The examples and perspective in this article may not represent a worldwide view of the subject. Please improve this article and discuss the issue on the talk page. (January 2012)

Albert Wynn and Gloria Feldt on the steps of the U.S. Supreme Court to rally for legal abortion on the anniversary of Roe v. Wade

Support for the legalization of abortion is centered on the pro-choice movement (also known as the abortion-rights movement), a sociopolitical movement supporting the ethical view that a woman should have the legal right to elective abortion, meaning the right to terminate her pregnancy.

The opposing countermovement of pro-life campaigners (also called anti-abortion campaigners) generally argue for the rights of fetuses and for prohibition or restriction of abortion. Subscribing to different moral grounds than the pro-choice movement, pro-lifers hold the view that the human fetus (and in most cases the human embryo) is a person and therefore has a right to life.

A key point in the development of the movement in the U.S. was the decriminalization and legalization of elective abortion in various states following the U.S. Supreme Court's 1973 decision in Roe v. Wade, which struck down most state laws restricting abortion.^[1][2]

Overview[link]

Abortion-rights advocates argue that whether or not to continue with a pregnancy is an inviolable personal choice, as it involves a woman's body, personal health, and future. They believe that both parents' and children's lives are better when abortions are legal, thus preventing women from going to desperate lengths to obtain illegal abortions. More broadly, abortion-rights advocates frame their beliefs in terms of individual liberty, reproductive freedom, and reproductive rights. The first of these terms was widely used to describe many of the political movements of the 19th and 20th centuries (such as in the abolition of slavery in Europe and the United States, and in the spread of popular democracy) whereas the latter terms derive from changing perspectives on sexual freedom and bodily integrity.

Abortion-rights individuals rarely consider themselves "pro-abortion," because they consider abortion an issue of bodily autonomy, and find forced abortion to be as legally and morally indefensible as the outlawing of abortion. Indeed, some who support abortion rights consider themselves opposed to some or all abortions on a moral basis, but believe that abortions would happen in any case and that legal abortion under medically controlled conditions is preferable to illegal back-alley abortion without proper medical supervision. Such people believe the death rate of women due to such procedures in areas where abortions are only available outside of the medical establishment is unacceptable.

Some who argue from a philosophical viewpoint believe that an embryo has no rights as it is only a potential and not an actual person and that it should not have rights that override those of the pregnant woman until it is viable.^[3]

Many abortion-rights campaigners also say that anti-abortion activists oppose sex education and contraception, thus increasing the demand for abortion, and that abortion-rights activists, in contrast, support policies that decrease this demand.^{[4][non-primary source needed]} Proponents of this argument point to cases of areas with limited sex education and contraceptive access that have high abortion rates, either legal, illegal or de facto exported (i.e., where a high proportion of abortions from a state occur outside that state in another country with a more liberal abortion regime). Irish women who visit the United Kingdom for abortions are one example, as were the Belgian women who travelled to France (before Belgium legalized abortion).

Some people who support abortion rights see abortion as a last resort and focus on a number of situations where they feel abortion is a necessary option. Among these situations are those where the woman was raped, her health or life (or that of the fetus) is at risk, contraception was used but failed, the fetus has acute congenital disorder and defects, incest, financial constraints, one-child policy/overpopulation, or she feels unable to raise a child. Some abortion-rights moderates, who would otherwise be willing to accept certain restrictions on abortion, feel that political pragmatism compels them to oppose any such restrictions, as they could be used to form a slippery slope against all abortions.^{[5][non-primary source needed]}

Abortion-rights campaigns worldwide[link]

International status of abortion law:

  Legal on request

  Legal for rape, maternal life, health, mental health, socioeconomic factors, and/or fetal defects

  Illegal with exception for rape, maternal life, health, fetal defects, and/or mental health

  Illegal with exception for rape, maternal life, health, and/or mental health

  Illegal with exception for maternal life, health, and/or mental health

  Illegal with no exceptions

  Varies

  No information

^[6]

The issue of abortion remains one of the most divisive in public life, with continuing battles to liberalise or restrict access to legal abortion. Abortion-rights groups are active in all states in the USA, campaigning for legal abortion with varying degrees of success. Few of these states allow abortion without limitation or regulation, but most do allow various limited forms of abortion. Abortion-rights campaigners themselves are frequently divided as to the types of abortion that should be available and to what extent access is to be restricted.

Africa[link]

South Africa allows abortion on demand under its Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act. Most African nations, however, have abortion bans except in cases where the woman's life or health is at risk. A number of abortion-rights international organizations have made altering abortion laws and expanding family planning services in sub-Saharan Africa and the developing world a top priority.

Europe[link]

Most European countries have legalized abortion (in at least some cases) through certain laws (United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Portugal, Netherlands, etc.). Russia legalized the procedure in 1955. It is also the country with the lowest level of sexual education.^[7][vague]

United Kingdom[link]

In the United Kingdom, the Abortion Act 1967 legalized abortion, except in Northern Ireland. In Great Britain, the law states that pregnancy may be terminated up to 24 weeks^[8] if it:

1. puts the life of the pregnant woman at risk
2. poses a risk to the mental and physical health of the pregnant woman
3. poses a risk to the mental and physical health of the fetus
4. shows there is evidence of extreme fetal abnormality i.e. the child would be seriously physically or mentally handicapped after birth and during life.^[9]

However, the criteria of risk to mental and physical health is applied liberally, and de facto makes abortion available on demand,^[10] though this still requires the consent of two National Health Service doctors. Abortions in Great Britain are provided for free by the NHS.

The Labour Party and the Liberal Democrats are predominantly pro-abortion-rights parties, though with significant minorities in each either holding extremely restrictive definitions of the right to choose, or subscribing to an anti-abortion analysis. The Conservative Party is more evenly split between both camps and its leader, David Cameron, supports abortion on demand in the early stages of pregnancy.^[11]

Ireland[link]

Abortion is illegal in the Republic of Ireland except when the woman's life is threatened by a medical condition or a suicide risk, since a 1983 referendum amended the constitution. Subsequent amendments – the thirteenth and fourteenth – guaranteed the right to travel abroad (for abortions) and to distribute and obtain information of "services" not available in the country, such as abortion, which are lawful in other countries. A proposal to remove suicide risk as a ground for abortion was struck down in a 2002 referendum. Thousands of women get around the ban by privately traveling to the other European countries (typically Britain and the Netherlands) to undergo terminations.^[12]

The Labour Party, Sinn Féin, Communist Party and Socialist Party are in favor of liberalizing the laws. For many other parties (such as the Green Party), it is a 'matter of conscience' and they have no official line on the issue.^[13]

Abortion is also illegal in Northern Ireland, except in cases when the woman is threatened by a medical condition, physical or mental.^[14][15]

Poland[link]

Abortion is illegal in Poland unless the pregnancy endangers the life of the mother, the pregnancy was the result of a criminal act or the fetus is seriously malformed.^[16] Abortion was legalized by the Soviet Union throughout its rule of Poland, but this policy was abandoned after the fall of the USSR.

North America[link]

United States[link]

Abortion-rights activists before the Washington Monument in Washington, D.C., at the March for Women's Lives in 2004

Prior to 1973, abortion was not subject to United States constitutional law, but was purely a matter for the individual states, all of which chose to apply some level of restrictions. The first legal restrictions on abortion appeared in the 1820s, forbidding abortion after the fourth month of pregnancy. By 1900, legislators at the urgings of the American Medical Association had enacted laws banning abortion in most U.S. states.^[17] In its landmark 1973 case, Roe v. Wade where a woman challenged the Texas laws criminalizing abortion, the U.S. Supreme Court reached two important conclusions:

• That state abortion laws are subject to the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution; and
• That the procurement of an abortion was a constitutional right during the first and second trimesters of a pregnancy based on the constitutional right to privacy, but that the state's interest in protecting "potential life" prevailed in the third trimester unless the woman's health was at risk. In subsequent rulings, the Court rejected the trimester framework altogether in favor of a cutoff at the point of fetal viability (Cf. Planned Parenthood v. Casey).

Planned Parenthood, NARAL Pro-Choice America, National Organization for Women, and the American Civil Liberties Union are the leading abortion-rights advocacy and lobbying groups in the United States. Most major feminist organizations also support abortion-rights positions.

In the United States, the Democratic Party's platform endorses the abortion-rights position, stating that abortion should be "safe, legal, and rare".^[18] Not all Democrats agree with the platform, however, and there is a small pro-life faction within the party, expressed in such groups as Democrats for Life of America.^[19] Similarly, there is a small abortion-rights faction within the Republican Party.

Terminology controversy[link]

The terms "pro-choice" and "pro-life" are examples of political framing. They are terms which purposely try to define their philosophies in the best possible light, while attempting to define their opposition in the worst possible light: "Pro-choice" implies the alternative viewpoint is "pro-coercion" or "anti-choice", while "pro-life" implies the alternative viewpoint is "pro-death" or "anti-life".^[20] Similarly each side's use of the term "rights" ("reproductive rights", "right to life of every unborn child") implies a validity in their stance, given that the presumption in language is that rights are inherently a good thing and so implies an invalidity in the viewpoint of their opponents. (In liberal democracies, a right is seen as something the state and civil society must defend, whether human rights, victims' rights, children's rights, etc. Many states use the word rights in fundamental laws and constitutions to define basic civil principles; both the United Kingdom and the United States possess a Bill of Rights.) Other examples of political framing frequently employed in this context are: "unborn baby", "unborn child", and "pre-born child".^[21][22]

The term "pro-life" for those who are opposed to legal abortion is further objected to by activists who support the legalization of abortion because women's lives are lost due to unsafe abortions when abortion is illegal. Some who support abortion consider the term ironic since they say "pro-life" activists oppose the use of abortion procedures even when they are deemed medically necessary to save the life of the pregnant woman, or to resolve a situation that endangers both the life of the woman and the fetus to such an extent that both will die if an abortion is not performed.^{[citation needed]} Members of the pro-choice movement counter the "pro-life" terminology with the argument that being pro-choice is pro-life: pro-women's lives.

"Being pro-choice is much more than just being pro-abortion. It's being pro-women's lives, health, and rights."^[23]

The Associated Press and Reuters encourage journalists to use the terms "abortion rights" and "anti-abortion", which they see as neutral.^[24]

See also[link]

Politics portal

• Abortion fund
• Clinic escort
• Feminism
• George Tiller

References[link]

Sources and additional reading[link]

Books[link]

• Ninia Baehr, Abortion without Apology: A Radical History for the 1990s South End Press, 1990.
• Ruth Colker, Abortion & Dialogue: Pro-Choice, Pro-Life, and American Law Indiana University Press, 1992.
• Donald T. Critchlow, The Politics of Abortion and Birth Control in Historical Perspective University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996.
• Myra Marx Ferree et al., Shaping Abortion Discourse: Democracy and the Public Sphere in Germany and the United States Cambridge University Press, 2002.
• Marlene Gerber Fried, From Abortion to Reproductive Freedom: Transforming a Movement South End Press, 1990.
• Beverly Wildung Harrison, Our Right to Choose: Toward a New Ethic of Abortion Beacon Press, 1983.
• Suzanne Staggenborg, The Pro-Choice Movement: Organization and Activism in the Abortion Conflict, Oxford University Press, 1994.
• Raymond Tatalovich' The Politics of Abortion in the United States and Canada: A Comparative Study M.E. Sharpe, 1997.

Articles and journals[link]

• Mary S. Alexander, "Defining the Abortion Debate" in ETC.: A Review of General Semantics, Vol. 50, 1993.
• David R. Carlin Jr., "Going, Going, Gone: The Diminution of the Self" in Commonweal Vol.120. 1993.
• Vijayan K. Pillai, Guang-Zhen Wang, "Women's Reproductive Rights, Modernization, and Family Planning Programs in Developing Countries: A Causal Model" in International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Vol. 40, 1999.
• Suzanne Staggenborg, "Organizational and Environmental Influences on the Development of the Pro-Choice Movement" in Social Forces, Vol. 68 1989.

External links[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Pro-choice movement

Look up pro-choice in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.

• NARAL Pro-Choice America
• National Abortion Federation
• Guttmacher Institute
• Ipas
• Abortion Access and Information
• Women's Abortion Action Campaign

Dianna Agron
Agron at the Glee Hot Topic Tour, on August 17, 2009
Born	Dianna Elise Agron (1986-04-30) April 30, 1986 (age 26) Savannah, Georgia, U.S.
Occupation	Actress, singer, dancer
Years active	2006–present

Dianna Elise Agron^[1] ( /ˈeɪɡrɒn/;^[2] born April 30, 1986) is an American actress, singer, and dancer best known for her portrayal of Quinn Fabray on the television series Glee^[3] and Sarah Hart in I Am Number Four.

Early life[link]

Dianna Agron was born in Savannah, Georgia, and raised in San Antonio, Texas and San Francisco, California. She is the daughter of Mary and Ronald S. Agron, a general manager of Hyatt hotels.^[4][5][6] Agron's father's family is originally from Russia, and their original surname, Agronsky, was altered by Ellis Island officials.^[2] Her father was born Jewish and her mother converted to Judaism;^[7] Agron attended Hebrew school and had a bat mitzvah.^[7][8] Agron attended Burlingame Intermediate School and then Burlingame High School in Burlingame, California.^[3] She has been dancing since the age of three,^[9] and began teaching dance as a teenager.^[6]

Career[link]

Agron in NYC, 2011

Agron has appeared on television shows such as Shark, Close to Home, CSI: NY, Numb3rs,^{[citation needed]} and had a recurring role on Veronica Mars. She then appeared as Harper on a 13-episode series of short films called It's a Mall World, directed by Milo Ventimiglia, and airing on MTV, and then on the second season of Heroes as Debbie Marshall, the head cheerleader/captain of the cheer squad at Costa Verde High School. Dianna has also hosted a mini Music Festival for 826LA in Los Angeles called Chickens in Love.^[10]

She was among many young Hollywood stars selected to be in Wal-Mart's Ocean Pacific spring 2010 marketing campaign. The national campaign debuted in fashion, lifestyle and entertainment magazines such as Elle, Teen Vogue, Seventeen and Cosmopolitan, outdoor and online at the official Ocean Pacific website.^{[citation needed]} In addition, the celebrities hosted an Ocean Pacific party in Los Angeles in late April and made personal appearances on behalf of the brand.^[11]

Agron's most notable role to date is as Quinn Fabray, a high school cheerleader, on the Fox series Glee. The show has received high ratings and critical acclaim, including a Screen Actors Guild cast award in 2009^[12] and two Golden Globes for Best Television Series – Musical or Comedy.^[13][14]

In 2010, Agron directed the music video for "Body" by Thao with the Get Down Stay Down.^[15]

In 2010, Agron played the small role of Natalie, fiancée to main character Ali's love interest Jack, in the movie Burlesque alongside Christina Aguilera, Cher, and Stanley Tucci.

Agron was chosen by People to be part of their Most Beautiful 2010.^[16] She also came 8th in the 2011 Afterellen.com "Hot 100" list.^[17]

Agron appeared alongside Alex Pettyfer and Timothy Olyphant in the 2011 science-fiction action thriller I Am Number Four, directed by D. J. Caruso.

Agron appeared as herself in Punk'd.

The Biography Channel aired a Glee documentary named "Glee: Don't Stop Believing" on April 10, 2012, where Agron was interviewed about her role in the show.

Agron will host GLAAD Media Award on June 2, 2012 in San Francisco. Her co-stars of Glee, Naya Rivera and Cory Monteith hosted them on March 24, 2012 in New York City.

Agron came 13th in the 2012 AfterEllen.com "Top 50 Favorite Female TV Characters" list, thanks to her character, Quinn Fabray, on Glee.^[18]

Personal life[link]

Agron at the Glee premiere party, May 11, 2009

Agron is a vegetarian and a supporter of PETA.^[19] Also an avid supporter of gay rights, Agron worked with The Trevor Project in 2012 to raise money in honor of her birthday. She promised to match all donations made to the organization by April 30, 2012.^[20]

Filmography[link]

Awards[link]

Discography[link]

References[link]

External links[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Dianna Agron

• Website
• Dianna Agron at AllRovi
• Dianna Agron at the Internet Movie Database