request while Jalloud met him in Rawalpindi and held the death sentence.[116] In all, the entire Muslim world was silenced on Bhutto's execution, and Gaddafi was in shock after his request was denied and publicly sympathised Bhutto's family over the loss.[116] Before being hanged, Bhutto made a final speech and his last words were: "Oh Lord, help me for... I am innocent".[117]
On 4 April 1979, the day Bhutto was executed, The New York Times published its report after following the entire chronological events surrounding Bhutto's trial which stated in part " The way they did it, (Bhutto).. is going to grow into a legend that will some day backfire."[118]
In 1998, Benazir Bhutto publicly announced her belief that her father was "sent to the gallows at the instance of the superpower for pursuing the nuclear capability,[119] though she did not disclose the name of the power but many believed in that it was the United States.[118] Many political analysts and scientists widely suspected that the riots and coup against Bhutto was orchestrated with help of Central Intelligence Agency and the United States Government because United States feared over Bhutto's socialist policies where seen as sympathetic to the Soviet Union and had built a bridge that allowed Soviet Union to involved in Pakistan.[118] A former U.S. attorney general and Human rights activist, Ramsey Clark, quoted that:
"I [Ramsey Clark] do not believe in conspiracy theories in general, but the similarities in the staging of riots in Chile (where the CIA allegedly helped overthrow President Salvadore Allende) and in Pakistan are just too close, Bhutto was removed from power in Pakistan by force on 5 July, after the usual party on the 4th at the U.S. Embassy in Islamabad, with U.S. approval, if not more, by General Zia-ul-Haq.[118] Bhutto was falsely accused and brutalized for months during proceedings that corrupted the Judiciary of Pakistan before being murdered, then hanged. As Americans, we must ask ourselves this: Is it possible that a rational military leader under the circumstances in Pakistan could have overthrown a constitutional government, without at least the tacit approval of the United States?".[118]
But, on the other hand, the United States both officially and unofficially strongly rejected and refused any claims of their involvement in Bhutto's fall and execution.[78] The U.S. held Bhutto responsible for his own actions and his repressive policies that led to end his government as well as his life.[78] While observing and witnessing Bhutto's fall and execution, the U.S. diplomats noted and furthered quoted:
During Bhutto's five years in Pakistan's helm, Bhutto had retained an emotional hold on the poor masses who had votoed him overwhelmingly in 1970s general elections. At the same time, however, [B]hutto had many enemies. The [socialist economics] and
nationalization of major private industries during his first two years on office had badly upsets the
Business circles... An ill-considered decision to take over the wheat-milling, rice-husking, sugar mills, and cotton-gaining, industries in July of 1976 had angered the small business owners and traders. Both leftists— socilists and communists, intellectuals, students, and trade unionists— felt betrayed by Bhutto's shift to centre-right wing conservative economics policies and by his growing collaboration with powerful feudal lords, Pakistan's traditional power brokers. After 1976, Bhutto's aggressive authoritarian personal style and often high-handed way of dealing with political rivals, dissidents, and opponents had also alienated many....
Many Pakistan's political scientists and historians and the leading U.S. experts such as Ramsey Clark believed that Bhutto's removal and his execution was a single and most dramatic change in the world politics and a major setback for Soviet Union who failed to realised the effects of Bhutto's executions, in which, will emerged on Soviet Union's future.[118] Bhutto's death was a turning point of Cold war, and critical and a breakthrough in world power alignment since World War II.[118] After eight months passed since Bhutto's death, Soviet Union intervened in Afghanistan that hampered the Soviet economy and led the dissolution of Soviet Union, and United States emerged as single most powerful country in the world.[118]
The Governing party, PPP has filed a reference on 2 April 2011, to reopen Bhutto's trial, after 32 years past since Bhutto's death. Iftikhar Ahmad, Bhutto's former Media adviser, ran series of interviews of those personalities who played a major and controversial role in Bhutto's death which eventually promoted the PPP's to open the trial. This move was initiated by the Federal Cabinet and backed by the Provincial Government of Punjab led by Chief minister Shahbaz Sharif.[120] President Asif Ali Zardari consented to this presidential reference Article 186 of the Constitution to Supreme Court of Pakistan. The Supreme Court will take up the reference on 13 April 2011. Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry is presiding the three-judge-bench, though it may be expanded with law experts from four provinces of Pakistan, and Babar Awan, Federal minister for Law, is counselling Bhutto's case.[121] Babar Awan has resigned from his ministry post in order to legally counsel the ZAB's case, while Chief Justice Chaudhry praised and appreciated the move by the senior PPP leader and remarked the gesture as "historic".[122] In a crucial advancement, Supreme Court of Pakistan has ordered to form Larger Bench to hear the case which would be responsible to decided the status of Bhutto's execution.[123]
Even after his death, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto remains a controversial figure in Pakistan. While he was hailed for being a nationalist, Bhutto was roundly criticized for intimidating his political opponents by his critics. By the time Bhutto was given the control of his country, his nation was torn apart, isolated, demoralized, and emotionally shattered after a psychological and bitter defeat that came from intense regional rival, India, as a result of Indo-Pak war of 1971.[124] His political rivals had blamed his socialist policies for slowing down Pakistan's economic progress owing to poor productivity and high costs although Bhutto and his colleagues maintained that Bhutto was merely addressing the massive inequality built up over the Ayub Khan years. Bhutto is blamed by some quarters for causing the Pakistan war in Bangladesh.[30] In 1977, General Zia-ul-Haq released former general Yahya Khan from Prison and his Lieutenant-General Fazle Haq gave him the honorary guard of honor when the former general died in 1980.[30] After being released from house arrest after 1977 Coup former Chief Martial Law Administrator General Yahya Khan stated in an undated government affadivit:
It was Bhutto, not Mujib, who broke Pakistan. Bhutto's stance in 1971 and his stubbornness harmed Pakistan's solidarity much more than Sheikh Mujib's six-point demand. It was his high ambitions and rigid stance that led to rebellion in East Pakistan. He riled up the Bengalis and brought an end to Pakistan's solidarity. East Pakistan broke away.[125]
A comprehensive thesis written in "The Power of Mirage" by Dr. Mubashir Hassan, it argued that the Military spectrum's criticism of Bhutto is an attempt to hide the failure and incompetency of the their military government and their military performances in the 1971 war, and this absolute false narrative was encouraged by the Zia regime, who were hostile towards Bhutto and remnants of the PPP after Bhutto's execution .[126]
Military circles blamed Bhutto for the causes of 1971 Winter war as an attempt to scapegoat Bhutto to conceal their inability to approach to people to gain the support of the military governments.[30]
Bhutto is also often criticised for human rights abuses perpetrated by the Armed Forces in Balochistan, which Hard-line Islamic and Conservative fronts both have accused him.[37] Many officers from the Pakistan Army blame Bhutto for the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971 notably the former President and former Chief of Army Staff General Pervez Musharaf condemned Bhutto for having caused the crisis that led to the Bangladesh Liberation War, and Pakistan's bitter defeat. East Pakistan's former Martial Law Administrator and former Unified Commander of the Eastern Military High Command Vice-Admiral Syed Mohammad Ahsan also criticised and held Bhutto sole responsible for creating the hostile atmosphere and hatred among the people in both East and West Pakistan.[127] In his article which was published in 1989, a month before admiral's death, Admiral Ahsan held Bhutto responsible for a transgression which was bound to further fuel "public resentment".[127] Bhutto's action against the insurgency in Balochistan is also describes as failing to bring peace to the region.[128]
Bhutto's international image was more of an Internationalist with a secular image.[37] In spite of all the criticism—and subsequent media trials—Bhutto still remains the most popular leader of the country.[37][129] Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Institute of Science and Technology is named for him; his daughter was chairman of its board of trustees.[130] Under his democratic premiership, Bhutto was responsible for supervising the promulgation of Pakistan's third 1973 constitution for which he successfully obtained approval from all of political parties in Pakistan.[124] Because of his administrative and aggressive nature to lead the nuclear weapons programme, Bhutto, in the world, is often and commonly regarded as the Father of Pakistan's nuclear deterrence programme, in spite of Pakistan's limited financial resources and strong opposition from other countries, particularly the United States.[4][45][124] In order to retrieve 93,000 P.O.Ws held in India and to avoid another major conflict, Bhutto held peace talks with arch-rival neighbor India and successfully signed Simla Agreement with Indira Gandhi, Premier of India during this time period.[124] In 2006, while globally publishing the article, "The Wrath of Khan", The Atlantic described Bhutto as demagogic and extremely populist, but Pakistan's greatest civilian leader.[42] Whereas, the Bombay Times referred to Bhutto as "genius" and "person with brilliant manner".[84] Despite Henry Kissinger developed differences with Bhutto and his colleagues, Kissinger could not hide his expression in 1979 when he quoted Bhutto as "brilliant, charming, of global stature in his perception, a man of extraordinary abilities, capable of drawing close to any country that served Pakistan`s national interests".[131]
| “ |
The democratically elected, extremely populist... and some would say demagogic Zulfikar Ali Bhutto – Pakistan's greatest civilian leader... |
” |
|
—Time Magazine, 2006.[36]
|
While, Bhutto's former Law Minister Mairaj Muhammad Khan described Bhutto as "a great man but cruel".[132] His family remained active and influential in politics, with first his wife and then his daughter becoming leader of the PPP political party.[133] His eldest daughter, Benazir Bhutto, was twice Prime minister of Pakistan, and was assassinated on 27 December 2007, while campaigning for 2008 elections.[133] While his son, Murtaza Bhutto, served as the Member Parliament of Pakistan, and was also assassinated in a controversial police encounter.[133]
Roedad Khan, former statesman who served under Bhutto, further wrote in his book, "Pakistan— A dream gone sour", that "after 1971, Bhutto started extremely well, bringing the isolated, angered, apprehended, and dismembered nation back into her feet and gave the respectable place in the world, in a shortest period... With a gift of giving the nation a parliamentary system and furthermore the ambitious successful development of atomic bomb programme in a record time, are his greatest achievements in his life, for Pakistan and her people, but sadly deteriorated at the end".[134] With all the criticism and opposition, Bhutto remained highly influential and respected figure even after his death. In 2011, in a gallop survey managed and taken by Dawn Newspapers, Bhutto was voted and listed as Pakistan's one of the few greatest leader, and came in second place while Jinnah— Pakistan's founder— listed and voted in first place.[135] Bhutto is widely regarded as being among the most influential men in the history of Pakistan.[135] His supporters gave him the title Quaid-e-Awam (Leader of the people).[133]
- Shaheed Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto Institute of Science and Technology, a science and engineering institute named after Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, located in Karachi, Sindh of Pakistan.
- ZA Bhutto Agricultural College, an agriculture engineering and science college named after Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, located at Larkana, Sindh, Pakistan.
- F-22P Zulfiquar class frigate, Pakistan Navy Combatant vessel ordered in April 2006, launched July 2009.
- Zulfiqarabad, a planned city in Thatta District of Sindh, Pakistan. The city is named after in the memory of the Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.
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- My Pakistan, Biswin Sadi Publications, New Delhi, 1979
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- ^ a b c (IISS), International Institute for Strategic Studies (3 May 2006). "Bhutto was father of Pakistan's Atom Bomb Programme". 2006 Dossier of the International Institute for Strategic Studies. International Institute for Strategic Studies through the 2006 dossier. Initial research and publishing was done by the The News International of Pakistan. http://www.iiss.org/whats-new/iiss-in-the-press/press-coverage-2007/may-2007/bhutto-was-father-of-pakistani-bomb/?locale=en. "Dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan is not the father of the Pakistan atom bomb project. It is [Zulfikar Ali] Bhutto!. Focusing on the efforts of Bhutto since 1958, when he became a minister in the Ayub cabinet. Surprisingly, the dossier has paid rich tributes to the services of Bhutto for developing the nuclear programme. The dossier, in a chapter on Pakistan’s nuclear programme and imports, reveals that Dr AQ Khan can only be accorded many epithets, including "founder of Pakistan uranium enrichment programme".The First 2006 dossier published by IISS"
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- ^ a b http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/war/pashtunistan-1973.html
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- ^ Time line of Pakistan Afghanistan relations
- ^ http://www.paklinks.com/gs/pakistan-affairs/162348-afghanistan-and-pakistan-relations-the-timeline.html
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- ^ Militarism and the State Pakistan: Military Intervention by Eqbal Ahmed (Le Monde Diplomatique, October 1977)
- ^ Hassan, Dr. Mubashir, The Mirage of Power, §The Final Days of Socialism in Pakistan, pp296
- ^ a b c d e f g h i "People's Party and Lahore.". 2011. http://jang.com.pk/jang/jul2011-daily/30-07-2011/col2.htm.
- ^ a b "Lets See who get buried under six feet: Bhutto or Zia?". http://en.wikiquote.org/wiki/Zulfikar_Ali_Bhutto. Retrieved 2011.
- ^ Mazari, Sherbaz(2000) A Journey into disillusionment
- ^ Frank, Katherine (2002). Indira: The Life of Indira Nehru Gandhi. USA: Houghton Mifflin. pp. 438. ISBN 0-395-73097-X.
- ^ a b c d e Aqil, Tariq (7 December 2004<!- – 10:42 -->). "Judicial Murder of a Prime Minister". Tariq Aqil. Chowk.com. http://www.chowk.com/Views/History/Judicial-Murder-of-a-Prime-Minister. Retrieved 2011.
- ^ Hassan, PhD (Civil engineering), Mubashir (2000). Mirage of Power§ Zulfi Bhutto: a man lives within enemies. The Oxford University Press.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Zaman, Fakhar. "Pakistan Peoples Party: A Past and Present" (Google docs). Fakhar Zaman. Fakhar Zaman and Pakistan Peoples Party's Media Research Cell Directorate. http://docs.google.com/viewer?a=v&q=cache:8-F45KofrfAJ:ppp.org.au/Downloads/chronology.pdf+abdul+hafiz+pirzada+zulfiqar+ali+bhutto&hl=en&gl=us&pid=bl&srcid=ADGEESgtRU8K1jr6GLjLTZ-aBe8Bci9mwF17RuhqiAI4THyLpKswkT2jucoZtAqlCnDMqvgzT14uY8rkTnSYgubG7FuUADQtKoqONcCMD39ZCPipfH3eT9e_x9GO1bmiVAfmYbYjHGR3&sig=AHIEtbTUmfHU2M4VvhMBgWWGExvp0BFBXA. Retrieved 2011.
- ^ My Dearest Daughter: A letter from the Death Cell (2007) My Dearest Daughter: A letter from the Death Cell (2007)
- ^ "Zulfikar Ali Bhutto News & Articles on washingtonpost.com". The Washington Post. http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/related/topic/Zulfikar+Ali+Bhutto?tid=informline. [dead link]
- ^ Zulifikar Ali Bhutto's Memorial Page at Find A Grave. Retrieved 16 December 2008.
- ^ a b c d e Khalil, Tahier. "Gaddafi made an enormest effort for Bhutto's release". Tahir Khalil of Jang Media Group. Tahir Khalil, special correspondent to the Middle East Evens (Text only in Urdu). http://jang.com.pk/jang/oct2011-daily/21-10-2011/main.htm. Retrieved Thursday; 21 October 2011.
- ^ Youtube Press Release. "Bhutto's Last Words". http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XMvL1W_Jgz8&feature=related. Retrieved 4 January 2012.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Panhwar, Member of Sindh Provincial Assembly., Sani (5 April 1979). "CIA Sent Bhutto to the Gallows". Sani H. Panhwar and The New York Times.. The New York Time (article published in 1979) and Sani H. Panhwar, member of Sindh Provincial Assembly and Party representative of Pakistan People's Party.. http://sixhour.com/cia_sent%20bhutto_to_the_gallows.htm. Retrieved 23 August 2011.
- ^ Malick, Nasir Malick (10 May 1998). "Benazir vows to fight on people's side". DawnWireService (DWS). http://www.lib.virginia.edu/area-studies/SouthAsia/SAserials/Dawn/1998/16May98.html#bena. Retrieved 17 November 2011.
- ^ Cabinet to seek to re-open the case
- ^ "Awan quits his ministerial post to counsel ZAB case". http://www.dawn.com/2011/04/13/awan-quits-his-ministerial-post-to-counsel-zab-case.html.
- ^ "Babar Awan resigns to plead Bhutto case". http://www.thenews.com.pk/NewsDetail.aspx?ID=14074.
- ^ New Bench form for Bhutto case
- ^ a b c d Syed, PhD, Anwar (12 April 2011). "Analysis: The legacy of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto". Dr. Professor Anwar Syed, emeritus professor of economics at Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), and visiting professor of economics at the Lahore School of Economics (LES). Dr. Anwar Syed, and Daily times. http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2011\04\12\story_12-4-2011_pg3_2. Retrieved 2011.
- ^ ": Probenews:". Probenewsmagazine.com. 25 March 1971. http://www.probenewsmagazine.com/index.php?index=2&contentId=5049. Retrieved 26 March 2010.
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- ^ a b "A Nation's Shame". Vice-Admiral (retired) Syed Mohammad Ahsan, Former Martial Law Administrator of East Pakistan, Former Unified Commander of Pakistan Armed Forces in East Pakistan and Former Chief of Naval Staff of Pakistan Navy.. Ardeshir Cowasjee, former Managing Director of Pakistan Tourism Development Corporation (PTDC); Vice-Admiral (retired) Syed Mohammad Ahsan, Former Martial Law Administrator of East Pakistan, Former Unified Commander of Pakistan Armed Forces in East Pakistan and Former Chief of Naval Staff of Pakistan Navy.. 17 September 2000. http://archives.dawn.com/weekly/cowas/20000917.htm. Retrieved 2011.
- ^ Frank, Katherine (2002). Indira: The Life of Indira Nehru Gandhi. USA: Houghton Mifflin. pp. 438 He also enacted tax relief for the country’s poorest agricultural workers and placed ceilings on land ownership. During his tenure there was a massive transfer of resources towards the dominant rural economy by setting higher prices for agricultural products. [1]. ISBN 0-395-73097-X.
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- ^ "Shaheed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Institute of Science and Technology (SZABIST)". http://www.szabist.edu.pk/about.htm. Retrieved 29 December 2007. "The Shaheed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Institute of Science and Technology (SZABIST) is a fully Chartered Institute established through a Legislative Act of the Pakistan Assembly (Sindh Act No. XI of 1995) and is approved and recognized by the Higher Education Commission (HEC), Pakistan, as a degree granting institution."
- ^ Kissinger, Henry A., Former Secretary of State of the United States, The White House Years, published in (1979)
- ^ Mairaj Muhammad Khan, Former Minister of Manpower and Labour under Bhutto, sacked by him, and tortured by the FSF, as quoted in Waiting for Allah by Christina Lamb.
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| Domestic reforms |
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Government
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Prime ministerial ship • East-Pakistan Commission • Balochistan unrest • Constitutional reforms ( 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th ) • Socialist economics reforms • Industrialization ( Integrated Steel Mills, Port Qasim ) • Nationalization • Socialism • Joint Chiefs of Staff ( Army, Air Force, Naval, Naval Aviation, Marines ) • Federal Security Force • Federal Investigation Agency • Civil unrest • Coup d'état • Trial of Prime minister • Death sentence • Legacy • Memorials
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| Persondata |
| Name |
Bhutto, Zulfikar Ali |
| Alternative names |
Bhutto, Zulfiqar Ali |
| Short description |
President of Pakistan |
| Date of birth |
5 January 1928 |
| Place of birth |
Larkana, British India |
| Date of death |
4 April 1979 |
| Place of death |
Rawalpindi, Pakistan |
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