Engraving of Harvard College by Paul Revere, 1767

The Colonial Colleges are nine institutions of higher education chartered in the American Colonies before the United States of America became a sovereign nation after the American Revolution.^[1] These nine have long been considered together, notably in the survey of their origins in the 1907 The Cambridge History of English and American Literature.^[2] Seven of the nine colonial colleges are part of the Ivy League athletic conference: Harvard, Yale, Princeton, Penn, Columbia, Brown, and Dartmouth. (The eighth member of the Ivy League, Cornell University, was founded in 1865.)

The two colonial colleges not in the Ivy League are now both public universities—The College of William & Mary and Rutgers University, the state university of New Jersey. William & Mary was a private institution from 1693 until just after the American Civil War, when it received some support from the state. It became public in 1906. Rutgers became the State University of New Jersey after World War II.

The nine Colonial Colleges[link]

Seven of the nine colonial colleges began their histories as institutions of higher learning de novo (i.e., with no predecessor parent organization). Dartmouth College began operating in 1768 as the collegiate department of Moor's Charity School, a secondary school started in 1754 by Dartmouth founder Eleazar Wheelock. Dartmouth considers its founding date to be 1769, when it was granted a collegiate charter. The University of Pennsylvania began operating in 1751 as a secondary school, the Academy of Philadelphia, and added an institution of higher education in 1755 with the granting of a charter to the College of Philadelphia.

Other colonial-era foundations[link]

Several other colleges and universities can be traced to colonial-era "academies" or "schools," but are not considered Colonial Colleges because they were not formally chartered as colleges with degree-granting powers until after the formation of the United States of America in 1776. Listed below are the founding dates of the schools which served as predecessor entities and the years in which they were chartered to operate an institution of higher learning as well.

See also[link]

	University portal
	United States portal
	North America portal
	British Empire portal

• First university in the United States

Notes[link]

References[link]

v t e Lists of European universities and colleges by era Europe Middles Ages (pre-1500) • Early modern age (1501–1800) • Late modern age (1801–1945) • Contemporary (post-1945) Colonies Latin America (1538–1812) • Anglo-America (1636–1769) List of oldest universities

Manhattan Municipal Building, built 1909–1915

McKim, Mead & White was a prominent American architectural firm which thrived at the turn of the twentieth century. The firm's founding partners were Charles Follen McKim (1847–1909), William Rutherford Mead (1846–1928) and Stanford White (1853–1906). The firm was a major training ground for many other prominent architects – partners, associates, designers and draftsmen.

McKim and Mead joined forces in 1872 and were joined in 1879 by White who, like McKim, had worked for architect Henry Hobson Richardson. Their work applied the principles of Beaux-Arts architecture, the adoption of the classical Greek and Roman stylistic vocabulary as filtered through the Parisian Ecole des Beaux-Arts, and the related City Beautiful movement after 1893 or so, which aimed to clean up the visual confusion of American cities and imbue them with a sense of order and formality during America's Gilded Age.^[1]

Mead was the last of the firm's founding partners to die in 1928, after McKim (1909), and White (1906).^[2] The firm retained its name after the death of Mead, until partner James Kellum Smith's death in 1961. The firm – primarily Smith – designed the prominent National Museum of American History in Washington, D.C., one of the firm's last works, opening in 1964.^[3] McKim, Mead & White was also involved with an urban renewal project at Pratt Institute in Brooklyn in the 1950s and designed three buildings as part of the project: DeKalb Hall, ISC Building and North Hall.^[4][5]

In 1961, McKim, Mead & White was succeeded by the firm Steinmann, Cain and White, which by 1971 had become Walker O. Cain and Associates.^{[6][dead link]}

Selected works[link]

New York City[link]

• Villard Houses, 451 Madison Avenue, Manhattan (1884)
• Harvard Club of New York, Manhattan (1894)
• 169 West 83rd Street, Manhattan, for David H. King, Romanesque revival (1885)
• Former New York Life Insurance Building, now 346 Broadway (1870) designed by Griffith Thomas, remodeled and expanded (1890s)^[7]
• Madison Square Garden II at Madison Square, Manhattan, the second of four buildings known by this name (1890, razed in 1925)
• Century Club, New York City (1891)
• The Cable Building, 611 Broadway, New York City (1892)
• West End Collegiate Church, West End Avenue, Manhattan (1892)
• Washington Arch, Washington Square Park, New York City (1892)
• Metropolitan Club, 1 East 60th St, NYC, New York (1893)
• Various features of Prospect Park, including Parade Place on Lookout Hill, the Peristyle, the Park Circle granite fixtures, Lullwater Bridge, and the 1895 Maryland Monument on Lookout Hill, Brooklyn, New York (1895–1900)
• Columbia University's Morningside Heights campus: general design and individual buildings including Low Memorial Library, Philosophy Hall, John Jay Hall, Avery Hall, Hamilton Hall (1893–1900)
• The University Heights campus of New York University (1891–1900), including the Hall of Fame for Great Americans (1900) (now the site of Bronx Community College), Bronx, New York
• New York Herald Building (1895, razed in 1921)
• Brooklyn Museum, Brooklyn, New York (1895)
• University Club of New York, New York City (1899)
• The Morgan Library & Museum, New York City (1903, expanded in 1928)
• New York Public Library, between 1902 and 1914 designed 11 branches including: Hamilton Grange Branch (1905–1906) and 115th Street Branch (1907–1908)
• IRT Powerhouse, New York City (1904)
• Prison Ship Martyrs' Monument, Brooklyn, New York (1908)
• Knickerbocker Trust Building, 60 Broadway, Manhattan (1909, later razed)
• The Manhattan Municipal Building, 1 Centre Street, Manhattan (1909–1915)
• Pennsylvania Station, Manhattan (1910, above-ground portion razed in 1963)
• 998 Fifth Avenue, Manhattan (1912)
• Bellevue Hospital Center, Manhattan (1912)
• James Farley Post Office (often regarded as the architectural twin of New York City's Pennsylvania Station) (1913)
• Racquet and Tennis Club, Manhattan (1916–1918)
• Hotel Pennsylvania, Manhattan (1919)
• The Town Hall, 123 West 43rd Street, Manhattan (1921)
• 110 Livingston Street, Brooklyn, New York, former Elks Lodge, and former headquarters of the New York City Department of Education (1926)
• Savoy-Plaza Hotel, Manhattan (1927, razed in 1964)
• Liggett Hall, Governors Island, New York (1929)

New England and New York State[link]

• Newport Casino, Newport, Rhode Island (1880)
• John Howard Whittemore House Naugatuck, Connecticut (1880s)^[8]
• Isaac Bell House, Newport, Rhode Island (1881–1883)
• Cyrus McCormick summer estate, shingle-style Richfield Springs, New York (1882, razed 1957)
• Narragansett Pier Casino, Narragansett, Rhode Island (1883)
• Salem School, Naugatuck, Connecticut (1884)^[8]
• Wolf's Head Society, "Old Hall", New Haven, CT, Yale University (1884)
• John F. Andrews Mansion, 32 Hereford Street, Boston, Massachusetts (1886)
• William G. Low House, Bristol, Rhode Island (1887, razed 1962)
• Algonquin Club, Boston (1888)
• Johnston Gate, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts (1889)
• Fayerweather Hall, Amherst College, Amherst, Massachusetts (1890)
• Walker Art Building, Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Maine (1894)
• Whittemore Memorial Library Naugatuck, Connecticut (1894)^[8]
• Adams Power Plant Transformer House, Niagara Falls, New York (1895)
• Boston Public Library, Boston (1895)
• Dudley Pickman House, 303 Commonwealth Avenue (Bay Bay), Boston (1895)
• Reid Hall, Manhattanville College, Purchase, NY (1895)
• Rhode Island State House, Providence, Rhode Island (1895–1904)
• Garden City Hotel, Garden City, New York (1895, burned 1899)
• House for Frederick Vanderbilt, "Hyde Park", Hyde Park (1895–1898)
• Rosecliff, Newport, Rhode Island (1898–1902)
• Harbor Hill on Long Island, New York (1899–1902, razed 1947)
• Hill-Stead Museum, estate of Alfred Atmore Pope, designed in collaboration with Theodate Pope Riddle, Farmington, Connecticut (1901)
• Astor Courts, estate of John Jacob Astor IV (1902–1904)
• Faunce House (then Rockefeller Hall), Brown University, Providence, Rhode Island (1904)
• Naugatuck High School, Naugatuck, Connecticut, Hillside Middle School since 1959 (1904)
• Plymouth Rock portico, Plymouth, Massachusetts (1920)
• Harvard Business School (1925)
• Olin Memorial Library, Wesleyan University, Middletown, Connecticut (1925)
• Memorial Chapel, Union College, Schenectady, New York (1925)
• Lincoln Alliance Building, Rochester, New York (1926)
• Levermore Hall, Blodgett Hall, and Woodruff Hall, Adelphi University, Garden City, New York (1929)
• Schenectady City Hall, Schenectady, New York (1931–1933)
• The Little Red Schoolhouse, Amherst College, Amherst, Massachusetts (1937)

New Jersey[link]

• Orange Public Library, Orange, New Jersey (1901)
• Pennsylvania Station, Newark, New Jersey (1935)
• University Cottage Club Princeton University, Princeton, New Jersey (1906)

Washington, D.C.[link]

• The West Wing and East Wing of the White House, 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington D.C. (1903)renovation
• Roosevelt Hall, National War College, Fort Lesley J. McNair, Washington, D.C. (1903–1907)
• National Museum of American History, Washington, D.C. (1964)

Other U.S. locations[link]

• First Methodist Episcopal Church, Lovely Lane United Methodist Church, Baltimore, Maryland (1884)
• Omaha National Bank Building, Omaha, Nebraska (originally the New York Life Building, 1889)^[9]
• New York Life Insurance Building, Kansas City, Missouri (1890)
• Open Gates, George Sealy Mansion, Galveston, Texas (1891)
• The Agricultural Building at the World Columbian Exposition, Chicago, Illinois) (1893)
• Old Cabell Hall, Cocke Hall, and Rouss Hall, University of Virginia, Charlottesville (circa 1898)
• Savoyard Centre, Detroit, Michigan (1900)
• Protection of the Flag Monument, Athens, Pennsylvania (1900–1902)
• English Building, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, Champaign, Illinois (1905)
• The Minneapolis Institute of Arts, Minneapolis, Minnesota (1915)
• Peabody Demonstration School (now University School of Nashville), Nashville, Tennessee (1915)
• National McKinley Birthplace Memorial Library and Museum, Niles, Ohio (1915)
• Butler Institute of American Art, Youngstown, Ohio (1919), listed on the National Register of Historic Places
• Cohen Memorial Hall (Vanderbilt Fine Arts Gallery), Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tennessee (circa 1928)
• Milwaukee County Courthouse, Milwaukee, Wisconsin (1931)
• Dietrich Hall, now Steinberg-Dietrich Hall, University of Pennsylvania (1952)

Other countries[link]

• additions to the Bank of Montreal Head Office, Montreal (1901–1905)
• American Academy in Rome (Main Building), Rome, Italy (1914)
• Hotel Nacional de Cuba, Havana, Cuba (1930)
• Bank of Montreal Building, Winnipeg, Manitoba (1913)

Noted architects of McKim, Mead & White[link]

• Lewis Colt Albro – later partnered briefly with Harrie T. Lindeberg for several commissions
• Henry Bacon – worked at the firm from about 1886 through 1897; left with fellow employee James Brite to open their own office
• William A. Boring – worked at the firm in 1890 before forming a separate partnership with Edward L. Tilton
• Charles Lewis Bowman – a draftsman at the firm until 1922, noted for his large number of private residences throughout Westchester County, New York including Bronxville, Pelham Manor, Mamaroneck and New Rochelle.
• A. Page Brown - worked with the firm beginning in the 1880s; went to California, where he was known for the San Francisco Ferry Building
• Walker O. Cain – worked at the firm; beginning in 1961, he took it over and renamed it several times
• John Merven Carrère (1858–1911) – of Carrère and Hastings, worked together for McKim, Mead and White from 1883 through 1885, then partnered with Thomas Hastings.
• J.E.R. Carpenter – worked at the firm for several years before becoming the designer of much of upper Fifth and Park Avenues, including 907 Fifth Avenue, 825 Fifth Avenue, 625 Park Avenue, 550 Park Avenue and the Lincoln Building on 42nd Street.
• Cass Gilbert – worked with the firm until 1882, when he went to work with James Knox Taylor; later designed many notable structures, among them the George Washington Bridge and the Woolworth Building.
• Arthur Loomis Harmon – later of Shreve, Lamb and Harmon, worked at the firm.
• Thomas Hastings (1860–1929) – of Carrère and Hastings worked together for McKim, Mead and White from 1883 through 1885.
• Harrie T. Lindeberg – started at the firm in 1895 as an assistant to Stanford White and remained with the firm until White's death in 1906
• Edward Lippincott Tilton – assisted with the design of the Boston Public Library in 1890 before leaving with Boring
• James Kellum Smith – (1893–1961) a member of the firm from 1924 to 1961; full partner in 1929, and the last surviving partner of MM&W. He primarily designed academic buildings, but his last major work was the National Museum of American History.
• Tracy and Swartwout – worked together as draftsmen for the firm.
• Robert von Ezdorf – took over much of the firm's business after White's death
• William M. Whidden – worked at the firm from at least 1882 until 1888; projects included the Tacoma and Portland hotels in Washington and Oregon, respectively; relocated to Portland, Oregon in 1888 to finish the hotel and established his own firm with Ion Lewis
• Joseph M. Wells – (1853–1890) worked as firm's first Chief Draftsman from 1879–90; often considered to be the firm's "fourth partner", and largely responsible for its Renaissance Revival designs in 1880s
• York and Sawyer – worked together for the firm before starting their own partnership in 1898; Edward York (1863–1928) and Philip Sawyer (1868–1949).

Gallery[link]

References[link]

Notes

Bibliography

• Baker, Paul R. Stanny: The Gilded Life of Stanford White. New York: Free Press, 1989. ISBN 0-02-901781-5
• Broderick, Mosette. Triumvirate: McKim, Mead & White: Art, Architecture, Scandal, and Class in America's Gilded Age New York: Knopf, 2010. ISBN 0-394-53662-2

External links[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: McKim, Mead & White

• McKim, Mead and White flickr group
• Randall's Lost New York City Cable Building is included as a special resource.
• McKim, Mead & White in Buffalo
• McKim, Mead, and White
• McKim, Mead, and White
• FindaGrave site with photos of gravestone of William and Olga Mead in Rome, Italy
• FindaGrave site with photos of Joseph M. Wells and his gravestone in Mass.

Douglas Jardine

Personal information
Full name	Douglas Robert Jardine
Born	(1900-10-23)23 October 1900 Malabar Hill, Bombay, Bombay Presidency, British India
Died	18 June 1958(1958-06-18) (aged 57) Montreux, Switzerland
Batting style	Right-handed
Bowling style	Right arm leg break
Role	Top-order Batsman
International information
National side	England
Test debut (cap 235)	23 June 1928 v West Indies
Last Test	10 February 1934 v India
Domestic team information
Years	Team
1920–1923	Oxford University
1921–1933	Surrey
1925–1933/34	MCC
Career statistics
Competition	Test	FC
Matches	22	262
Runs scored	1296	14,848
Batting average	48.00	46.83
100s/50s	1/10	35/72
Top score	127	214
Balls bowled	6	2582
Wickets	0	48
Bowling average	n/a	31.10
5 wickets in innings	0	1
10 wickets in match	0	0
Best bowling	0/10	6/28
Catches/stumpings	26/0	188/0
Source: Cricinfo, 17 May 2008

Douglas Robert Jardine (23 October 1900 – 18 June 1958) was an English cricketer and captain of the England cricket team from 1931 to 1933–34.^{[note 1]} A right-handed batsman, he played 22 Test matches for England, captaining the side in 15 of those matches, winning nine, losing one and drawing five. Jardine is best known for captaining the English team during the 1932–33 Ashes tour of Australia, in which his team employed Bodyline tactics against Donald Bradman and other opposing Australian batsmen. A Bodyline delivery was one where the cricket ball was pitched short so as to rise towards the body of the opposing batsman on the line of the leg stump, in the hope of creating legside deflections that could be caught by one of several fielders on the leg side. This tactic was considered by many to be intimidatory and physically threatening, and Jardine is widely regarded by commentators and writers as the person responsible for the English strategy on that tour. A controversial figure among cricketers, Jardine was well known for his dislike of Australian players and crowds and was unpopular in Australia, particularly for his manner and especially after the Bodyline tour. On the other hand, many players captained by him regarded him as an excellent captain; not all regarded him as good at managing people. He was also famous in cricket circles for wearing a multi-coloured Harlequin cap.

After establishing an early reputation as a prolific schoolboy batsman, Jardine played cricket for Winchester College, attended the University of Oxford, playing for its cricket team, and played for Surrey County Cricket Club as an amateur. He developed a defensive method of batting which was unusual for an amateur, receiving occasional criticism for negative batting. Despite this, Jardine was selected in Test matches for the first time in 1928, and went on to play with some success in the Test series in Australia in 1928–29. Following this tour, his business commitments prevented him from playing as much cricket. However, in 1931, he was asked to captain England in a Test against New Zealand. Although there were some initial misgivings about his captaincy, Jardine led England in the next three cricket seasons and on two overseas tours, one of which was the Australian tour of 1932–33. He retired from all first-class cricket in 1934 following a tour to India.

Jardine was a qualified solicitor but did not work much in law, working in banking and, later on, journalism. He joined the Territorial Army in the Second World War, most of which he spent in India. After the war, he worked as a secretary to a paper manufacturer and returned to journalism. While on a business trip in 1957, he became ill with what proved to be lung cancer and died aged 57 in 1958.

Early life[link]

Douglas Jardine was born on 23 October 1900 in Bombay, British India, to Scottish parents. His parents were Malcolm Jardine, also a former first-class cricketer but later a barrister, and Alison Moir.^[1] At the age of nine, Douglas was sent to stay with his mother's sister in St Andrews, Scotland. She lived in a large mansion where he spent most of his school holidays while going to Horris Hill School near Newbury, Berkshire, from May 1910.^[2] The school had high standards and Jardine was moderately successful academically.^[2] From 1912, he played cricket for the school first eleven, enjoying success as a bowler and as a batsman. He captained the team in his final term, when the team were unbeaten.^[3] Jardine was influenced by the writing of former England captain C. B. Fry on batting technique, which contradicted the advice of his coach at Horris Hill. The coach disapproved of Jardine's batting methods, but Jardine did not back down and quoted a book by Fry to support his viewpoint.^[4]

In 1914, Jardine entered Winchester College. At the time, life at Winchester was arduous and austere; discipline was harsh. Sport and exercise were vital parts of the school day. In Jardine's time, preparing the pupils for war was also important.^[5] According to Jardine's biographer, Christopher Douglas, the pupils were "taught to be honest, impervious to physical pain, uncomplaining and civilised."^[6] All pupils were required to be academically competent and Jardine was able to get along without exhibiting brilliance; successful sportsmen, on the other hand, were revered.^[7] Jardine enjoyed a slightly better position than some other pupils, already possessing when he arrived a reputation as a cricketer and soon excelling at other sports, representing the school at football as a goalkeeper and rackets, and playing Winchester College football, a sport which has resemblances to rugby union.^[8] However, his main sporting reputation came from cricket. He was in the first eleven for three years from 1917 and received coaching from Harry Altham, Rockley Wilson and Schofield Haigh, the latter two of whom were distinguished cricketers. Jardine later said that Wilson helped to develop his batting.^[9] In 1919, his final year, Jardine came top of the school batting averages with 997 runs at an average of 66.46. He also became captain although there were doubts within the school about his ability to unify the team.^[10] Despite these doubts, Winchester won their annual match against Eton College in 1919, a fixture in which Eton usually held the upper hand.^[11] Jardine's batting (35 and 89 in the match) and captaincy were believed by critics to be the key factors in his side's first victory over Eton for 12 years. After his retirement from cricket, he named his 89 in that match as his favourite innings. Jardine went on to score 135 not out against Harrow School.^[12][13]

Jardine's achievements in the season were widely reported in the local and national press. He went on to play in two representative schools matches at Lord's Cricket Ground, where he scored 44, 91, 57 and 55 in two matches and won favourable reviews in the press.^[14] Wisden, in 1928, described Jardine at this time as being obviously of a much higher standard than his contemporaries, particularly in defence and on side batting.^[15] However, at this stage in his batting, he was sometimes criticised for being too cautious and not using all the batting strokes of which he was capable. His good batting technique gave the impression that he could easily score more quickly.^[16]

First-class career[link]

Oxford University[link]

Jardine entered New College, Oxford, in September 1919 at a time when the university was more crowded than usual due to the arrival of men whose entrance had been delayed due to the war.^[17] He still took part in several sports, representing New College as goalkeeper in matches between the colleges, and being given a trial for the University football team, although he was not chosen.^[18] He continued to play rackets and began to play real tennis,^[19] making such progress and showing such promise that he went on to represent the University successfully and won his Blue.^[20][21] In cricket, Jardine came under the coaching of Tom Hayward who influenced his footwork and defence.^[22] Wisden commented in 1928 that Jardine had come with an excellent reputation, but did not quite achieve the success which was expected. However, his batting ability, particularly defensively, remained unquestionable.^[15]

In the 1920 season, Jardine made his first-class debut, played eight first-class matches and scored two fifties. Playing mainly as an opening batsman, he won his Blue, appearing in the University Match against Cambridge but fell short of expectations, according to Wisden.^[15] Although his batting technique was excellent, he received criticism from those who saw him bat as they believed him to be too cautious.^[23] At this stage in his career, Jardine did limit his strokes, not feeling confident enough to play them all safely enough. In all, he scored 217 runs at an average of 22.64.^[23][24] In the match for Oxford against Essex, he took six wickets for six runs in a bowling spell of 45 balls, bowling leg breaks, to have bowling figures of six for 28. It was the only occasion in his career where he took five or more wickets in an innings.^[25][26]

Playing more confidently and fluently in 1921, Jardine began the season well, scoring three fifties in his first three first-class matches. Then Oxford played against the Australian touring side which dominated the season. In the second innings, Jardine scored 96 not out to save the game but was unable to complete his century before the game ended. Even so, the innings was praised by those who saw it. The tourists were criticised in the press for not allowing Jardine to reach his hundred, particularly as the match was reduced from three days to two days at the request of the Australians, who wished to have a rest day in between matches.^[27] The Australians had tried to help him with some easy bowling but the situation was confused by the batsmen's scores not being displayed on a scoreboard at the cricket ground. There has been speculation that this incident led to Jardine's later hatred of Australians, although Christopher Douglas denies this was the case.^[28] Cricket historian David Frith believed it is possible that Australian captain Warwick Armstrong could have addressed sarcastic comments to Jardine but Wisden believed his slow approach cost him his century. The Australian manager expressed regret that he missed out.^[13] This innings was the highest that had been played to that point in the season against the Australians, and only one higher score was made before the first Test. It could have led to Jardine playing for England in 1921 as Plum Warner, an influential figure who had recently captained Middlesex, suggested in The Cricketer magazine that Jardine should play in the first Test, which followed the Oxford match. He had been impressed by Jardine on the other occasions he had seen him bat. He remained in Test contention for a short time, but was not selected.^[29] In the meantime, he scored his first first-class hundred in a match against The Army and another followed against Sussex. Both innings were cautious, with defence his main priority for much of the innings, but he failed in the match against Cambridge.^[30] Jardine then went on to play for Surrey, for whom he was qualified, replacing the injured Jack Hobbs as an opening batsman before dropping down to number five in the batting order. Jardine played in a vital match against reigning County Champions Middlesex which would determine the champions for the season. In a situation of great pressure, Jardine scored a vital 55 to hold the innings together after the loss of early wickets, although Surrey went on to lose the match.^[31] Jardine finished the season with 1,015 runs at an average of 39.03,^[24] although critics still did not believe his potential had been fulfilled.^[32]

Jardine missed most of the 1922 season due to a serious knee injury, playing only four matches at a time when he was expected to make a big impression.^[24] There was speculation in the newspapers about whether he would be fit for the match against Cambridge, but he missed it and was also unable to play for Surrey that season.^[33] Even so, in 1922 he was selected by The Isis as one of its men of the year.^[34] After some early problems with his troublesome knee, Jardine returned to cricket by May of the 1923 season. He was not given the Oxford captaincy in his final year, which has led to speculation that his manner and unfriendliness prevented him from being made captain. However, his injury and the availability of other deserving candidates may have provided at least part of the explanation.^[35][36] After a cautious start on his return, Jardine gradually found his batting form, and contributed to Oxford's only win over Cambridge in the decade.^[37] During one innings of another match, he received criticism for using his pads to stop the ball from hitting the wickets: this was within the laws of the game but was controversial and seen by critics to be against the spirit of the game. Christopher Douglas traces Jardine's hostility towards the press and critics to this incident.^[38] He also received criticism for his slow batting for Oxford, again being singled out due to his known ability to play attacking shots. Partly this was because Jardine held a responsible position, the team often reliant on his success. The complaints were a manifestation of wider criticism of young amateur batting at the time for its lack of enterprise, as commentators began to hark back to the "golden age" before the war.^[39] Jardine left Oxford in 1923 having scored a total of 1,381 runs and a fourth class degree in modern history.^[20]

When Jardine went on to play for Surrey that season, a strong batting side, he played with more freedom and in a varied style. Batting at number five, he had to play different types of innings, either attacking or defensive, depending on the match situation. He made a success of it, playing long defensive innings or sacrificing his innings in an attempt to hit quick runs. His captain Percy Fender seemed satisfied with his role, keeping him in it all season despite his reputation for caution. He scored his first century for Surrey against Yorkshire and was awarded his County Cap, making 916 runs at an average of 38.16 in the whole season.^[24][40][41]

County cricketer[link]

Once Jardine left Oxford, he began to qualify as a solicitor while still playing for Surrey. He made steady progress over the next three seasons but was overshadowed by other amateur batsmen. His contemporaries at Oxford and Cambridge attracted much attention in the press, as did the next generation of amateur batsmen.^[42] He was appointed vice-captain to Fender for the 1924 season, due in large part to the stigma attached to professional cricketers being appointed as captain. There were professionals such as Jack Hobbs playing for Surrey who could have been made captain, but Jardine was preferred as an amateur.^[43] In that season, Jardine was selected for the Gentlemen v Players match for the first time and came third in the Surrey averages. In all first-class matches, he scored 1,249 runs at an average of 40.29.^[24] The following season, Jardine was less successful, scoring fewer runs at a lower average and with a highest score of 87 (1,020 runs at 30.90).^[24] It had also been suggested in the press that Jardine should captain the Gentlemen, with a view towards the future of the England Test team, but this did not happen. In fact, owing to an injury sustained playing village cricket at Ashtead for a team called C.E. McIver's XI, he was unable to appear in the Gentlemen v Players match at Lord's.^[44] In 1926, Jardine had his most successful season to date, with 1,473 runs (average 46.03),^[24] although he was again overshadowed by other players and by the attention given to the Ashes series being played. Towards the end of the season, his batting became more attractive and his rate of scoring increased as he began to play more shots. His assurance and judgement against all bowling, even international bowlers, became noticed and he scored 538 runs in his final ten innings.^[45]

In 1927, Jardine achieved his highest average in a season, scoring 1,002 runs and averaging 91.09 in a very wet summer which led to difficult wickets to bat on.^[15][24] Wisden named him as one of its Cricketers of the Year, commenting that he had improved his style and footwork.^[15] That season, he could only play 11 matches due to work commitments as a clerk with Barings Bank, for whom he had worked since qualifying as a solicitor.^[20][46] Despite his lack of practice, he scored hundreds in his first three matches and came top of the Surrey batting averages.^[46] He scored a century in the Gentlemen v Players match, which impressed influential people at Lord's, and represented England in a trial match against The Rest. In this latter match, when Percy Chapman withdrew at the last minute, Jardine took over the captaincy, earning praise in the press for his performance.^[47] By this stage, he was considered a certainty to tour Australia the following winter.^[15]

Test cricketer[link]

Jardine's batting performance in 1928 was similar to that from the previous season. He played 14 matches, but scored 1,133 runs at an average of 87.15.^[24] He also enjoyed success in high profile matches, scoring 193 for Gentlemen at the Oval, where the crowd had booed his slow start (at one stage, he took half an hour to score two runs) but later cheered him as his last fifty runs were scored in half an hour.^[48] For the same team at Lord's, he scored 86 and 40.^[49] He captained The Rest against England in a Test trial and made the highest score in each innings, scoring 74 not out in the fourth innings to help his team to draw the game on a difficult pitch, against international bowlers Maurice Tate and Harold Larwood.^[50]

Immediately after this match, Jardine made his Test debut against the West Indies who were touring England that season. This was West Indies' first ever Test match. The team possessed several fast bowlers who bowled with hostility and enjoyed some success on the tour of England. Many batsmen only played them with difficulty, particularly on the occasional fast-paced pitch, but Jardine played them confidently in the Test series.^[51] Jardine played in the first two Tests, both of which were won by England by an innings, but missed the third for unknown reasons. He scored 22 on his debut,^[52] but was more successful in the second Test. He scored an eventful 83:^[52] when he had scored 26, he hit his wicket when setting off for a run, but was given not out. At the time, a batsman was not out if he had completed his shot and was setting off for a run.^[53] West Indian cricketer Learie Constantine later recalled that Jardine would have been given out except that the batsman informed the umpire that he had already finished his shot.^[54] Jardine was later run out by Tate, a player with whom he did not enjoy a good relationship, when they were batting together in the England innings: Tate refused to go for a run causing Jardine to be run out.^[48][55]

First tour to Australia[link]

The England side emerging onto the field during the first Test at Brisbane in 1928–29. Jardine is third from the right.

Jardine was selected to tour Australia with the M.C.C. team in 1928–29 as part of a very strong batting side,^[56] playing in all five Test matches and scoring 341 runs at an average of 42.62.^[57] In all first-class matches, he scored 1,168 runs (average 64.88).^[24] He was also on the five-man selection committee for the tour, which chose teams to play in specific games but had not chosen the touring party.^[58] Wisden judged that he had been as great a success as had been expected and impressed everyone with the strength of his defensive shots and his play on the back foot. It said that he played some delightful innings.^[59] Percy Fender, covering the tour as a journalist, believed that Jardine never had the chance to play a normal innings in the Test, having to provide the stability to the batting, and often seeming to come out to bat in a crisis.^[60]

Jardine was the centre of attention at the start of the tour. He began the tour with three consecutive hundreds and was seen as one of the main English threats.^[61] In his first hundred, the crowd engaged in some good-natured joking at Jardine's expense, but he was jeered by the crowd in his second hundred for batting too slowly. His third hundred was described by Bradman as one of the finest exhibitions of strokeplay that he had seen; Jardine accelerated after another slow start, during which he was again barracked, to play some excellent shots.^[62] The crowds took an increasing dislike to him, partially for his success with the bat, but mainly for his superior attitude and bearing, his awkward fielding, and particularly his choice of headwear.^[63] His first public action in South Australia was to take out the members of the South Australian team who had been to Oxford or Cambridge Universities. Then, he wore a Harlequin cap, given to people who played good cricket at Oxford.^[64] It was not unusual for Oxford and Cambridge cricketers to wear similar caps while batting, as both Jardine and M.C.C. captain Percy Chapman did so on this tour, although it was slightly unorthodox to wear them while fielding.^[65] However, this was neither understood nor acceptable to the Australian crowds. They quickly took exception to the importance he seemed to place on class distinction. Although Jardine may simply have worn the cap out of superstition, it conveyed a negative impression to the spectators, with his general demeanour drawing one comment of "Where's the butler to carry the bat for you?"^[64] Jardine's cap became a focus for criticism and mockery from the crowds throughout the tour.^[66][67] Nevertheless, Jack Fingleton later claimed that Jardine could still have brought the crowds onto his side by exchanging jokes or pleasantries with them.^[68] It is certain that Jardine by this stage had developed an intense dislike for Australian crowds. During his third century at the start of the tour, during a period of abuse from the spectators, he observed to a sympathetic Hunter Hendry that "All Australians are uneducated, and an unruly mob".^[63] After the innings, when Patsy Hendren said that the Australian crowds did not like Jardine, he replied "It's fucking mutual".^[63][69] Due to the large number of good close fielders in the side, Jardine did not field in the slips, his usual position for Surrey, but next to the crowd on the boundary. There, he was roundly abused and mocked, particularly when chasing the ball: he was not a good fielder on the boundary.^[70] In one of the Test matches, he spat towards the crowd while fielding on the boundary as he changed position for the final time.^[63]

In the first Test, Jardine scored 35 and 65 not out.^[52] His first innings began with England in an uncertain position, having lost three wickets for 108 on a very good batting wicket. His innings led England to a stronger position. He played very cautiously, being troubled by Clarrie Grimmett and Bert Ironmonger, the Australian spinners. Jardine believed that Ironmonger threw the ball, and this bowler gave him considerable trouble throughout his career.^[71] Thanks to the bowling of Harold Larwood, England took a huge first innings lead. In his second innings, although he played well in his 65, Jardine was not under much pressure. He scored a large number of singles, giving his partners most of the bowling and building up the lead to the point where England achieved a massive victory by 675 runs.^[72] This victory surprised and troubled the Australian cricketing public.^[58] Jardine played a similar role in the second Test, batting with Wally Hammond to retrieve a poor start for England in his only innings as they won by eight wickets.^[73] Jardine scored 62 in the third Test,^[52] supporting Hammond who made a double century. However, when Australia batted a second time, they built up a big lead and left England needing 332 to win on an exceptionally bad wicket which had been damaged by rain. Jack Hobbs and Herbert Sutcliffe, in one of their most famous partnerships, put on 105. Hobbs sent a message to the team that Jardine should be the next batsmen to come in, even though he usually batted later on, as he was the batsman most likely to survive in the conditions. When Hobbs was dismissed, Jardine came in to bat. He survived, although finding batting exceptionally difficult, until the day's play ended. Percy Fender believed that Jardine was the only batsman in the side who could have coped with the difficult conditions. He went on to make 33 next day, and England won by three wickets.^[74]

During the team's brief visit to Tasmania, Jardine made his highest first-class score of 214.^[75] In the fourth Test, Jardine only scored one run in the first innings,^[52] before he was given out leg before wicket (lbw) despite obviously hitting the ball.^[60] In the second innings, coming out to bat with the score 21 for two, Jardine scored 98 in a partnership of 262 with Hammond which was then the highest partnership for the third wicket in all Test matches. The scoring was very slow, and the crowd protested throughout Jardine's innings, even though he scored faster than Hammond. He was out when Wisden believed he looked certain to reach a century. England went on to win the match by 12 runs.^[76][77]

Jardine was not successful in the final Test, won by Australia. He was used as an opener, due to an injury to Sutcliffe, and made just 19 and a first ball duck. Once both of his innings were completed, on the fifth day of a match which lasted eight days, he left the match and set off across Australia to catch a boat to India for a holiday. It is not clear if this was planned or if he had simply had enough. Jardine never provided an explanation, to the Australian press nor afterwards. Later, Jardine wrote about the Australian crowds, complaining over their involvement, but praising their knowledge and judgement of the game and describing them as more informed than English crowds.^[52][78] He also expressed later reservations to Bob Wyatt about Percy Chapman, saying that he would have shot him if a gun was available.^[63] Jardine did not appear in first-class cricket in the 1929 season due to business commitments.^[24][79]

England captain[link]

Appointment as captain[link]

At the beginning of the 1930 season, Jardine was offered the vice-captaincy of Surrey. He was unable to accept owing to business commitments and played just nine matches for the season, scoring 402 runs at an average of 36.54 and managing one century and one fifty.^[24] He was never in the running for Test selection that season, although his presence may have been missed as the English batting was unreliable in the Tests. Christopher Douglas argues that had Jardine been playing regularly, he would have been made captain for the final Test, when Chapman was dropped in favour of the sounder batsman Bob Wyatt.^[80][81] The sensation of the Test series was Donald Bradman, who dominated the English bowling to score 974 runs at a speed and certainty which has never been equalled since, making the English selectors realise that something must be done to curb the problem.^[82] With Bradman at the fore, Australia regained the Ashes 2–1.

Jardine played a full season of cricket in 1931. In June, he was appointed as captain for the Test against New Zealand (two more Tests were later added). The English selectors were searching for possible captains for the 1932–33 tour of Australia, with Bradman and Australia's strong batting line up foremost in their minds. Christopher Douglas believes that, as Jardine was not a regular county captain, the selectors wanted to assess his leadership ability but had probably not settled on him as a final choice. He was also chosen as a dependable, proven batsman.^[83] While Percy Fender approved of his appointment, The Times' correspondent believed that he was unproven and others were more deserving of the leadership.^[84] Ian Peebles, writing 40 years later, claimed that Jardine's appointment was popular but cricket administrators had misgivings.^[85] Alan Gibson believed that Jardine was chosen because the other candidates were either not worth their place in the side, too old or had controversy attached to them.^[86] Furthermore, Jardine impressed the chairman of selectors, Pelham Warner, who stated that he was very effective in selection meetings through his knowledge of cricket history and went into great detail to choose the correct players;^[87] it seems that Warner was the driving force behing Jardine's appointment.^[88]

In his first Test as captain, Jardine clashed with several players. Frank Woolley was unhappy with his captain's manner, feeling humiliated at his treatment in the field at one point. He also rebuked Ian Peebles and Walter Robins, two young amateur bowlers, for their amusement over an incident in the match.^[89] The home team's fortunes were mixed, as New Zealand put up a very good fight in their first Test in England, and both sides could have won. The New Zealanders were so successful that a further two Tests were arranged.^[90][91] Jardine was criticised in the press for not instructing his batsmen to score quickly enough to win in the fourth innings, although this strategy was unlikely to succeed, and the match was drawn.^[92] England won the second Test by an innings and the third Test was drawn, sealing the series 1–0. Jardine had a top score of just 38 in the series, but only batted four times and was not out in three of the innings.^[57] At the beginning of the following season, Wisden's editor believed that, as Jardine had failed to impress (unspecified) people with his captaincy, he was no longer a certainty to lead the side to Australia, and only Percy Chapman's lack of form prevented his reinstatement at Jardine's expense.^[93] As a batsman, Jardine was more impressive in Wisden's opinion, showing himself to be good in defence despite his lack of cricket in the past two seasons.^[93] A notable innings was his 104 for The Rest to prevent defeat against champion county Yorkshire. The opposition bowling, particularly from Bill Bowes, was short and hostile, but Jardine survived for over four hours.^[94] He scored 1,104 first-class runs for the season at an average of 64.94.^[24]

At the beginning of the 1932 season, Jardine became captain of Surrey. There was much speculation that Fender had been replaced due to disputes with the Surrey committee but it was some time before this, and Jardine's appointment, was confirmed. Fender was supportive of Jardine and happy to play under him.^[95] Jardine overcame a cautious beginning to develop a more aggressive captaincy style, and Surrey finished in their highest position in the championship for six years.^[96] England played one international match that season, India's first ever Test match, and Jardine was selected as captain. India possessed a very effective bowling attack on this tour, which surprised many teams, and England's batsmen struggled against them. Jardine, who had played a long innings against the tourists for M.C.C. earlier in the season, was the only English batsman to pass 30 in both innings. He scored 79 and 85 not out, and was praised for two excellent defensive innings in a difficult situation by Wisden and The Cricketer.^{[97][98][99][100]} During the match, Jardine again clashed with his team. He gave Bill Bowes and Bill Voce the very unusual instruction to bowl one full toss each over to take advantage of the batsmen's trouble seeing the ball against the crowd. The bowlers did not do so, and were later reprimanded by Jardine who told them to obey orders.^[101] Jardine himself went on to score 1,464 runs in the season at an average of 52.28.^[24]

Planning for the 1932–33 tour[link]

A week after the Test, it was announced that Jardine would captain the M.C.C. team to Australia that winter, although he seemed to have had last minute doubts about accepting.^[102] Others were also concerned about whether he was the best choice. For example, Rockley Wilson is reputed to have said that with Jardine as captain, "We shall win the Ashes ... but we may well lose a Dominion".^[13] However, the selectors thought that a determined leader was needed to defeat the Australians and a more disciplined approach than that of Percy Chapman on the previous tour was needed.^[103] Jardine began to plan tactics from this point, discussing ideas with various people. He was aware that Bradman, Australia's star batsman and the main worry of the selectors, had occasionally shown vulnerability to pace bowling. During the final Test of the 1930 Ashes at the Oval, during Bradman's innings of 232, the wicket became difficult for a time following rain. Bradman was briefly seen to be uncomfortable facing deliveries that bounced higher than usual at a faster pace. Percy Fender was one of many cricketers who noticed, and he discussed this with Jardine in 1932.^[104][105] When Jardine later saw film footage of the Oval incident and noticed Bradman's discomfort, he shouted, "I've got it! He's yellow!"^[106] Further details that developed his plans came from letters Fender received from Australia in 1932 describing how Australian batsmen were increasingly moving across the stumps towards the off-side to play the ball on the on-side. Fender showed these letters to Jardine.^[105] It was also known in England that Bradman had shown some discomfort during the 1931–32 Australian season against pace bowling.^[107]

Following Jardine's appointment, a meeting was arranged with Nottinghamshire captain Arthur Carr and his two fast bowlers Larwood and Voce at London's Piccadilly Hotel. Jardine explained his belief that Bradman was weak against bowling directed at leg stump and that if this line of attack could be maintained, it would restrict Bradman's scoring to one side of the field, giving the bowlers greater control of his scoring. Jardine asked Larwood and Voce if they could bowl accurately on leg stump and make the ball rise up into the body of the batsman. The bowlers agreed that they could, and that it might prove effective, but Jardine stressed that bowling accurately was vitally important, or Bradman would dominate the bowling. Larwood believed that Jardine saw Bradman as his main target and wished to attack him psychologically as well as in a cricketing sense. At the same time, other Australian batsmen were also discussed.^[108][109] Larwood and Voce practised the plan over the remainder of the 1932 season with mixed success.^[110][111] Jardine also visited Frank Foster who had toured Australia in 1911–12 to discuss field placings appropriate to Australian conditions. Foster had bowled leg-theory on that tour with his fielders placed close in on the leg-side, as had George Hirst in 1903–04.^[112] During the second half of the season, the team to tour Australia was announced. The selection of four fast bowlers and a few medium pacers was very unusual at the time, and it was commented on by the hosts' media, including Bradman.^[113] The selection of Eddie Paynter, who did not have a strong record, to replace the ill Kumar Shri Duleepsinhji was very likely a choice of Jardine. He had a history of good performances against Yorkshire, and Jardine considered that a player's record against northern counties was a good indication of his potential at international level.^[114]

Bodyline tour[link]

Beginning of the tour[link]

A team photograph of England's 1932–33 side: Jardine is seated at the centre of the front row; Pelham Warner is standing at the extreme left.

In Jardine's obituary, Wisden described this tour as "probably the most controversial tour in history. England won four of the five Tests, but it was the methods they employed rather than the results which caused so much discussion and acrimony."^[26] On the journey to Australia, by the boat Orontes, Jardine kept away from his team. He issued some instructions on their conduct, such as giving autographs or keeping out of the sun. He also began to have disagreements with Plum Warner, who was one of the two team managers along with Richard Palairet.^[115] He discussed tactics with Harold Larwood and other bowlers, spoke to Hedley Verity about his role in the team, and he may have met batsmen Wally Hammond and Herbert Sutcliffe. Some players reported that Jardine told them to hate the Australians in order to defeat them, while instructing them to refer to Bradman as "the little bastard."^[116] At this stage, he seems to have settled on leg theory, if not full Bodyline, as his main tactic.^[117]

Once the team arrived in Australia, Jardine quickly alienated the press by refusing to give team details before a match and being uncooperative when interviewed by journalists. The press printed some negative stories as a result and the crowds barracked as they had done on his previous tour, which made him angry.^[118][119] Jardine still wore his Harlequin cap and began the tour well with 98 and 127 before the first Test.^[120] Once again, he clashed with paceman Bill Bowes, refusing to give his bowler the requested field placings in an early match. As a result, Bowes deliberately gave away easy runs in an attempt to get his way, but following a discussion, Bowes was converted to Jardine's tactics and ultimately to his ability as a captain.^[121] In a tour match, Jardine also instructed Hammond to attack the bowling of Chuck Fleetwood-Smith, whom he considered dangerous and thus did not want him to play in the Tests.^[122] Up until this point, there had been little unusual about the English bowling except the number of fast bowlers. Larwood and Voce were given a light workload in the early matches by Jardine.^[119] This changed in the match against an Australian XI, from which Jardine rested himself, where the bowlers first used the tactics that came to be known as Bodyline. Under the captaincy of Bob Wyatt, the bowlers bowled short and around leg stump, with fielders positioned close by on the leg side to catch any deflections. Wyatt later claimed that this was not planned beforehand and he simply passed on to Jardine what happened after the match.^[123] These tactics continued in the next match; several players were hit.^[124] Many commentators criticised this style of bowling; although bowlers had previously used leg theory bowling, where bowlers bowled outside leg stump with a concentration of fielders on the leg side, using these tactics with fast bowlers dropping the ball short was almost unprecedented. It was seen as dangerous and against the spirit of the game.^[125] In a letter, Jardine told Fender that his information about the Australian batting technique was correct and that it meant he was having to move more and more fielders onto the leg side. He said that "if this goes on I shall have to move the whole bloody lot to the leg side."^[126][127] Jardine increasingly came into disagreement with Warner over Bodyline as the tour progressed,^[128] but his tactics were successful in one respect: in six innings against the tourists ahead of the Tests, Bradman had scored only 103 runs, causing concern among the Australian public who expected much more from him.^[126]